Of the constellation of the great minds of Liangguan· [Imperial province comprehending the contemporary provinces of Guangdong and Guanxi] during the Ming· and Qing· dynasties, Qu Dajun· is undoubtedly the most distinguished. Throughout his whole life, he dedicated himself relentlessly to the cause of patriotism. In order to accomplish his ideal of 'fan Qing fu Ming'· ('overthrowing the Qing and restoring the Ming'), he “[...] travelled everywhere, making observations and establishing contacts with his comrade-compatriots. ”1
He travelled as far north as Shanhaiguan, · made long journeys to Liaoning· in the northeast then southwards to the River Huai· estuary, Zhejiang· and Jiangsu· and westwards to Shaanxi· and Shanxi, · then to Shandong· and Hubei· provinces, and then further south to almost all the counties and towns in Guangdong, to each of which he paid close attention and showed his deepest concern. Indeed, even the tiny port-city of Macao, · a mere dot on the southern coast of the vast Empire of China, was unusually favoured in Qu Dajun's observations and writings.
§2. QU DAJUN'S SPECIAL FOCUS ON MACAO
Macao had begun to attract people's attention since the Portuguese arrived and settled in this settlement in the middle of the Ming dynasty. Early scholars who took an interest in the issue of Macao included Pang Shangpeng, · as well as Wu Guifang, · then Guo Shangbin· Zhang Minggang, · and others. 2 They have all left behind valuable references concerning Macao. However, nearly all these texts tended to focus on one single theme, i. e., the existence and locality of Macao, revealing a rather partial and lop-sided view and understanding of the place.
Qu Dajun distinguished himself from all other scholars in paying attention to, and making a thorough study of Macao. Indeed, a poet- cum -scholar and patriotic fighter, he was not only the first Chinese scholar to show a degree of devotion to Macao but the most profound and comprehensive knowledge of the place of any Chinese scholar since the very beginning of its existence. In terms of bibliographical statistics, Qu Dajun's works on Macao include Guangdong xinyu· (New Words of Guangdong), with a special rubric in the second volume entitled Aomen· (Macao) ran into one thousand four hundred ideograms; other volumes of Guangdong xinyu, which contained twenty entries running two thousand five hundred ideograms focusing on Macao and the Macao Portuguese, and Wengshan shiwai· (Wengshan Poems), which featured six poems on the topic of Macao and nine poems relating to Macao. In numbers of words (Chinese ideograms), Qu Dajun's writings devoted to Macao, in both poetry and prose form, rank first amongst the unofficial texts by private Chinese authors since the Ming dynasty. In other words, Qu Dajun is the most prolific writer on the subject of Macao. Below is a complete collection of all his Macao essays and poems.
“Whenever fan· [foreign] ships arrive, they cast anchor in a bay off a coast called ao· [lit.: port of call]. Xiangshan,· therefore, also has an ao, which is called Langbai,· extending for more than a hundred li,· 3 where all sorts of foreign ships are berthed. During Emperor Jiaqing's · reign, these foreigners, feeling that Langbai was a bit too far, bribed the Chinese officials stationed there heavily in return for permission to use Haojing· [Macao] as ao [harbour]. Haojing is situated just outside Hutiaomen· [lit.: tiger jumping over the gate], some twenty li southeast of Xiangshan, with two bays, one to the south and the other to the north, and surrounded by open seas. The Portuguese settled on the strip of land between the two bays and built up a city. Since then, other ao, such as Guanghai,· Wangdong· and Qitan· of Xinning,· Langbai of Xiangshan, Shizimen· [lit.: Cross Gate], Hutoumen, · Tunmen· and Jiqi· of Dongguan· gradually went out of use, whereas only Haojing prospered as a port-city and haven for foreign ships.
Twenty li south of Xiangshan city, there is a hill looking like the lianjing· [lit.: stem of a lotus], becoming a lianye· [lit.: lotus leaf] where it stretches to Macao. The hill is treacherous with steep cliffs and a careless slip can cause a fatal fall. Climbing the hill you see the endless sea and the blue sky merging into each other on the horizon, as well as the green jewels of islands with dozens of white houses shrouded in mist. It is said that these are the residences of the Macao Portuguese. It is another sixty li to the border. Over the Guanwai· [Border Gate] there are a hundred odd Portuguese households. There is a fortress on top of Qianshan· [lit.: front hill], under the command of a canjiang fu· [lit.: Captain; meaning a Captain-Major] who controls the [maritime] passage in front of Macao.
The fortress is located in the north, while Macao is in the south. This has been so designed in order to protect Macao from undesirables and traitors inside Macao as well as to repel invaders from beyond.
First you come to a place called Qingzhou· [Port.: Ilha Verde, or Green Island], covered with rich, luxuriant vegetation. Amidst the palm and areca trees stand little buildings, each with distinct features. Another ten li brings you further into Macao.
There are the Nantai· [South Hill] and the Beitai· [North Hill]. The two 'tai' ['hills'], facing each other, form a 'men' ['gate' or 'door']. Hence the name of 'Aomen'· [Macao].
The Portuguese guard their settlements with big brass cannons. Their houses are mostly threestorey buildings, erected on the slopes of the hills, in various architectural shapes and styles: square, round, triangular, hexagonal, octagonal, even in the shapes of flowers and fruits, competing with each other for flamboyant styles and flavours. Living on the upper floors, they do not mind the presence of the Chinese living on the ground floors.
There is a tai· [terrace] going up, through various paths, all the way to the top of the hill from where you can look over the harbour and watch ships docking and leaving. There is the Dong Wang Yangsi· [Temple Overlooking the East Ocean, referring to Chapel of Guia], the Xi Wang Yangsi [Temple Overlooking the West Ocean, referring to Chapel of Penha], with a si· [temple] called Sanba· [referring to St. Paul's Church] between them. Sanbasi· is grand, a stone-like building more than a dozen zhang·4 high. The si is lavishly ornamented, with beautiful scuptures and elaborate decorations. They [the chapels and church] are dedicated to Jesus and worship the Catholic God and the si is presided over by the Fawang· [lit.: King of Law, referring to an ecclesiastic dignatary, a priest or a bishop]. Whenever a fanren· [foreigners], committed a crime and was brought to the si, if the Fawang refused to grant him a pardon, he would be beheaded immediately. If, on the other hand, the Fawang did grant him a pardon, he must use a sharp iron hook to strike himself all over his body until he was bleeding all over in a pool of blood, in the belief that this self-torture would prevent his going to hell. Men and women go to the si day and night, attending services, listening to seng [lit.: monks, but here referring to 'riests belonging to a religious Order, [most probably Jesuits]] preaching.Inside the si there is a wind musical instrument, invisible because it is hidden in a cabinet containing a hundred or so ivory tubes. Give a touch on the outside of the leather box, it would suck in some air and simultaneously the humming and ringing of music would drift out of the cabinet. It produces a wide range of music, with quick timing and rhythm. Poetic cantos and hymns, played at various pitches, are extremely pleasing to the ear. There is a glass qianren jing· [lit.: mirror of a thousand persons], hanging in the si, reflecting everything in the great hall; a duobao jing· [lit.: mirror of a multitude of treasures], which turns one person into hundreds of thousands of images, and which makes you feel as if there were millions upon millions of divine gold statues inside the si, a qianli jing· [lit.: mirror that can see things a thousand li away, referring to a telescope], seeing the sharp spire of a pagoda [i. e., steeple of a church] at a distance of thirty li, with all the minute details of bells and calligraphical scrolls [i. e., inscriptions] and paintings hanging about horizontally or diagonally. Viewed through this ingenious device [i. e., the telescope], the moon looks like a basin of clear water, with drops of black ink appearing and spreading like clouds bat the stroke of a brush, while the moonbeams radiate in all directions, like a lamp sending out lights through flimsy paper. In the Si there is also a xianwei jing· [microscope] through which you can see a larva carrying three or four of its children on its back, and you can even count its black hairs that look a whole inch long. There are automatic self-ringing clocks, atlases, and all kinds of armillary spheres, etc. They grow flowers such as beiduoluo-dingxiang· (pattra -lilacs) and feng· (lit.: phoenix-[flowers]), and keep birds like red and white parrots as pets, as well as domesticated mongooses and stumpy dogs.
Foreigners here wear black felt hats, which they lift when greeting each other, and silk robes, which are seamless and sleeveless. Men are adorned with long swords. The swords are so long that they reach the ground, and clink when a clash on stone. Fanren sport shoulder-length hair, as curly as spirals, like their moustaches. They have very pale complexions, with straight high noses and blue eyes, somehow different from tangren· [Chinese]. Their servants, with their complexions as black as ink and a great deal of fluffy hair growing all over, smell badly and would look like real ghosts but for their red lips and white teeth, which make them only partly resemble human beings. Usually they wear red uniforms and are called slaves. And they speak a tongue that is absolutely incomprehensible. For breakfast every morning they [the fanren] ring a brass bell. They use glasswares and white napkins, a complete set being perfumed and laid for each. They do not eat with their right hands; they reach out their left hands for food. As a rule, they start with breaking a few raw eggs with gold spoons which they suck. They wipe their hands with the white napkins and then discard them, to be subtituted by new clean ones. After eating, they retire until sunset when they set about lighting up all the lamps for religious services and worship.
The Western merchandise brought and stored in the warehouses here is mostly for women, ranging from rich ornaments and beautiful clothes to perfumes and cosmetics.
Their eyes are also slightly blue. Among the foreigners women enjoy a very important position: they run the house; they inherit their fathers' property and businesses. It is the men who marry themselves off into their wives' families, which is called jiaoyin· [lit.: handing in the seal]. The man is forbidden to have two women: bigamy or adultery is a crime punished without mercy by decapitation. Women can live in the si with the Fawang, if he so desires, and bear him children, called the 'children of God', who are granted full status and receive the greatest respect. If a foreign woman marries a Chinese man, the whole of Macao will celebrate and the whole city will be rejoicing. And if a foreign man marries a Chinese woman, then the Chinese woman will use a kind of herb to darken her face and make her hair curly and golden so that she will really look like a foreigner's wife.
There are many wealthy families in Macao. Daxiyang guo· [lit.: Country of the Great Occidental Ocean, referring to a country bordering the Atlantic Ocean, i. e., 'Portugal]. has been sending officials to administer the place for many years. Their ships, loaded with a great variety of valuables and treasures, having sailed hundreds of thousands of li across the stormy oceans at last reach the port of Macao, but not to be investigated by the Chinese officials there. Every ship carries silver worth millions, to be handed over to the minren,· 5 who will distribute the silver to a hundred or so factories manufacturing extravagant luxury utensils and amassing fabulous profits.
There have always been very strict laws prohibiting overseas business and trade. As a result our people are not even allowed to maintain any contact with Macao. But the right-hand men of Fanwang· [lit.: King of Portugal] and their assistants know all the secret tricks of the trade and monopolize this lucrative business, from which our common people did not get any benefit, not even a single cent. This is the situation today. There is no justice to speak of."6
"In the bazaars along the coast, in Foshan· and Macao, there are countless stolen souls and disturbed consciences."7
"Sailing out of Macao, you find the water pure black, but when you come to Qionghai,· the water turns blue. The dividing line is where black and blue waters meet. Seafarers call it hailing· [lit.: ridge of seas]. When the water is deep and profound, it is as black as ink; when it is rich with salt, it becomes blue; and it looks yellowish when it is not so alkaline."8
"This is one of my poems:
[In the south seas, there are mysterious lands, Where live people from west seas, with their black couloured servants]
Actually, I refer to the fact that wealthy Portuguese families buy negroes to work in the house as servants or watchmen. They are called 'black slaves' or 'negro page-boys'. They are as black as ink, with red lips, white teeth and curly hair. They were born among mountains overseas and eat animals alive, which, when caughtare thrown over a pile of fire. For months they have loose bowels, a process that they call 'the cleansing of the intestines'. Or they may die of diarrhea. But if they survive, it is proof enough that they can bear hardships and stand very hard work for many many years. They understand human languages, though they cannot speak.
They are enormously strong and can carry a burden weighing several hundred jin. · 9 and are of a humble and honest nature. They neither try to run away nor desire very much. They are also know as savages. ”10
“This is the most prosperous town of Guangdong. Most men are engaged in business and commerce, dealing in products or commodities such as incense, sugar, fruits, trunks and boxes, metalwares, rattan furniture, candles, black pepper, sappanwood and palm-leaf products, all being transported northwards to Jiangxi, Jiangsu, · and Zhejian, · northeastwards to Changsha· and Hankou, · southwards to Macao, and even overseas to Hongmao· [lit.: red hair, referring to Dutch colonies, Japan, the Liuqiu· Islands, the Philippines, Luzon Island, etc.] The ships loaded with precious Chinese produce and goods cruise for thousands of thousands of li across the two oceans trading at various ports and reaping handsome fortunes. ”11
“About tumilu· [lit.: “flower essence dew”, or wine] [...]. The very best comes from Portugal. The climate there is good for the growing roses. The nectar and aroma, assimilated into the crystals of moisture and dews, make the most beautiful wine. The fannu· [foreign girls, mainly referring to Portuguese women] are fond of drinkling it sprinkling it on themselves or their dresses when they go out to dinner or parties. ”12
“The cotton materials produced in the east of Guangdong are of varying qualities. [...] For this reason, the people of Guangzhou prefer to use xiyangbu·[i. e., cloth made in Portugal] to make funeral clothes for the deceased. The materials that are shipped here by fanbo· [lit.: foreign vessels, mainly referring to Portuguese ocean-going ships] are genuine. ”13
“The silver of Min· [i. e., Fujian province] and Yue· [i. e., Guangdong province] is mostly shipped in by Portuguese ocean-going ships. Some Portuguese vessels come from the Luzon Island to the south of Min. Luzon produces silver. They use silver as currency or money, as we Chinese do. Other foreign ships from xiyang·[i. e., other European countries], however, transport large quantities of silver for huge commercial transactions. So most Fujian and Guangdong province merchants buy Luzon silver and bring it to the port of Guangzhou, where commissioners board the ship and obtain the silver. It is then distributed among a hundred or so workshops to be turned into beautiful dinner sets and upmarket utensils. ”14
“Glass is shipped here from overseas ports. The xiyangren· [Portuguese] use it to make eyeglasses. Their children start wearing glass spectacles at the age of ten to enhance their visual faculty and therefore still enjoy good clear eye sight when they are old. They also have round mirrors and screens made of glass. ”15
“The fine silk materials of Guangdong and niulang chiu· [raw satin] woven from wusi· [finecount silk yarn] and basi '· [extra-fine-count silk yarn], yunduan· [lit.: cloudy gauze] and guangduan· [bright brocade] are valued and coveted by people living beyond Lingnan including the capital of Beijing, · as well as foreigners both Oriental and Occidental, just as they are highly praised in one of the Guangzhou zhuzhici· [The Bamboo Poems of Guangzhou]:
(“Foreign ships, with official merchants aboard, Set sailing rapidly to the Shizimen open to the two oceans.
Fine beautiful wusi and basi satin and silk of Guangzhou
Bring in good silver that piles up the Shisanhang. ”·16)17
“An old rule is observed: when three tribute ships arrive in Guangzhou, the envoys produce an inventory of tributes, to be presented to the Emperor in Beijing. Then the ships, filled with fresh commodities purchased there, will go back to their home country, and come back again to fetch them the following year. Then, once again loaded with freshly purchased commodities the ships will sail homewards. They make three tribute voyages every three years - or one tribute voyage every five years, in which case the ships make three round journeys - all using Macao as port of call to carry out all the transactions. ”18
“There are fandao· [lit.: foreign knives, or swords] in Guangdong. There are Japanese swords. [...] which are engraved with Chinese characters or “Ba Fan Dapusa” [lit.: “Big Foreign Buddhas”, referring to 'effigies of foreign gods'], single or double barrelled, [...] are found in Macao. Those made of meihua· steel or maya· steel are among the best. [...] The head or hilt is composed of two chambers, one for the gold compass and the other for the telescope. Most Macao foreigners wear them. [...] Besides, there are also Dutch and Portuguese swords, though differing a bit in sheath carvings, etc. Dinner knives are topped with coral or amber, with handle inlaid with gold, pearls or pieces of fine porcelain, exotically glamorous and beautiful and being good for cutting thin materials like paper and are therefore valued stationery items. ”19
“The giant Portuguese' brass cannon, weighing three thousand jin, with a girth of more than a dozen stretched arms lengths and more than two zhang long, with a capacity of several dan·20 for gunpowder. Once it opens fire, its explosive power shakes heaven and earth, sending all rivers boiling and setting all mountains on fire, and within a radius of ten li, absolutely no lifeten no grass, no trees, no human beings, and no animals can survive. The 'Dutch are very good at manufacturing big cannons which are installed on huge ships. They are always trying to invade Xiangshan and Macao to get a big share of the lucrative business and trade. The Ao Yi· [i. e., the Portuguese residents of Macao] imitated them but outsmarted the Dutch with their manufactured cannons. Both fortresses, one in the north and the other in the south, are equipped with giant cannons, defending vital strategic positions. That is why even the Dutch dare not attack Macao. ”21
“The foreigners living in Macao are almost all xiyang boyi· [lit.: Portuguese navigators]. In general, they are very intelligent. Their newfangled gadgets, such as telescopes, maritime maps, clocks, compasses, etc., are very beneficial to people. For example, their musical instruments, such as the organ, produce intricate beautiful music. As for their jitong· [lit.: pistols, referring to fire arms general], they seem to have good names and look very nice. But hidden inside their clothes, the pistols can be drawn out in an instant and kill people unexpectedly and in cold blood. The trigger is as small as a bean, but when the iron teeth inside the device are clenched and gritted it is full of murderous fire. It is because the pistol is composed of more than twenty integral parts made from the best steel. The parts look independent of one another, but when assembled they coordinate perfectly, each performing its functions accurately. There are five or six 4 cun·22 iron hoops, about six or seven cun long, worn on one's waist, with brass rings accommodating as many as twenty pistols. The lead bullets are also hidden inside clothes. You can only load two bullets at a time at the moment when you need to use the pistol: if you load more you will destroy the pistol. In case of an emergency a man is armed with twenty pistols to ensure absolute safety. Pistols are really wonderful devices for self-defence. ”23
“The best reed (grass) mats used in Guangdong are made by the the Portuguese. The fine reed is transported here by ship. Macao people can also weave it into different mats, but they are double-layer mats. Thin, refined single-layer mats can only be made by the Portuguese. ”24
“The largest Portuguese vessels, called duqiangbo '· [lit.: great-wall ship] each have a capacity of one thousand boras. ·25 One bora is equivalent to three hundred jin. The second largest Portuguese vessels, called niutoubo· [lit.: ox-head ship] each have one third of the capacity of duqiangbo. Then comes the sanmubo· [lit.: threemast ship], which has two thirds of niutoubo's capacity. The last and smallest is liaohebo· [lit.: river ship], which has one third of the capacity of the sanmubo, with a double bottom, [...] and also has three wooden masts. The largest vessel can accommodate more than a thousand passengers, and the medium-size ship can carry several hundred. All vessels are manned with steersmen, astronomers, etc., all depending on the compass for directions. Every ship is equipped with three compasses. [...] All these foreigners manning the vessels are fighters and soldiers, traders and merchants from Xiyang, each and everyone of them being so fierce and ruthless that even pirates are afraid of them and keep well away. ”26
“There are Portuguese yingwu· [parrots] in Macao, some being bright red with yellow down and some bright green with red down, appearing in strikingly changing colours. Some are pure white; others colourful. Some have jade green tails, yellow low fine feathers and white bellies, all shipped here from overseas. [...] There is also a kind of bird, called biege· or biebie, · which Portuguese chiefs are willing to offer a lot of money to buy. Indeed, a biebie can speak, saying something like: “We Chinese birds do not want to be with foreigners. ”Sometimes the birds go on fasting until they die. Hanging upside down, the birds like smoking cigarettes very much and they can inhale and exhale, making the room full of smoke. [...] Some Portuguese of Macao paid four or five silver coins engraved with a cross to acquire of such a bird. ”27
“Fangou· [mongrels], looking like foxes, have long legs and tails, and come in three colours: yellow, white and black. Those of Siamese origins are especially good at catching rats and Macao Portuguese are capable of identifying these mongrels and are eager to have them in exchange for their merchandises. In fact the Portuguese value animals more than human beings. They treat mongrels like their own children. Day and night they cuddle them in their arms. We Chinese have come to adore them just because the Portuguese adore them. How interesting! ”28
“There are a lot of Portuguese dogs in Macao. They are short and small, with hair similar to the lion's, each being worth more than ten pieces of gold, though they do not have any useful skills. The foreigners treat them far better than their black slaves, who must kneel down to serve their meals and send them to bed. That is why there goes the saying: "I would rather be fangou· [foresigner's dog] than guinu· [foreigner's slave, or servant]. ”29
“Lately a lot of shuoshu· [lit.: giant rats] have appeared in Guangdong. They look like rabbits, with white hair, and are fond of eating bananas, carrots and leaves. They breed fast, giving birth every forty days and become pregnant again one day after giving birth. Whenever a Portuguese ocean-going ship arrives, folks rush to buy giant rats because there are no rabbits, in particular, no white rabbits in Guangdong. ”30
“Xiyang lian· [lit.: Western lotus, or foreign lotus, i. e., water lilies] have tendrilled vines as fine as silk, trailing round and round. When they start budding and blooming, you usually see about a dozen white blooms, all of which will fade and fall after a few days. Then the stamen and pistils will turn into chrysanthemums and the petals remain lilies. As they bloom as lian· [lotus', or lilies] and fade as ju· [chrysanthemums], they are also named xiyang ju· [lit.: Western chrysanthemums, or foreign chrysanthemums]. Sometimes, fresh blooms burst out of the dead flowers and continue to multiply for a month. Big flowers become small flowers while old flowers bring forth new flowers: one, two, three, four and five. This goes on and on. They keep their basic features no matter how they change. The seeds come from Xiyang. The Guangren· [Guangdongnese] are used to cultivating these flowers amidst hortensia, roses and ipomeio in their gardens. When they are in full bloom, they burst out in a variety of colours, forming a beautiful natural screen. ”31
§3. MACAO POEMS BY QU DAJUN
All Qu Dajun's poems relating to Macao are included in the Wengshan shiwai (Wengshan Poems) as well as in Aomen jilüe· (Monograph of Macao) by Yin Guangren· and Zhang Rulin, · signed with the Buddhist alias “Shi Jin Zhong”. ·
Aomen 1 (Macau 1)
("Of all the ports around Guangzhou, Aomen is the most flourishing.
Armed foreign provocations are repelled by Portuguese again and again.
They have brave soldiers and smart weapons that scare away all invaders.
Thanks to the general guarding Qianshan, Aomen has peace and prosperity.").
Aomen 2 (Macau 2)
("Between the North and South bays, all the foreigners live in multistorey-houses,
While foreign women hold roses in their hands, Chinese women wear jasmines on their heads.
They worship Jesus Christ and women in control of money and the swords.
The fortresses and fortifications tell of constant threats to Guangdong.").
Aomen 3 (Macau 3)
("Walking down from Xiangshan, you leave behind a trail like a lotus stem.
The water-level is as high as the ships, ready to set sailing into the oceans.
The eyes of the fish reflect a double sun and wooden masts are seen ten li away.
On a solitary island foreign chiefs make transac tions with spices on top of the list.").
Aomen 4 (Macau 4)
("Presiding over the religious services are fanguan, called Fawang in Sanbasi.
It is crowded with all kinds of red-haired foreigners and white women with curly hair.
Tender parrots sing about the spring and fierce whales bare their glaring teeth.
Bright birds are printed on money and a cross is engraved on silver or gold coins.").
Aomen 5 (Macau 5)
("Bronze cannons on the hill-top look like giants and iron walls stand high along the coast.
Once a site is taken by Portuguese merchants, the Chinese will sweat over it for years.
Though these people are dressed in white, their nation is the big Hongmao37
The fortresses guard sailing ships, gliding between through mountains and stormy waves.").
Aomen 6 (Macau 6)
("May being the best time for sailing, they start by throwing meat and rice off the beach.
The ships are equipped with telescopes and compasses for observations and directions.
Ghosts cry over Sanshan beach, touching the fishes dashing to and fro within ten li.
Everywhere are bright lanterns, casting shadows on everyone's shirt.")
Wangyangtai· (The Tower Overlooking the Oceans)
("Heaven is not supported by water, but the Sun hangs over eternity.
Ships are docking outside Sanbasi, amid the tides washing Shizimen.
Fishes are dashing about under fire shadows and the rainbow makes way for clouds.
Foreign goods arrive from East and West on ships sailing on wanli· [lit.: ten thousand li, or a very strong] wind.").
Xiyang ju· (Western Chrysanthemum or Portuguese Chrysanthemum)
("Flowers grow out of flowers, Lotuses turning into chrysanthemums and vice versa.
Only the Portuguese find themselves Appreciating them by the seaside.").
Tumilu· (Flower Essence Dew)
("Thousands of bottles of the south seas' perfumes are made of this flower essence dew.
Fair ladies, after drinking it, glow in the sun light and their faces turn crimson.
A few drops on the dress, the fragrance follows you wherever you have dinner.
But many a hand gets pricked in the picking, for there are thorns on every rose!
A family of roses, from which people of the south extract aroma and nectar.
A full glass of it has the colour of a red cake, but it is green when half filled.
The flower becomes heavy with honey dew, and beauty and wine sparkle together.
Indeed it imakes the best trousseau or gift for young women on festive occasions.").
("Buds are nipped off before they bloom and worms are as thin as threads of silk.
Shadowed by leaves they are as white as snow and as sweet as ever in moonlight.
Get rid of leaves if you want more blooms: the less foliage, the more flowers.
They also take to the aroma of humans: the richer the aroma, the sweeter the pomander!").
Bolijing· (Glass Mirror)
("Who has discovered the mystery of breaking the treasured Moon to make glass?
It is absolutely better than the diamond mirror and it comes from Xiyang.
Naturally transparent, glass is a far better material than jade for making mirrors,
Reflecting images of water and autumn and every inch and foot sees through infinity.").
Xie Xiyang Guo Zhang hui shanhu bijia· (In Grateful Appreciation of the Coral Penholder given to me by a Portuguese Friend, Guo Zhang)
("When of all times did an iron net sink to the bottom and catch these corals from the sea?
For friendship and good will, a beautiful mirror on the wall could make an excellent gift.
Feeling fatigued after working long hours, I feast my eyes on the jade desk.
How ashamed I am of my limited literary talent on seeing the lovely coral penholder.
Between the rows of cypress flames, I just let it stand there for my brushes to rest.
This fine striped tube is fit for brushes writing long scrolls and sheets of paper.
Yet just let me dip the pen with my thin fingers in black and then in bright red,
Though I have nothing special to offer in return but this little verse from my heart.").
From the prose extracts and poems that I have presented above, it can be inferred that Qu Dajun tended to write on the same theme in both forms. In other words, his prose and poems complement each other and that sometimes he wrote a poem to complement an essay and vice versa. And we have reason to believe that he wrote these poems and essays at more or less the same period of time.
§4. DATE(S) OF QU DAJUN'S VISIT(S) TO MACAO
Most of Qu Dajun's poems or works were not dated, which has posed great problems and difficulties to scholars studying him subsequently. As a matter of fact, of all his works that are available today, whatsoever none has mentioned that Qu Dajun actually came to Macao: there has simply been no mention that he ever really came to Macao at all. And in all his poems not a single date is given. So, this whole question of whether Qu Dajun ever came to Macao, and if he did, when, has been a big headache for researchers.
Wang Yongsou· wrote:
("How things changed in a moment of time, The old adherents of the Ming dynasty missed their lost world.
Those talented scholars have long been forgotten and could do nothing
But keep on scratching their heads and lamenting over the setting sun.").
Wang Yongsou added the following notes to his poem:
"Many Ming dynasty adherents made trips to Macao, such as Mojing· Jishan, · Bujie,· Dulu, · and Wengshan."·46
[Qu] Wengshan is another name for [Qu] Dajun. This serves as a reference for Qu's travel to Macao. Wang Yongsou also wrote:
("Chaos and confusion left Daoists and Buddhists in distress,
Wengshan cried his tears dry.
In solitary exile they lived between the two bays, So foreign and tragic for those lonely souls from five lakes.").
Again, Wang Yongsou· attached notes to his poem:
" Qu Dajun wrote five poems about Macao. His Daoist name was Shi Jin Zhong· and Buddist name Lingyi. · See: Zhu Zhucha's Ming shizong· (Collection of Poems of the Ming Dynasty)." 48
We see here clearly that Qu Dajun not only did travel to Macao but also lived in 'exile' in Macao. Moreover, he lived in Macao for quite a long period of time.
Wang Yongsou's son, Wang Zongyan· wrote Qu Wengshan xiansheng nianpu· (Qu Wengshan's Chronology) and Qu Dajun jishi nianxi· (Annual Records of Qu Dajun). The first work did not say that Qu came and lived in Macao. Instead, it said that Qu wrote Aomen shi· (Macao Poems) in Kangxi reign, year twenty eight [KX 28 = 1689], and Wangyangtai shi· (Tower Overlooking the Oceans) in the following year. 49 The Qu Wengshan xiansheng nianpu stated that Qu Dajun travelled to Xiangshan and then to Macao in 1688, and further on to Zhaoqing in November. 50 Wang Zongyan, wrote in a letter to Chen Yuan· dated the 5th of March 1938:
"I have made a visit to Puji si· [Pusi Temple], founded by Da Shan. · There I appreciated his self-portait, the diaries of Danxia,· calligraphical inscriptions and scrolls by Tianran· Jishan, · Cha Jizuo, · Chen Dulu· and others. At that time exiles used to take refuge in temples. It is a pity that I did not find calligraphical works by Wengshan."51
It is obvious that Wang Zongyan also believed that Qu Dajun came to Macao and lived in Puji Temple, and was certain that Qu came to Macao in his later years.
Zhang Zengming, · a Macao veteran, wrote in his Aomen zhanggu· (Anecdotes of Macao):
"Amongst the distinguished residents of Wangxia· [Macao] were personages like Fang Zhuankai,· and Qu Wengshan, who was also a patriot of the Ming dynasty. He was a Confucian at times and a Buddhist at other times; now a hermit and now a fugitive. He was extremely close to Master Da Shan, · who founded the Puji Temple. He took up residence in this temple in Kangxi, reign, year twenty seven [KX 27 = 1688]."52
Zhang Zengming was obviously influenced by Wang Zongyan when he said that Qu lived in Macao in "Kangxi reign, year twenty seven" because he gave no other reference or evidence. Later scholars, such as Fei Chengkang,· also accepted this view, saying that late visitors to Macao include Qu Dajun. 53
Indeed, Wang Zongyan was the most dedicated to the research and collection of data references to Qu Dajun, having first published the Qu Wengshan xiansheng nianpu and then the Qu Dajun jishi nianxi. However, in these two books there are a number of inconsistencies as regards to the relationship between Qu Wengshan [i. e., Qu Dajun] and Macao. Let me cite a single example. According to the Qu Wengshan xiangsheng nianpu the fifteen volumes of the Wengshan shiwai were published in "Kangxi reign, year twenty five" [KG 25 = 1686]. Three years later, in 1689, Qu Wengshan xiansheng nianpu's six poems entitled Aomen (Macao), which, it is noted, were taken from Wengshan shiwai (vol. 11), were completed and included in the collection. Since Wengshan shiwai was published in 1686, how could the six poems that had already been included be completed in 1689? This self-contradiction is proof enough that Wang Zongyan's inference about the date of writing of Macao was simply a conjecture, and not based on any valid sources. Therefore, it seems that Wang Zongyan's Qu Wengshan xiansheng nianpu and Qu Dajun jishi nianxi. alone do not constitute a reliable source for the study of Qu Dajun in relation to Macao.
As we have yet to find original data and evidence, we must, for the time being, resort to the texts of poems and prose for an answer. Let us start with his Guangdong xinyu (New Facts about Guangdong). Wang Zongyan's Qu Wengshan xiansheng nianpu said that Guangdong xinyu was completed in "Kangxi reign, year seventeen" [KX 17 = 1678], giving this fact:
"Qu Wengshan's [i. e., Qu Dajun] poem subtitled Du Li Gengke, Gong Tianshi xinci youzou (After Reading the New Poems by Li Gengke and Gong Tianshi) in Wengshan shiwai (vol.3), was written while Qu was in Jinling (Nanjing) in Kangxi reign, year eighteen [JJ 18 = 1679], including these two lines:
"I have just completed mybook New Words on Guangdong,
Describing the fantastic varieties of exotic things of the South."
Here Wengshan is referring to his Guangdong xinyu, completed before he travelled northwards."54
Though Wang Zongyan's claim here that Guangdong xinyu was completed in 1678 lacks a scientific basis, we could at least assume that Guangdong xinyu had been completed before 1679. But what is puzzling is this: since Wang Zongyan was so sure that the date of the publication of Guangdong xinyu was "Kangxi reign, year seventeen", why did he make no mention of Qu Dajun's stay in Macao previous to that date? Is it because he believed that the facts recorded in Guangdong xinyu about Macao were not really witnessed, or experienced personally by Qu Dajun himself, and therefore denying that Qu had even been to Macao before 1678? Qu Dajun's own Xu (Preface) to Guandong xinyu says:
"I have seen and heard many interesting things in all the ten towns of Guangdong that I visited, and I wish to tell them to my friends and acquaintances. But there is so much to tell. Then I hit on the idea of putting them down in good order in a book."55
On reading this book after the author's death, Pan Lai· wrote another Xu (Preface), in which he says:
"Wengshan made a very careful examination of the places with his keen observing eyes and insight, personally experienced the life there and witnessed events, eventually culminating in the production of Guangdong xinyu."56
Here we see how the book came into being after Qu "[...] personally experiencing [... and...] witnessing [...]" the facts that he recorded in his book. This is also confirmed by the vivid details in the texts of Guangdong xinyu. For example, Qu wrote about the eating habits of the Macao Portuguese people, the Japanese swords worn by the Portuguese, the commercial Portuguese ships sailing between Portugal and Guangzhou, and even the variety of plants grown in Macao. Had Qu not seen them with his own eyes, had he not examined and studied them personally, how could he have ever described and depicted them in such minute and vivid detail? For this reason, we have every confidence tin concluding that Qu Dajun did stay in Macao and then afterwards turned what he had seen and experienced into Guangdong xinyu. Similarly, we can to conclude that Qu Dajun made his visit to Macao some time prior to 1678.
Moreover, we can find further evidence in the poem entitled Aomen (Macao) in Guangdong xinyu (vol.2):
" [...] "
There is another sixty li to the border.
Beyond the Guanwai there are a hundred
odd Portuguese households.
There is a fortress on top of Qianshan under
the command of a canjiang, who controls the passage, confronting Aomen.').
The linguistic style of this text suggests a personal journey undetaken by the author himself. He even noticed a fortress "[...] under the command of a canjiang, [...]." This is strong evidence for the study of Qu Dajun. And the Xingshipian (The Position) in Aomen jilüe (Monograph of Macao) has this to say:
"Qianshan is a strategic point that controls a vital passage. [...] there is a fortress and it had been under the control of a canjiang· [lit.: Captain; meaning Captain Major] since Tianqi reign, year one [TQ 1 = 1621], of the Ming dynasty. But this has changed with the change of dynasties. Since Kangxi reign, year three [KX 3 = 1664], it has been under the command of a fujiang· [lit.: a Vice-Captain; meaning a Governor]."58
And Guanshou Pian (Government and Officials) chapter in the same book:
"In Shunzhi reign, year four [SZ 4 = 1647], of the Ming dynasty, there were five hundred officers and soldiers stationed in Qianshan fortress, led by a canjiang. [...] In Kangxi reign, year three, he was replaced by a fujiang."59
Apparently then, in 1664, it was no longer a Captain [Captain-Major] position stationed in Qianshan [Macao], but a Vice-Captain [Governor]. Following this logic, we can assume that what Qu Dajun had winessed had happened prior to 1664.
The Aomen (Macau) section in the Guanshou Pian mentioned above also records:
"Most Macao [Portuguese] families are wealthy. Portugal has been sending officials to administer Macau throughout the years. Their ships, loaded with a great variety of valuables and treasures, [...] arrive at the port of Macao."60
In fact Qu Dajun's own poems entitled Aomen (Macao) include similar descriptions:
("Of all ports around Guangzhou,
Aomen is the most flourishing. [...].")
("Bronze cannons on hilltop look like giants,
Iron walls stand high along the coast. [...].")
And his Wangyangtai· (Tower Overlooking the Oceans) goes:
("Foreign goods arrive from East and West, On ships sailing on wanli wind.
These descriptions reflect that Macao enjoyed very prosperous foreign trade and Macao Portuguese families were wealthy, as witnessed by Qu Dajun at the time of his visit to the territory. But all these scenes of prosperity and fabulous wealth can only have existed before the Qing dynasty's prohibition of maritime trade. In fact, after the Qing government's prohibition law against maritime trade with foreigners, Macao declined as a trading port and Macao Portuguese lived in poverty and misery. Actually Macao Portuguese did not carry out any trade activities during the two whole years since the beginning (1662) of Kangxi's reign, 64 just as Du Zhen· put it:
"During the prohibition years, Portuguese ships stopped coming and Macau people lived in poverty."65
In Kangxi reign, year nineteen [KX 19 = 1680], Lu Xiyan· wrote these words about his visit to Macao:
("The walls are crumbling,
Soldiers are deserting.
Without food reserves,
Poor folks are weeping.")
Again this is proof enough that Qu Dajun was in Macao before the maritime prohibition was enforced at the beginning of Kangxi's reign.
Besides, Qu Dajun's poems about Macao were not only included in Wenshan shiwai, but also in Yin Guangren and Zhang Rulin's Aomen jilüe (Monograph of Macao), in which all Qu Dajun's poems were ascribed to Shi Jin Zhong. Shi Jin Zhong was Qu Dajun's Buddhist name when he became a monk. In Shunzhi reign, year seven [SZ 7 = 1650], the Qing army took Guangzhou a second time and Qu Dajun went to Leifeng Haiyun· Temple in Panyu· and became a monk there until Kangxi reign, year one [KX 1 = 1662], when he turned Confucianist again. Some scholars maintain that the Qu Dajun poems included in Aomen jilüe were all ascribed to Shi Jin Zhong in order to escape "deliberately" from the Qing government's literary persecution. This does not seem true. To begin with, that Qu became a monk was no secret at all at that time, and that Shi Jin Zhong was actually Qu Dajun was known to all in the intellectual circles on the early Qing dynasty. Replacing Qu Dajun with Shi Jin Zhong was the same as using Dong Po Jushi· instead of Su Shi. · Secondly, the Aomen jilüe was completed in Qianlong reign, year sixteen [QL 16 = 1751], and the Qing's persecution of Qu Dajun for his writings formally began in Qianlong reign, year thirty none [QL 39 = 1774], after the zongdu· (Viceroy) of Liangguang· (Guangdong and Guangxi), Li Siyao,· had presented his proposal. The explanation for Aomen jilüe's including Qu Dajun's poems was that it was published in 1774, just before the persecution began.
Then, why did they use the name Shi Jin Zhong instead of Qu Dajun? Well, this is precisely because Qu wrote these poems of Macao while he was a Buddhist monk and used his Buddhist name, Shi Jin Zhong. Yin Guangren and Zhang Rulin copied this name accorddingly. Qu Dajun was a monk from 1650 to 1662, which again confirms that it was during this period that he made his visit to Macao. Again, according to Qu Wengshan xiangsheng nianpu, Qu left Guangdong in 1657, and travelled northwards, returning to Panyu in 1662, further confirming that Qu Dajun came to Macao some time between 1650 and 1657.
There is no documental reference to support Wang Zongyan's claim that Qu Dajun travelled to Xiangshan and then to Macao. That he went to Xiangshan does not necessarily mean that he also went to Macao. But this does not exclude the possibility that Qu did go to Macao: indeed, Qu may have travelled to Macao many times in his life time. And Zhang Zengming's claim that "[...] Qu was extremely close to Master Da Shan, · who founded the Puji Temple. He took up residence in this temple in Kangxi reign, year twenty seven [KX 27 = 1688] is even more groundless." Da Shan reconstructed the Puji Temple in Kangxi reign, year thirty five [KX 35 = 1696] after his return from Annan· to China. It was some years later that Da Shan was venerated as the founder of Puji Temple. In 1688, Da Shan had not yet been related to Puji Temple in any way. And of course, Qu Dajun had nothing to do with Da Shan.
§4. THE POSSIBLE OBJECTIVES OF QU DAJUN'S TRIP(S) TO MACAO
Our supposition that Qu Dajun came to Macao in his early years, and not in his late years corresponds with the historical background of that period and with Qu Dajun's political ambition to overthrow the Qing Dynasty and restore the Ming dynasty.
Qu Dajun's hometown was Shating· of Panyu, Guangdong province, which was located on the northwest coast of the mouth of the Zhujiang· (Pearl River), very close to Macao. It was very convenient for people to travel from Shating· to Macao by both sea and land. As a young intellectual of Panyu, Qu Dajun already had some knowledge of this unique place, Macao, thanks to its geographical position. The years in which Qu grew up coincided with the change-over of Ming and Qing dynasties, a period that was full of national conflicts and tensions. Influenced by his patriotic anti-Qing teacher, Chen Bangyan,· the young Qu Dajun had long cherished a very strong idea of resisting the Qing invaders and restoring the Ming dynasty. After the Manchu overthrew the Ming, the Ming adherents were eager to get support from foreign powers, the most important of them being Japan and the Portuguese in Macao. That is why Huang Lizhou· made a journey to Japan. Mean-while, Macao Portuguese authorities also maintained very close connections with the Court of the South Ming dynasty, having diplomatic relations with such small regimes as those led by Fuwang, · Tangwang· and Guiwang, · and often providing them with modern weapons such as guns and cannons to support South Ming's fight against the Qing rulers. At the same time, the Catholic Church in Macao actively spread Catholicism among the royal families of South Ming and their functionaries. Many members of the South Ming royal family and ministers converted to Catholicism. A Portuguese army numbering three hundred was mobilized in an attempt to help restore the Ming dynasty. The Macao Portuguese remained unyielding to the Qing government until Shunzhi reign, year eight [SZ 8 = 1651 ] when the Manchus captured Guangzhou the second time. 71
It was against this political background that Macao became a political sanctuary for Ming adherents to take refuge after the fall of the Ming dynasty. By the year 1645, the population of Macao had grown to forty thousand, 72 the great majority whom were being Ming patriots who refused to be the slavish subjects of the Manchu. Undoubtedly a number of 'fan Qing fu Ming' ('overthrowing The Ming and restoring The Qing') patriots gathered in Macao. Hence, in 1657, Chen Gongyin· and He Jiang· came to Macao, and then from Yamen· to Tongguyang· "[...] to visit those Ming adherents who had fled overseas."73 Though, it seems, Qu Dajun did not go with Chen Gongyin and He Jiang to Macao this time, might he not have had the same objective of "[...] visiting those Ming adherents who had fled overseas."?
Qu Dajun's detailed descriptions of what he witnessed in Macao are especially worth noting. His accounts of Japanese swords, Portuguese swords, bronze cannons, pistols, Portuguese ships, telescopes, etc., his details and careful observations all make one feel the pulsing in his veins and the profound desire he harboured deep his heart to overthrow the Qing dynasty and restore the Ming empire. Qu Dajun also made a great effort to examine and study Portuguese fire-arms and weaponry. His interest in them went far beyond that of a versatile scholar; he had the objective of studying Portuguese technology in order to enhance the military strength of overthrowing the Qing and restoring the Ming. Though Qu Dajun did not promote the slogan of "[...] learning from the Westerners' mod-ern technology [...]" as Lin Zexu· did, he was actually learning military technology from the Portuguese and trying to introduce it to his own people. His line "They have brave soldiers and smart weapons to scare away foreign invaders."74 is a good example of his admiration for the military technology of the Macao Portuguese.
Now a few words about Qu Dajun's contacts with the Portuguese in Macao. Aomen (Macao) in Guangdong xinyu (New Words of Guangdong) (vol.2), contains his descriptions of "Sanbasi" (St. Paul's Church), including"Fawang", the punishment of Catholic criminals, religious "services", the choir, etc., as well as the collection of such treasures in the church as the "qianren jing", "duobao jing", "qiali jing" ("telescopes") and "xianwei jing" ("microscopes"). He also wrote about chiming "[...] clocks, atlases, and all kinds of armillary spheres, [...]" that he saw at St. Paul's. All this demonstrates that he had some contact with the priest in the church, as they would never have let a stranger see these most treasured collections. In particular, when Qu Dajun described how dinner or meals were served in Portuguese families in Macao, he proceeded from such details as household utensils, dinner-sets, table-manners, to the washing and drying of hands, the sprinkling of perfumes etc. Had he not been dining together with the Portuguese people in Macao, perhaps many times, he would never have had such intimate knowledge and could not have written in such minute vivid detail. Consider these details, "[...] they reach out their left hands for food. As a rule, they start by breaking a few raw eggs with gold spoons which they suck. They wipe their hands with white napkins and then discard them, to be substituted by new clean ones."75 You feel as if some cameraman was focusing his lens on a group of Portuguese people having dinner and taking a snapshot, thus giving convincing evidence that Qu Dajun had intimate contacts with the Portuguese people of Macao at that time.
Again, Qu Dajun's poem subtitled Xie Xiyang Guo Zhang hui shanhu bijia (In Grateful Appreciation of the Coral Penholder Given to me by my Portuguese Friend, Guo Zhang), 76 is even more convincing. It tells us that Qu Dajun's relationship with the Portuguese of Macao was far more than a casual acquaintance. Though we have no knowledge of the personal background or identity of this "Xiyang Guo Zhang" (lit: the Portuguese named Guo Zhang), it can be inferred that it was a rare and extremely unusual relationship at that time, given the fact that a Macao Portuguese and a Chinese anti-Qing patriot wrote and sent gifts to each other. And such a relationship also gives rise to this question: apart from the purpose of"[...] travelling every-where, making observations and establishing contacts with comrade-compatriots [...]", did Qu Dajun also have in mind the objective of establishing connections with the Macauo Portuguese and making use of their military forces to promote his cause of "[...] overthrowing the Qing dynasty and restoring the Ming dynasty?" There was such a possibility, considering the fact that previously Macao Portuguese had mobilized an armed force three hundred strong to help the Ming regime.
§5. THE HISTORICAL VALUE OF QU DAJUN'S POEMS AND TEXTS
As Qu Dajun's prose and poems were written some time after his personal study and investigation of Macao, and as he examined all his subject-matter in precise and minute detail, his writings that focus on Macao and the information that they provide have very high historical values.
First, let us look at Qu Dajun's records of Macanese history and general situations. There had been some writings on the history and conditions of Macao before. Though Qu Dajun wrote very concisely, using only one or two sentences to trace the history of the Portuguese occupation of Macao:
"During Emperor Jiaqing's reign, these foreigners, feeling that Longbai· was too far bribed the Chinese officials stationed there, heavily in return for permission to use Haojing [Macao] as ao."77
He was the first author to describe the process of entering Macao in vivid images, such as "[...] stem of a lotus [...]" or "[..] lotus leaf [...]" for the 'peninsula of Macao', "[...] steep cliffs", "[...] green jewels of islands [...]", the Portuguese style "[...] white houses shrouded in mist.", etc. He uses imagery terms to'paint' the fortresses or citadels, the "Guanwai" ("Border Gate"), "Qianshan" (Port.: "Ilha Verde", or "Green Island"), the "Beitai" ("North Hill") and the "Nantai" ("South Hill") overlooking the sea, etc. In particular, his record of Portuguese families beyond the Border Gate, "Another sixty li from the border, there are a hundred or so Portuguese households [...]" is missing from all other Chinese documents and is the only documentation that fills up the gap. This means that long before the Qing era the Portuguese power had already expanded beyond the Border Gate and there were "[...] a hundred odd Portuguese households [...]" residing there.
Some may ask: Did Qu Dajun make a mistake here? If it were a fact, why is it missing from all the other Chinese documents and records? In fact, Qu Dajun's statements can also be cross-referenced by other Chinese documents. According to Huang Bailu's· Zhengjia fengbo· (Commendations of the Church), thanks to the good friendly relationship between Macao Portuguese and the South Ming dynasty, Fu Wang· of South Ming accepted the request of the Jesuit Fr. Francesco Sambiasi to concede the piece of land at the foot of the hill in the northwest of the peninsula, now the site Yinkeng,· Wanchai,· to be used as cemetery for Jesuit Fr. João Rodrigues. 78 Soon afterwards, Dominicans and Augustinians took advantage to occupy the socalled 'waste-land' on the hills nearby, and built chapels and villas there. 79 It seems that under Qu Dajun's brush, the urban architecture of Macao came to life with interesing descriptions:
"Their houses are mostly three-storey buildings, erected on the slopes of the hills in various shapes and styles: square, round, triangular, hexagonal, octagon. 1, even in the shapes of flowers and fruits, competing with one another for flamboyant tastes and flavours. Living on the upper floors, they do not mind the presence of the Chinese living on the ground floors."80
An aerial view of the city of Macao drawn by the French Théodore de Bry at the end of the sixteenth century contains architectural descriptions very similar to Qu Dajun's. Indeed, there were all varieties and styles of architecture: residential buildings, clock-towers and churches and chapels. 81 From this we can see, Qu Dajun's descriptions of Macao architecture are life-like, realistic and are of high historical values.
Secondly, Qu Dajun made the first presentation of the St. Paul's Church of Macao, its rules and religious services and practices.
The earliest mention of the St. Paul's Church was made by Tang Xianzu,· who came to Macao in 1591. Yeyu· (Meeting), the twenty first poem in his Mudating· (Peony Temple) goes:
In old Buddhist robes,
I went to Sanbasi of Aomen.
And poem number forty nine entitled Huaibo· (Docking) goes:
Arriving in Sanba,
From ten thousand li afar.
Sanba (St. Paul's) or Sanbasi (St. Paul's Church) was built on a small scale in 1580. It was destroyed by a big fire in 1589, and was rebuilt on its original site not long after. But it was burned down again in 1601. In the following year St. Paul's was reconstructed on a larger scale, and took more that thirty years to complete. It was officially completed in 1637, at that time the largest scale church of the Far East. What Tang Xianzu had seen was the small Sanba built in 1580. And what Qu Dajun saw was the 'da '· ('big') Sanba that had been reconstructed. So Qu Dajun was the first author in Chinese literature to write about Da Sanba:
"There is the Dong Wang Yangsi and the Xi Wang Yangsi [... etc...]. They are dedicated to Jesus and worship the Catholic God."85
Dong Wang Yangsi (lit.: Temple overlooking the East Ocean, or Chapel of Our Lady of Guia) was constructed in 1626, Xi Wang Yangsi (lit.: Temple overlooking the West Ocean, or Chapel of Our Lady of Penha) was built in 1622, and Sanbasi was rebuilt in 1637. Therefore Qu visited all three when he came to Macao, and he was the first to record the rules, laws and practices of the Catholic Church of Macao:
"The si is presided over by Fawang. [... etc...] Men and women go to the si day and night, attending services and listening to the seng preaching. [...] Women can live in the si with the Fawang, if he so desires, and bear him children called the 'children of God', who are granted full status and receive the greatest respect."86
There were fragments in the writings of Ming dynasty authors about the Catholic Church in Macao but Qu Dajun was the first to describe the penalties and laws of the Church and priests' intimacies with women.
Thirdly, Qu's records of Macao's economic situation and trading activities fill up the gaps left by Ming dynasty authors:
"The Western merchandise brought and stored in the warehouses here is mostly for women [...] There are many wealthy Portuguese [... etc...]. Every ship carries silver worth millions, to be handed over to minren, who will distribute the silver to a hundred or so factories manufacturing luxury utensils and amassing fabulous profits. [...]."87
"Of all the ports around Guangzhou, Aomen is the most flourishing.
Armed foreign provocations are repelled by the Portuguese again and again.
They have brave soldiers and smart weapons that scare away all invaders.
Thanks to the general guarding Qianshan, Aomen enjoys peace and prosperity."88
These lines truly reflect the thriving scene of foreign trade before the enforcement of the Qing's Prohibition Law Furthermore, Qu also revealed the illicit dealings between the Pingnan Wang· (lit.: King of South Ming, named Shang Kexi)· and Macao Portuguese after the Qing's maritime prohibition was imposed:
"There has been a very strict law rohibiting overseas business and trade. As a result, our people are not even allowed to maintain any contact with Aomen. But the right-hand men of Fanwang [lit.: King of Portugal] and their assistants know all the secret tricks of the trade and monopolize this lucrative business, from which our common people did not get any benefit, not even a single cent. This is the tragic situation today. Indeed, there is no justice to speak of."
Here I need to clarify some points. Above I have said that Qu Dajun had been in Macao previous to Shunzhi reign, year fourteen [SZ 14 = 1657] and now I talk about Qu Dajun's description of the situation after the Qing's prohibition. Is not it selfcontradictory? After examining these texts, we can infer that the first few texts of Qu Dajun's Aomen (Macao) were written after Qu Dajun's return from Macao. But by the time the book Guangdong xinyu went to print in Kangxi's reign, year seventeen [KX 17 = 1678], Qu Dajun had acquired the information about Shan Kexi's illicit dealings with the Macao Portuguese and added this information to the end of Macao and as an post script to Guangdong xinyu when it was published. Shan Kexi had very close connections with Macao. When Emperor Kangxi ordered the total evacuation of the population in 1632 Macao was treated as an exception thanks to Shan Kexi's "[...] intercession on behalf of the Macao Portuguese."90 During the Period of Prohibition, he ordered his men to engage in smuggling, "[...] secretly building big ships, going overseas to trade illicitly, amassing fabulous profits beyond calculation."91 Qu Dajun's records here not only reflect the aftermath of Qing dynasty's prohibition policy on Macao, but also explain how the Macao Portuguese still managed to survive thanks to the smuggling business going on between Pingnan Wang and themselves.
Fourthly, Qu Dajun was the first Chinese author to write comprehensively and in great detail about the life and customs of Macau Portuguese people and Portuguese commodities, daily necessities and sundries. There were some accounts of these in the writings of Ming dynasty authors, but they are fragmented and rather sketchy.
Let us see how he describes the clothes and appearances of the Macao Portuguese:
"Foreigners here wear black felt hats, which they lift when greeting each other, and silk robes, which are seamless and sleeveless. [... etc...] Fanren sport shoulder-length hair, as curly as spirals, like their moustaches."92
"The fannu [foreign girls, mainly referring to Portuguese women] are fond of drinkling it sprinkling it on themselves or their dresses when they go out to dinner or parties."93
"While foreign women hold roses in their hands, Chinese women wear jasmines in their haeads."94
There are descriptions of Portuguese women's role and status in the family and their love and marriages:
"Among the foreigners women enjoy a very important position: they run the house; they inherit their fathers' property and businesses. [... etc...] The man is forbidden to have two women: bigamy or adultery is a crime punished without mercy by decapitation. [...] If a foreign woman marries a Chinese man, the whole of Macao will celebrate and the whole city will be rejoicing. And if a foreign man marries a Chinese woman, then the Chinese woman will use a kind of herb to darken her face and make her hair curly and golden so that she will really look like a foreigner's wife."95
"They worship Jesus Christ and women control the money and the swords."96
What is most important here is that these data tell us that, after the Portuguese settled down in Macao, they valued marriages with the Chinese and tried their best not to be assimilated into the Chinese community but have the Chinese assimilated into the Portuguese community, which provides valid information for the origin of the Macanese community in Macao.
Qu Dajun's open attitude undoubtedly had a great impact on cultural circles and intellectuals of China. His works were frequently quoted and referred to by later authors such as Gong Xianglin, who wrote Zhujian fengshiji· (The History of Zhujian), Li Diaoyuan, who wrote Yuedong biji· (Notes of East Guangdong), Fan Ruiang, · who published Yuezhong jianwen· (News of Guangdong), and Zhang Xintai· who wrote Yueyou xiaoji· (Travelling in Guangdong). And in Zhang Qu's· Yuedong jianwen lu· (News of East Guangdong) and Qian Yikai's· Linghai jianwen· (News of Linghai), the parts related to Macao were simply lifted from Qu Dajun's writings. Most significantly, Aomen jilüe (Monograph of Macao), the most authoritative work on Macao, not only includes all Qu's poems but also more than 80% of all his other writings. The authors Yin Guangren and Zhang Rulin spoke highly of and attached great importance to Qu Dajun's works, which they regarded as "[...] containing the most accurate and keenest observations and the most profound analysis and comments."97 When they wrote about Macao in Aomen jilüe they tended to quote and present Qu Dajun's statements first and then added their own words. This fully demonstrated the prominent position of Qu Dajun's poems and other writings in the study of Macao history.
Translated from the Chinese by: Ieong Sao Leng, Sylvia 杨秀玲 Yang Xiuling
* Professor of History and director of the Department of Cultural Research in Hong Kong and Macao, part of the Zhongguo Wenhua Shiji Yanjiusuo· (Institute of Chinese Cultural Studies) in Jinan Daxue· (Jinan University), Guangzhou.
1 QU Xianbang 屈向邦, Guangdong shihua zhengxubian «广东诗话正续编» (Poetry of Guangdong), Xianggong 香港 Hong Kong, Longmen Subanshe 龙门书局 Longmen Bookshop, 1964, vol.2.
2 PANG Shangpeng 庞尚鹏, ed., Baiketing zhaigao «百可亭摘稿» (Baiketing Texts); WU Guifang, 吴桂芳 Wu Sima zouyi «吴司马奏议» (Magistrate Wu's Memoranda to the Emperor); GUO Shangbin 郭尚宾, Guo Geijian shugao «郭给谏疏稿» (Guo Gaijian's Proposals); Ming shilu «明实录» (Chronicles of the Ming Dynasty).
3 Li 里 = A Chinese unit of measurement approximately equivalent to 500 metres.
4 Zhang 丈 = A Chinese unit of measurement approximately equivalent to 310 centimetres.
5 Minren 闽人 = Name given to a local commissioner of Fujian province.
6 QU Dajun 屈大均, Guangdong xinyu «广东欣语» (New Words of Guangdong), Zhonghua shuju dianjia xiaoben 中华书局点校本, 1983, vol.2, fasc.: "Diyu" «地语» ("Earth"), rubric: Aomen «澳门» (Macao).
7 Ibidem., vol.2, fasc.: "Diyu" «地语» ("Earth"), rubric: Sishi «西市» (The Four Markets).
8 Ibidem, vol.4, fasc.: "Shuiyu" «水语» ("The Water"), rubric: Haishui «海水» (The Sea).
9 Jin 斤 = A Chinese unit of weight approximately equivalent to 500 grams.
10 QU Dajun 屈大均, op. cit., vol.7, fasc.: "Renyu" «人语» ("People"), rubric: Heiren «黑人» (Black Men).
11 Ibidem., vol.14, fasc.: "Shiyu" «食语» ("On Food"), rubric: Gu «谷» (Cereals).
12 Ibidem., vol.14, fasc.: "Shiyu" «食语» ("On Food"), rubric: Tumilu «荼蘼露» (Flower Essence Dew or Wine).
13 Ibidem., vol.15, fasc.: "Huoyu" «货语» ("Commodities"), rubric: Mianbu «棉布» ("Cotton Materials").
14 Ibidem., vol. 15, fasc.: "Huoyu" «货语» ("Commodities"), rubric: Yin «银» (Silver).
15 Ibidem., vol.15, fasc.: "Huoyu" «货语» ("Commodities"), rubric: Boli «玻璃» (Glass).
16 Shisanhang 十三行 = The flourishing hub of business activities for foreign merchants in Guangzhou at that time.
17 QU Dajun 屈大均 op. cit., vol.15, fasc.: "Huoyu" «货语» ("Commodities"), rubric: Shaduan «纱缎» (Satins and Brocades).
18 Ibidem., vol.4, fasc.: "Huoyu" «货语» ("Commodities"), rubric: Zhufan gongwu «诸番页物» (Various Foreign Tribute Ships).
19 Ibidem., vol.16, fasc.: "Qiyu" «器语» ("Weaponry or Articles for Military Purposes"), rubric: Dao «刀» (Swords and Knives).
20 Dan = 担 A Chinese unit of weight approximately equivalent to 50 kilograms.
21 QU Dajun 屈大均, op. cit., vol.16, fasc.: "Qiyu" «器语» ("Weaponry or Articles for Military Purposes"), rubric: Datong «大铳» (Large Cannons).
22 Cun 寸 = A Chinese unit of measurement approximately equivalent to 3.33 centimetres.
23 QU Dajun 屈大均, op. cit., vol.16, fasc.: "Qiyu" «器语» ("Weaponry or Articles for Military Purposes"), rubric: Jitong «机铳» (Pistols).
24 Ibidem., vol.16, fasc.: "Qiyu" «器语» ("Weaponry or Articles for Military Purposes"), rubric: Xi «席» (Mats and Rugs).
25 Bora 婆兰 = According to the Chinese text, a Portuguese unit of weight approximately equivalent to 150 kilograms.
26 QU Dajun 屈大均 op. cit., vol.18, fasc.: "Zhouyu" «舟语» ("On Ships"), rubric: Yangbo «洋舶» (Portuguese Vessels).
27 Ibidem., vol.20, fasc.: "Qinyu" «禽语» ("On Birds"), rubric: Yingwu «鹦鹉» (Parrots).
28 Ibidem., vol.21, fasc.: "Shouyu" «兽语» ("On Animals"), rubric: Fangou «番狗 » (Mongrels).
30 QU Dajun 屈大均, op. cit., vol.21, fasc.: "Shouyu" «兽语» ("On Animals"), rubric: Shuoshu «硕鼠» (Giant Rats).
31 QU Dajun 屈大均, Guangdong Xinyu «广东新语» (New Words of Guangdong), vol.27, fasc.: "Caoyu" «草语» (On Plants), rubric: Xiyang lian «西洋莲» (Western Lotus).
32 QU Dajun 屈大均, Aomen 1 «澳门» (Macao 1), in "Wengshan shiwai" «翁山诗外» ("Wengshan Poems"); SHI Jin Zhong 释今种 [QU DAJUN's alias], Aomen 1 «澳门一» (Macao 1), in YIN Guangren 印光任 - ZHANG Rulin 张汝霖, "Aomen jilüe" «澳门记略» ("Monograph of Macao").
33 QU Dajun 屈大均, Aomen 2 «澳门二» (Macao 2), in "Wengshan shiwai" «翁山诗外>> ("Wengshan Poems"); SHI Jin Zhong 释今种 [QU DAJUN's alias], Aomen 2 «澳门二» (Macao 2), in YIN Guangren 印光任 - ZHANG Rulin 张汝霖, "Aomen jilüe" «澳门记略» ("Monograph of Macao").
34 QU Dajun 屈大均, Aomen 3 «澳门三» (Macau 3), in "Wengshan shiwai" «翁山诗外» ("Wengshan Poems"); SHI Jin Zhong 释今种 [QU DAJUN's alias], Aomen 3 «澳门三» (Macao 3), in YIN Guangren 印光任 - ZHANG Rulin 张汝霖, "Aomen jilüe"«澳门记略» ("Monograph of Macao").
35 QU Dajun 屈大均, Aomen 4 «澳门四» (Macau 4), in "Wengshan shiwai" «翁山诗外» ("Wengshan Poems"); SHI Jin Zhong 释今种 [QU DAJUN's alias], Aomen 4 «澳门四»(Macao 4), in YIN Guangren 印光任 - ZHANG Rulin 张汝霖, "Aomen jilüe" «澳门记略» ("Monograph of Macao").
36 QU Dajun 屈大均, Aomen 5 «澳门五» (Macau 5), in "Wengshan shiwai" «翁山诗外» ("Wengshan Poems"); SHI Jin Zhong 释今种 [QU DAJUN's alias], Aomen 5 «澳门五» (Macao 5), in YIN Guangren 印光任 - ZHANG Rulin 张汝霖, "Aomen jilüe" «澳门记略» ("Monograph of Macao").
37 Hongmao 红毛 = Lit. 'red hair', referring to the 'Dutch' and here, by analogy, to Holland.
38 QU Dajun 屈大均, Aomen 6 «澳门六» (Macao 6), in "Wengshan shiwai" «翁山诗外» ("Wengshan Poems"); SHI Jin Zhong 释今种 [QU DAJUN's alias], Aomen 6 «澳门六» (Macao 6), in YIN Guangren 印光任 - ZHANG Rulin 张汝霖, "Aomen jilüe" «澳门记略»("Monograph of Macao").
39 QU Dajun 屈大均, Wangyangtai «望洋台» (The Tower Overlooking the Oceans), in "Wengshan shiwai" «翁山诗外» ("Wengshan Poems"); SHI Jin Zhong 释今种 [QU DAJUN's alias], Wangyangtai «望洋台» (The Tower Overlooking the Oceans), in YIN Guangren 印印光任-ZHANG Rulin 张汝霖, "Aomen jilüe" «澳门记略» ("Monograph of Macao").
40 QU Dajun 屈大均, Xiyang ju «西洋菊» (Western Chrysanthemum or Portuguese Chrysanthemum), in "Wengshan shiwai" «翁山诗外» ("Wengshan Poems"); SHI Jin Zhong 释今种 [QU DAJUN's alias], Xiyang ju «西洋菊» (Western Chrysanthemum or Portuguese Chrysanthemum), in YIN Guangren 印光任 - ZHANG Rulin 张汝霖, "Aomen jilüe" «澳门记略» ("Monograph of Macao").
41 QU Dajun 屈大均, Tumilu «荼蘼花» (Flower Essence Dew), in "Wengshan shiwai" «翁山诗外» ("Wengshan Poems"); SHI Jin Zhong 释今种 [QU DAJUN's alias], Tumilu «荼蘼花» (Flower Essence Dew), in YIN Guangren 印光任 - ZHANG Rulin 张汝霖, "Aomen jilüe" «澳门记略» ("Monograph of Macao").
42 QU Dajun 屈大均, Moli «茉莉» (Jasmine), in "Wengshan shiwai" «翁山诗外» ("Wengshan Poems"); SHI Jin Zhong 释今种 [QU DAJUN's alias], Moli «茉莉» (Jasmine), in YIN Guangren 印光任 -ZHANG Rulin 张汝霖, "Aomen jilüe" «澳门记略» ("Monograph of Macao").
43 QU Dajun 屈大均, Bolijing «玻璃镜» (Glass Mirror), in "Wengshan shiwai" «翁山诗外» ("Wengshan Poems"); SHI Jin Zhong 释今种 [QU DAJUN's alias], Bolijing «玻璃镜» (Glass Mirror), in YIN Guangren 印光任 - ZHANG Rulin 张汝霖, "Aomen jilüe" «澳门记略» ("Monograph of Macao").
44 QU Dajun 屈大均, Xie Xiyang Guo Zhang hui shanhu bijia «谢西洋郭丈惠珊瑚笔架» (In Grateful Appreciation of the Coral Penholder given to me by a Portuguese Friend, Guo Zhang), in "Wengshan shiwai" «翁山诗外»("Wengshan Poems"); SHI Jin Zhong 释今种 [QU DAJUN's alias], Xie Xiyang Guo Zhang hui shanhu bijia «谢西洋郭丈惠珊瑚笔架» (In Grateful Appreciation of the Coral Penholder given to me by a Portuguese Friend, Guo Zhang), in YIN Guangren 印光任 - ZHANG Rulin 张汝霖, "Aomen jilüe" «澳门记略»("Monograph of Macao").
45 WANG Yongsou 汪墉叟, Aomen zashi «澳门杂诗» (Miscellaneous Poems of Macao), 1918.
47 WANG Yongsou 汪墉叟, Aomen yugong yong ba shou «澳门寓公咏八首» (Eight Poems about Exiles in Macao).
49 WANG Zongyan 汪宗衍, Qu Wangshan xiansheng nianpu «屈翁山先生年谱» (Chronology of Qu Wengshan), Aomen 澳门 Macao, Yujin shuwu ben 于今书屋本 Yujin Bookshop, 1970.
50 WANG Zongyan 汪宗衍, Qu Dajun jishi nianxi «屈大均纪事年系» (Annual Chronology of Qu Dajun), [n. d.].
51 CHEN Zhichao 陈智超, ed., Chen Yuan sanglai shuxinji «陈垣来往书信集» (Correspondence of Chen Yuan), Shanghai 上海, Shanghai guji 上海古籍 Shanghai, 1990, p.475.
52 ZHANG Zengming 章憎命, Aomen zhanggu «澳门掌故» (Anecdotes of Macau), 1990, vol. 12.
53 FEI Chengkang 费成康, Aomen sibainian «澳门四百年» (Four Hundred Years of Macao), Shanghai 上海, Shanghai Renmin 上海人民 Shanghai, 1988, p.137.
54 WANG Zongyan 汪宗衍, 1970, op. cit.
55 QU Dajun 屈大均, Zixu «自序» [Qu Dajun's] Preface, in QU Dajun 屈大均, "Guangdong xinyu" «广东新语» ("New Words of Guangdong"), Zhonghua shuju Dianxiaoben 中华书局点校本 Publishers, 1983.
56 PAN Lai 潘耒, Panxu «潘序» [Pan Lai's] Preface, in QU Dajun 屈大均, "Guangdong xinyu" «广东新语» ("New Words of Guangdong"), Zhonghua shuju dianjiaxiaoben 中华书局点校本, 1983.
57 See: Note 6.
58 YIN Guangren 印光任 - ZHANG Rulin 张汝霖, "Aomen jilüe " «澳门记略» (Monograph of Macao, part. 1, chap.: "Xiangshi pian" «形势篇» ("The Situation").
59 Ibidem., chap.: Guanshou pian 官守篇 (The Officials).
60 QU DAJUN 屈大均, 1983, op. cit.
61 QU Dajun 屈大均, Aomen 1 «澳门一» (Macau 1), in "Wengshan shiwai" «翁山诗外» ("Wengshan Poems"); SHI Jin Zhong 释今种 [QU DAJUN's alias], Aomen 1 «澳门一» (Macau 1), in YIN Guangren 印光任 - ZHANG Rulin 张汝霖, "Aomen jilüe" «澳门记略» ("Monograph of Macao").
62 QU Dajun 屈大均, Aomen 5 «澳门五» (Macau 5), in "Wengshan shiwai" «翁山诗外» ("Wengshan Poems"); SHI Jin Zhong 释今种 [QU DAJUN's alias], Aomen 5 «澳门五» (Macau 5), in YIN Guangren 印光任 - ZHANG Rulin 张汝霖, "Aomen jilüe" «澳门记略» ("Monograph of Macao").
63 WANG Yongsou 汪墉叟, op. cit.
64 MORSE, Hosea Ballou, AU Zhonghua 区宗华, trans., The Chronicles of the East India Company trading to China 1635-1834, Guangzhou 广州, Zhongshan daxue chubanshe 中山大学出版社 Zhongshan University Press, 1995.
Also see: MORSE, Horsea Ballou, The Chronicles of the East India Company trading to China 1635-1834, 4 vols., Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1926 [Volume 5 was published in 1929].
65 DU Zhen 杜臻, Yuemin xunshi jilüe «粤闽巡视纪略» (Notes of an Inspection Tour of Guangdong and Fujian Provinces), Kongshi Yuexuelou Yingchaoben 孔氏岳雪楼影钞本
LU Xiyan 陆希言, Aomen ji «澳门记» (Macau), in "Xianggang Daxue wushi zhounian jinian lunwen ji" «香港大学五十周年纪念论文集» ("A Collection of Essays in Commemoration of the 50th Anniversary of the University of Hong Kong"), 1961, vol.3.
Qing shilu «清实录» (Chronicles of the Qing [Dynasty]), vol.97: Qianlong sanshijiu nian 干隆三十九年 (Qianlong Reign, Year Thirty Nine).
CHEN Gongyin 陈恭尹, Dulutangji «独漉堂集» (Recollections of the Dulu Pavillion), Guangzhou 广州, Zhongshan daxue chubanshe 中山大学出版社 Zhangshan University Press, 1988, p.547.
ZHANG Zenming 章憎命, op. cit.
FANG Hao 方豪, Zhongguo Tianzhujiao shi renwuzhuan «中国天主教史人物传» (Important Personages in the History of Catholicism of China), Zhonghua shuju 中华书局 China Publishers, 1988.
71 Ming Qing shiliao «明清史料» (Historical Facts of Ming and Qing Dynasties), vol.4.
72 BOXER, Charles Ralph, The Embassy of Captain Gonçalo Siqueira de Souza to Japan in 1644 with a foreword by D. Jose da Costa Nunes, Bishop of Macau, Macau, Tipografia Mercantil, 1938; TEIXEIRA, Manuel, The Fourth Centenary of the Jesuits at Macao, Macau, Salesian School, 1964.
73 CHEN Gongyin 陈恭尹, op. cit., p. 21; Zhengjiang Qianji «增江前集»; WANG Yongsou 汪墉叟, op. cit., p.9.
74 QU Dajun 屈大均, Wengshan shiwai «翁山诗外» (Wengshan Poems), vol.9.
75 See: Note 6.
76 See: Note 44.
77 See: Note 6.
78 HUANG Bolu 黄伯禄, Zhengjiao fengbao «正教奉褒», Shanghai 上海, Shanghai Cimutang 上海慈母堂 Shanghai Church of Misericordy: Guangxu sanshi nian 光绪三十年 (Guangxu Reign, Year Thirty) [3rd edition].
79 FEI Chengkang 费成康, op. cit., p.128.
80 See: Note.6
81 BRY, Theodore de, Amacao 1607, in "Petits Voyages [...]"; apud, "Revista de Cultura" / "Review of Culture", Macau, 2(13-14) Jan.-Jun 1991, p.305 [CHINESE EDITION].
82 TANG Xianzu 汤显祖, Yeyu «谒遇» (Meeting), in “Mudating”<<牡丹亭»" ("Peony Temple"), no21.
83 TANG Xianzu 汤显祖, Huaibo «淮泊» (Docking), in "Mudating" «牡丹亭» ("Peony Temple"), Renmin wenxue 人民文学出版社 People's Literature Press, 1963, no49.
ZHANG Zengming 章憎命, op. cit.
85 See: Note 6.
90 YIN Yuanjin 尹源进, Pingnan wang yuangong cuifan «平南王元功垂范», vol.2.
91 WU Xingzha 吴兴诈, Yichu fanxia kezheng shu <<议除藩下苛政疏» in HAO Yulin 郝玉麟, "Guangdong tongzhi" «广东通志» ("Guangdong Chronicle"): Yongzheng jiu nian 雍正九年 (Yongzheng Reign, Year Nine).
92 See: Note 6.
93 See: Note 12.
94 See: Note 33.
95 See: Note 6.
96 See: Note 33.
97 PAN Lai 潘耒, op. cit.
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