Literature

CATHOLICISM IN THE POETRY OF MACAO DURING THE QING DYNASTY

Zhang Wenqin*

INTRODUCTION

From the late Ming• to the early Qing• Dynasties, Macao was the centre of the Catholic missions in the East. It was also the only open door for Sino-Western cultural exchange.

The first Chinese to describe Catholicism was Ye Quan,• who travelled to Macao in 1565 (Jiajing• reign, year 44). He wrote:

"All the occupants of the foreign houses on the island are folangji• [i. e. Portuguese] who have come from Daxiyang guo• [Portugal]. [...] they are very religious and they go to church every three to five days. The fan seng [foreign monks - referring to priests], sitting or standing, explain the sacred words. When the ceremony ends, the disciples come out with tears rolling down their cheeks. The object of their veneration is a statue made of wood or sandalwood, six or seven inches tall, completely naked and crucified, with hands and feet nailed to the cross. They say that the man crucified is their ancestor and that he suffered a lot because of the sins of humanity. [...] there is a screen consisting of nine pictures. Three of them show a beautiful woman embracing a completely naked man. I do not know why. I asked a tongshi• [local interpreter] and he did not know what it was all about, either!"1

This description shows us that the mass held by the foreigners every seven days was considered strange and puzzling by the Chinese. They found the scene of Jesus being crucified, and of his Holy Mother in deep distress, ridiculous. At that time, the Portuguese had only recently established themselves in Macao and the Chinese (even the interpreters who had frequent contacts with the Portuguese) had almost no knowledge of Western matters, as was the case with the foreigners as regards Chinese affairs.

Later, gradually, more documents came to be written in Chinese about Catholicism including quite a few Chinese-style descriptive poems. The Bibliothèque Nationale de Paris keeps a collection of poems by a dozen Chinese scholar officials from Fujian• province. Those poems were exclusively dedicated to the Western missionaries, including the twenty-odd poems dedicated to Matteo Ricci, Johann Adam Schall and Ferdinand Verbiest. 2 Chen Yuan• quoted three poems by Wan Sitong• and Quan Zuwan• in his work Cong jiao wai dianji jian Ming mo Qing chu zhi Tianzhujiao• (Catholicism During the Late Ming and Early Qing Dynasties not Registered in Religious Documents). 3

This present work discusses poetry written by non-Catholic authors. The work of Catholic poets has been examined by this author in another paper, entitled Wu Yushan: Sanbashi guanyu Tianzhujiao de miaoshu• (Wu Yushan: Catholicism as Described in A Collection of Poems Themed on St. Paul's). Drawing on the knowledge and experience of an earlier generation of scholars, and having completed Aomen shici jianzhu• (Notes on the Poetry of Macao: Ming & Qing Volumes), the author took up Catholicism in the Poetry of Macao as an area of research into Sino-Western cultural contact and exchange.

The greater part of Ming dynasty poetry was characterized by excessive exchanges of flattery and eulogy between scholar officials and missionaries, rarely touching on the doctrines of Catholicism or its activities. Only in the Qing dynasty did poems start to describe Catholicism in any systematic way, thus revealing a better understanding of the subject matter.

This paper will focus on the following three aspects: churches and missionaries; the sacraments and other religious practices; and the Chinese knowledge of Catholicism, as reflected in the poetry of Macao during the Qing dynasty.

1. CHURCHES AND MISSIONARIES

Imagine the awe felt by a Chinese poet upon arrival in Macao. Surrounded by the splendour and grandeur of the many churches and chapels, he could not help but marvel at their beauty and glorify their glittering magnificence. Chen Yanyu,• the Jiao yu• (Education Commissioner) in Panyu• from 1655 to 1662 (Shunzhi• reign, year 12 to Kangxi• reign, year 1), describes his first impressions of a visit to a church in his work, You Xiangshanjing ru Haojingao bianyou Tianzhusi• (Visit to a Catholic Church on arriving in Macao from Xiangshan):

    “岌嶪列宝坊,
    金碧竞崎岖。
    [...]
    寺魂逼目光,
    常恐迟即逝。”4
    ("The treasured Fang** rises so high, 
    Competing for glory in its golden shine, 
    [...] 
    The soul of the temple dazzles my eye, 
    I fear it will disappear before my sight.")

Macao's Catholic churches, and São Paulo (St. Paul) in particular, were said to be treasure-houses in which all the precious things of the world were gathered. Tang Xianzu• of the Ming dynasty described St. Paul's Church in his Mudan ting• (The Peony Temple) as "duo bao si"• ("The Temple of Many Treasures"). The poet claimed that the "qinchai shibao shi"• ("the connoisseur High Commissioner") sent by the Ming dynasty Court to Macao admired the territory's many treasures, applauding Macao as:

    “[...]
    石落山川,
    精莹日月,
    [...]”
    ("[...]
    Precious stones from Heaven fall right into
    the proper place, 
    Where they shine back on the sun and the
    moon. 
    [...]")

The poet Li Zhuguang,• from Xiangshan,• writing during the reign of Emperor Yongzheng,• similarly mentions this point in his poetry:

    “[...]
    宝聚三巴寺,
    泉通十字门,
    [...]”5
    ("[...]
    As the precious river runs through Cross 
    Gate, 
    All the treasures come into St. Paul's Temple
    [Church]. 
    [...]")

Hence Chen Yanyu's comparison of the churches to "Bao fang" (i. e., "treasure houses"). At the same time, the "treasures [of the] Temple" signifies the magnificence and the mystique of the church and the poets eagerness and anxiety to investigate its mysteries.

In 1684 (Kangxi reign, year 23), the qinchai dachen• (High Commissioner) and gongbu shangshu• (Minister of Public Works), Du Zhen,• made an inspection tour of Macao and wrote the following poem, entitled Xiangshan'ao• (Xiangshan and Macao):

   “西洋道士识风水,
    梯航万里居于斯。
    火烧水运经营惨。
    雕墙峻宇开通衢。
    堂高百尺尤突兀,
    丹青神像俨须眉。
    金碧荧煌五采合,
    珠帘绣柱围蛟螭。”6 
    ("The Western priests are well-versed in
    fengshui, 60
    Having settled down here after sailing thou
    sands of li. 
    They work hard, making bricks and riding 
    the seas, 
    They engrave walls, build houses and pave
    streets. 
    They erect temples that rise as high as a
    hundred chi. 
    The statues of gods are solemn wearing moustaches. 
    Behold a spectrum of gold glowing 
    On the pearl curtains and carved columns.")

The poem describes the hard work of the priests, the splendid exterior of the churches, the beauty of the saints' statues and the luxury of the interior decorations.

However, the grandeur and splendour of St. Paul's is best documented by Huang Chenglan• in his work Qing yu an: Aomen• (The Jade: Macao), written at the beginning of Emperor Qianlong reign:

    “绮窗朱槛,
    玉楼雕镂,
    这是三巴寺。”7

("Silk curtains and red porticos,

Jade walls and carved pillars,

This, then, is St. Paul's Temple!")

St. Paul's Church was built in 1572 and then renovated in around 1640. It had been the Jesuits centre of Catholicism in the Far East prior to 1762, when the Macao authorities, complying with a Decreto (Royal Letter) issued by the King of Portugal, expelled the Jesuits from Macao. It was the finest church in Macao before it was destroyed by fire in 1835 and, consequently, of all the poems written by Chinese poets eulogizing the churches of Macao, the majority were dedicated to St. Paul's. The first of these was Sanbatang• (St. Paul's Church) by Wu Xingzuo:•

    “未知天外教,
    今始过三巴。
    树老多秋色,
    窗虚迎月华。
    谁能穷此理,
    一语散空花。
    坐久忘归去,
    闻琴思伯牙。”8
    ("Never did I know a religion from another 
      world, 
    Till today I saw with my own eyes St. Paul's
      Temple. 
    Amidst old trees it stands in rich autumn
      mood, 
    And its open windows beckon the moon. 
    Is there anyone to enlighten me on its truth, 
    Which will then be my key to all the mysteries? 
    I have been sitting pondering, forgetting to 
      go home. 
    Ah, there goes the melody, and Boya, my
      soul-mate.")

Here the poet, having arrived in Macao one autumn evening, visits St. Paul's Church, basking in the moonlight. The poem is brimming with his sincere reverence for an unknown religion and his faithful and pious desire to explore it. Though the poet can not comprehend the doctrine of this alien religion from another world, the music being played in the church touches him to his very soul and provokes within him a nostalgic longing.

The music he heard emanating from the church would have been played on the organ, a Western instrument played in accompaniment to choir singing, sermons and chantings at solemn religious ceremonies. The existence of this instrument had already been noted in 1601 (Wanli• reign, year 29) by Wang Linheng,• who named it the "ziranyue" ("natural music"). 9 During the reign of Emperor Kangxi, poets commonly alluded to it. An example can be found in Liang Di,• who wrote a long poem describing how his friend, fujiang• (subCommander) Lang Yifu,• on an inspection tour of Macao, so took to the sound of it that he made his own, building in some improvements, which he then presented to the Chinese Imperial Court. Adopting a traditional Chinese literary approach, the poem describes Western music and the musical effects of the organ:

    “奏之三巴层镂上,
    百里內外咸闻声。
    [...]
    幽如翦刀裁绣阁,
    清如鹳鹤唳青冥。
    和如莺燕啼红树,
    哀如猿猱吟翠屏。
    [...]
    或如寒淙泻三叠,
    水帘洞口流漗琤。
    或如江涛奔万马,
    石钟山下闻噌。
    [...]
    或如龙吟水晶阙,
    老鱼瘦蛟舞纵横。
    [...]
    或如蒲牢敲百八,
    振荡心魄群动醒。”10
    ("From the top of St. Paul's, music rises 
    That can be heard far and wide 
    [...] 
    It is as soft as scissors cutting silk, 
    As clear as a goose yelling, 
    As melodious as a swallow singing, 
    As saddening as a monkey yelping. 
    [...]
    Like a mighty frozen river running three
    falls, 
    Cascading down creating a curtain of pearls; 
    Like thousands of horses galloping in a race, 
    Making the mountain of stalagmites shake. 
    [...]
    Like a dragon roaring praises of the crystal
    palace, 
    Frightening all fish away in all directions; 
    [...]
    Like a bell ringing a thousand and one times, 
    Inspiring all humanity and waking up all
    lives.")
 

The organ produces such a rich variety of sounds that the poet turns to nature for suitable descriptive imagery, and in so doing, through the skillful mastery he shows, brings to mind better-known examples of Tang dynasty poetry describing musical qualities. The poet considered the organ an elegant musical instrument and therefore eligible for use at grand musical events in China. The attitude and insight demonstrated here within the context of the history of Sino-Western cultural exchange is truly remarkable and worthy of a mention. As to the idea of a sub-Commander of the Qing dynasty being able to produce an imitation organ, and one that produced better music than the original one, however!

Another feature of St. Paul's Church which attracted the poets attention, due to its rarity in the Far East, was its large clock. During the reign of Emperor Kangxi, Jishan,• a well-known monk, wrote admiring words on the punctual manner with which the clock struck twelve: "liu shi zhongyun za fengqin"•11 ("the chiming of the clock punctuated by the music of the organ").

During the early years of the reign of Emperor Qianglong,• Yin Guangren,• the first tongzhi• (Superintendent), visited Macao on a long-term official mission. There, he became deeply fascinated with the unfathomable and gracious chiming of the church clock and he was moved to write the following:

    “疏钟来远寺,
    籁静一声闻。
    带月清沉海,
    和云冷度山。
    五更昏晓际,
    万象有无间。
    试向蕃僧问,
    曾能识此关?”12
    ("The chiming comes from the temple afar, 
    Pleasing to the ear in leisure and in peace 
    The majestic moon dips into the blue sea, 
    The cold clouds get frozen over the hills. 
    On the fifth night-watch, in the twilight, 
    Wanxiang everything looks vague and hazy 
    May I ask you, my brother from a foreign faith, 
    To tell me what this is all about and why?")

In the stillness of the night, the poet hears the intermittent chiming of the bells of St. Paul's from afar. He finds the ringing of the bell particularly soothing and pleasing to the ear in the prevailing tranquillity. Quietly and gently it sinks, bringing with it the clear moonlight into the sea on the Western horizon, and disappearing into the distant mountains under cold clouds. And as day finally turns into night and night finally into day, "wanxiang"• ("all things") seem to hang in suspense, spurring the poet into religious and philosophical thoughts. He can not help asking the foreign priests to clarify the doubts in his mind. Although essentially a religious poem, this is a masterpiece that best blends feeling and setting.

To the south of St. Paul's Church lies the picturesque Praya Grande, which faces the access to the Shizimen• (Cross Gate), the passageway followed by all ships in ancient times. It was so named because the four island-mountains Duowei,• Jijing,• Hengqin• and Jiuao• happen to divide the sea surface in the shape of a cross, the symbol of the Christian faith. As the Cross Gate is close to St. Paul's Church, and together they make up a famous scenic spot, poets are often fond of describing them jointly. In 1684 (Kangxi reign, year 23), for example, the poet Liu Shizhong,• from Qingshan,• wrote:

    “[...]
    番童夜上三巴寺,
    洋舶星维十字门。
    [...]”13 
    ("[...] 
    Foreign youngsters walked up the St. Paul's 
    Temple during the night, 
    And saw such a gathering of foreign ships, 
    like stars, around Cross Gate. 
    [...]")

Another poet, Li Xialing,• writing very soon after, produced many similarly excellent examples of poetry:

    “钟鸣月上三巴寺,
    风起潮生十字门。
    [...]”14
    ("[...] 
    The moon climbs up St. Paul's Temple 
    amidst the ringing of the bell, 
    While the wind rises provoking high tides 
    against the Cross Gate. 
    [...]")

Here, again, we have a poet describing a view captured at night. Another poet who wrote in a similar vein was Shi Jishan:•

    “[...]
    山钟近接三巴寺,
    海气晴分十字门。
    [...]”15
    ("[...] 
    St. Paul's Temple and the hills are united by 
    the ringing of the bell, 
    While the Cross Gate distinguishes the sea 
    from land. 
    [...]")

This poem is more like a painting, setting the theme against a picturesque background. Huang Chenglan also makes use of this poetic material:

    “[...]
    海市远通门十字,
    蜃楼高耸寺三巴。
    [...]”16
    ("[...] 
    Behold the mirage after passing Cross Gate, 
    And the mirage is the towering St. Paul's 
    Temple. 
    [...]")

Huang Chenglan compares "St. Paul's Temple" [Church] to a mirage, thus creating an otherworldly image and instilling a kind of ethereal beauty into what seems ordinary and earthly.

    “[...]
    海舶连云此地屯,
    耶稣天主教犹存。
    今朝浪拍三巴寺,
    昨夜云生十字门。
    [...]”17
    ("Shrouded in the mist are ships with shrines 
    of Jesus and Catholicism, 
    Bringing waves upon waves against St. 
    Paul's Temple this morning, 
    And casting clouds upon clouds over Cross 
    Gate last night. 
    [...]")

With this poem, Chen Tan" directly relates the Cross Gate to Catholicism. 18

The poets of the Qing dynasty spared no effort in describing the activities of the Catholic priests, especially those of the Jesuits. The Father Superior of the Jesuits in Macao, whose activities were centred on St. Paul's Church, was addressed by the Chinese as Sanba Fawang• (King of Law of St. Paul's), shortened to Fawang• (King of Law). The verses of Shi Jishan• describe the Superior as he appeared in a parade looking as dignified and important as any Chinese high official in a luxury coach:

    “[...]
    箬叶编成夸皂盖,
    槛舆乘出此朱轮。
    [...]”19
    ("[...] 
    Behold him, as dignified as a high Chinese 
    official, 
    Adorned with a fine hat of bamboo leaves, in 
    a grand carriage on red wheels. 
    [...]")

Further mention is made by Qu Dajun, who writes, in his work Aomen 4 (Macao 4):

    “[...]
    礼拜三巴寺,
    蕃官是法王。
    [...]”20
    ("[...] 
    The Mass is held in St. Paul's Temple 
    Presided over by the foreign Fawang.  
    [...]")

To the poet, the Father Superior of the Jesuits was the "Fawang"• ("King of Law"), who meted out penalties to the foreign criminals. The Fawang of St. Paul's had more power than the highest Portuguese commander, the Governor of Macao. In his Diyu Aomen: Guangdong xingyu• (Verses on Earth: Macao, in New Verses of Guangdong), vol. 3, Qu Dajun• writes:

"One of the foreign temples is St. Paul's. [...] The monk Fawang administers the temple. When a foreigner commits a crime, if the Fawang deems it beyond repentance, the criminal will be beheaded immediately. If he grants clemency and allows the criminal to repent, then the convict is given an iron hook to torture himself until his body bleeds all over, thus relieving him from being punished in Hell."

This description gives evidence of the Fawang's power. During the Middle Ages, Catholic priests exercised judicial power and the actions of the Father Superior of St. Paul's Church precisely embodies this tradition.

The Sisters, who resided in the convents, referred to as nigumiao• (nunneries or nuns' temples) by the Chinese, enjoyed the same juridical privileges as the Fathers. During the reign of Emperor Qianlong, the poet Ye Tingxun• touches on this topic in his Yuyi Aomen jishi shiwu shou 7 (Fifteen Poems on Macao 7 ):

    “[...]
    花王大庙尊巴礼,
    风俗头衔重女师。
    [...]”21
    ("[...] 
    Our Lady's Church and the Sé Cathedral 
    follow St. Paul's, 
    The Sisters always observe their customs and 
    laws. 
    [...]")

Another poet, Li Xialing,• writes in Aomen zayong• 6 (Miscellaneous Poems on Macao 6):

    “一女为尼九族崇,
    杀人如蚁不能讧。
    旋盆半片纸条入,
    绝胜秋官石肺通。”
    ("A daughter becoming a nun is held in awe 
    by all, 
    And she can have people killed like ants at 
    will. 
    She just scribbles a few words on a piece of 
    paper, 
    And settles all life-and-death matters.")

The two poems mentioned above were based on Aofan pian• (Foreigners in Macao), from a chapter in Aomen Jilue• (Monograph of Macao), compiled by Zhang Rulin• and Yin Guangren,• who wrote:

"The Nun is called the Holy Mother - Shengmu - and held in greater awe than the Fawang. If a girl becomes a Shengmu, all her family members become Buddhas kith and kin. In the event of a serious crime being committed by any member of the family, a small note from her will be enough to resolve the matter, the accused being absolved from any sin and saved from death."

During the Ming and Qing dynasties, both the Portuguese in Macao and the Catholic priests were considered naturalized foreigners or people from the West who were submitted to the Heavenly Throne and for this reason were allowed to establish themselves in China. Du Zhen's• poem entitled Xiangshan'ao• (Xiangshan and Macao) recorded a conversation that he had with a priest when he visited Macao:

    “白头老人发垂耳,
    [...]
    扶杖穿屐迎道左,
    稽首厥角语  咿。
    自言慕义来中夏,
    天朝雨露真无私。
    世世沐浴圣人化,
    坚守臣节誓不移。
    我闻此语甚欣喜,
    揽曫停骖重慰之:
    如今海內歌清宴,
    薄海內外无远迩,
    同仁一视恩膏施。
    还归寄语西洋国,
    百千万作藩篱。”22
    ("There was an old man with white hair 
    covering his ears. 
    [...] 
    In slippers, and propped on a walking-stick, 
    He looked up, mumbling in a strange 
    language: 
    I came to China for I admire her for her 
      benevolence, 
    The Celestial Court has no selfish interests. 
    The scholar sages teach the Truth to all 
      generations, 
    I will follow their teachings and perform my 
      obligations. 
    How gratified I was when I heard that, 
    Immediately I stopped my three-horse coach 
      to greet him: 
    Today all the world lauds the good deeds of 
      the Qing, 
    Among countries, there is actually no far 
      distance. 
    We give equal benefits to each and all. 
    Will you please pass this message to the 
      Occidental states, 
    Then thousands of foreigners will want to do 
      the same.")

What this old, foreign priest said to the qinchai dachen (High Commissioner), Du Zhen, reveals a far greater sense of humble obedience than was shown by his Jesuit predecessors Matteo Ricci and St. Francis Xavier. On the other hand, Du Zhen, blind to reality, unwittingly reveals the conceit and arrogance so typical of the Qing dynasty government at the time which still indulged its belief in the Superiority of the Heavenly dynasty.

At the time of writing, there were indeed many churches and priests in Macao. Being a disciple of Buddhism, Shi Jishan was surprised to see so many priests [i. e., Fathers] from St. Paul's Church walking in the streets and could not help exclaiming in his work Sanbashi• (Poems on St. Paul's):

    “[...]
    相逢十字街头客,
    尽是三巴寺里人。
    ……
    年来吾道荒凉甚,
    翻羡侏礼拜频。
    [...]”
    ("[...] 
    You always meet in the streets of Macao, 
    The people from St. Paul's. 
    [...] 
    While Buddhist temples seem deserted, 
    More foreigners go to the churches! 
    [...]")
    Chen Yuan• gave the following comments on the poem: 
    "[...]

" [...] when the monk Shi Jishan• observed the frequent Catholic celebrations held at the church, he lamented the inactivity of Buddhism and tried to revive it with the Catholic spirit."23

In fact there are many more poems describing the Jesuits everyday life, but as the authors themselves were not Catholics, it is difficult for us to know how much of what they wrote is actually based on truth. Here is an example, written by the poet Liu Shizhong:

    "[...]
    斜日听钟才早供,
    妙檀罗拜又黄昏。
    [...]" 
    ("[...] 
    Morning classes start when they hear the bell, 
    And they finish prayers when it is again 
    sunset. 
    [...]")

The poet tells us, then, that on hearing the bell at sunset, the priests started to study for the lessons they would have in the morning, after which they would spend the entire day praying until the following sunset. This description of the priests daily routine was very different from that recorded by Catholic poets, such as Wu Li,• however. In Sanba ji, Yuezhong zayong• (Collection of Poems about St. Paul's, in Guangdong Miscellaneous 25) he writes:

    “[...]
    何当日课分卯酉,
    静听摇铃读二时。
    [...]”
    ("[...] 
    With the classes divided into mao and you, 
    They quietly wait for the bell to study two hours. 
    [...]")

Wu Li describes how the priests had two classes a day, one at six o'clock in the morning and the other at seven oclock in the evening. Lu Xiyan described the same routine in a different way in his Aomen ji• (About Macao):

  “[...]
 有文士焉,
    衣服翩翩,
    吟哦不辍。
    从天主堂而出入,
    读书谈道。
    习格物、穷理而学超性者。
    [...]”24
    ("[...] 
    They were scholars, 
    Wearing elegant clothes. 
    They studied all day. 
    Both in and out of the church, 
    They read and pray, 
    They were true scholars. 
    [...]")

These verses written by Catholic poets reveal Liu Shizhong's• understanding to have been somewhat inaccurate.

Most poems depicting the life led by the priests seemingly suggest that they suffered sexual problems. Chen Guan,• in Aomen zhuzhici• 4 (The Bamboo Poems of Macao 4) wrote these lines:

    “[...]
    生子还当爱法王。
    [...]”25
    ("[...] 
    Once I have a child, I will give him to the 
    Fawang to be baptized. 
    [...]")

Li Xialing, in Aomen zayong• 5 (Miscellaneous Poems on Macao 5), wrote:

    “[...]
    偶然天主房中宿,
    便有亲知道上夸。
    [...]”
    ("[...] 
    Once I stay a night in God's Chamber, 
    Someone close will express admiration. 
    [...]")

In Aomen zhuzhici• 6 (The Bamboo Poems of Macao 6), Zhang Lin• wrote:

    “[...]
    娉婷同到三巴寺,
    笑愿生子仗法王。
    [...]”
    ("[...] 
    There were girls who went to St. Paul's Temple. 
    Smiling, they said they wanted to bear a child 
    to Fawang.  
    [...]")

All these verses reveal the illicit relationships which existed between priests and foreign women, also mentioned by Qu Dajun, in Diyu Aomen:• Guangdong xinyu• (Verses on Earth: Macao, in New Words of Guangdong), vol. 2:

    “[...]
    女人寺,
    或惟法王所慾,
    与法王生子,
    谓之天主子,
    绝贵重矣。
    [...]”)
    ("[...] 
    The girl went into the church 
    To meet the Fawang,  
    [...] 
    When she had his child, 
    The child would be called Heavenly child, 
    And dearly and greatly cherished. 
    [...]")

Ye Tingxun,• in Yuyi Aomen jishi shiwu shou 10 (Fifteen Poems on Macao 10) wrote:

    “洋蜡高烧鼓吹奇,
    管弦声彻夜阑时。
    番僧不守如来戒,
    笑拥蛮姬酒一卮。”
    ("With drums beating, under candle lights, 
    Absorbed in lustful melodies all night, 
    The foreign monks forget all Buddhist taboos, 
    Embracing their beauties while wining and 
      dining.")

This poem portrays how Western priests flirted with women while drinking and listening to music throughout the night. This behaviour was of course entirely incompatible with the eight commandments, Ten Commandments and other Buddhist doctrines which strictly forbade sex and drinking. Furthermore, it was totally contrary to the teachings of The Bible, which appeals to the pursuit of asceticism and moral integrity. A Catholic priest was forbidden to marry. Self-discipline was frequently preached to the masses in churches during the Middle Ages. However, as they became part of the feudal ruling class in Europe, living in wealth and enjoying many privileges, the priests began increasingly to abuse their exhalted position, leading a more worldly and corrupt life. Towards the end of the Middle Ages, some priests became entangled in an indissoluble bond with mistresses or prostitutes.

Many aristocratic priests, in fact, led more corrupt and decadent lives than those of feudal vassals. Indeed, corruption within the Church became so bad that it led to a serious crisis and ultimately represented one of the major under-lying causes for the two great European movements: the Renaissance and the Reformation. The lascivious acts of the priests mentioned in the above poems merely reflect the continuing corruption evident in the Church at the time.

However, it must be admitted that some of the Chinese poets observations arose from sheer misunderstanding or ignorance. One example of this can be found in Chen Yanyu's• lines:

    “[...]
    彝女日为群,
    密受番僧誓。
    [...]”
    ("[...] 
    Foreign women get together by day 
    To hear the priests secret vows. 
    [...]")

Here, the poet is confusing confession with something altogether more intimate. Similar misunderstandings also appeared in Pan Youdu's• poems, according to whom:

    “[...]
    养尊和尚亦称王,
    妇女填门谒上方。
    [...]”
    ("[...] 
    The priests lead a comfortable life like kings 
    All women want to see them and ask for 
    blessings. 
    [...]")

In ancient China, the relationship between men and women was governed by the age-old Confucian code of behaviour. According to this, [...] everything is thrown into chaos if we do not distinguish between men and women [and] men and women should not have bodily contact. In Buddhism, contact between women and priests in religious activities was always considered a lascivious act. Xu Dashou,• of the late Ming dynasty, states in Zuo Pi:

"All the foreign women who share in this strange belief live together, accepting all the religious teachings of the priests in secret. They have many sacraments in the Church, which include the dipping of Holy water and of Holy oil, the tasting of holy salt, the lighting of holy candles, the sharing of Holy bread, the fluttering of the Holy fans, the wearing of strange clothes and alas, sleeping together at night! What on earth is all this?"27

This description may help us trace the causes of these misunderstandings. It is necessary to point out that there definitely existed missionaries in China, mainly Jesuits, who did respect and observe the creeds and precepts of The Bible and did not enter into illicit relationships with women. In 1720 (Kangxi reign, year 59), the Emperor wrote the following about the Jesuits who worked for the Imperial Court:

"For more than two hundred years since the arrival of Fr. Matteo Ricci, the foreigners have not committed any corrupt or libidinous acts, nor have they broken any Chinese laws. They merely practice their faith in peace."28

Furthermore, when recording the early years of the Emperor Qianlong's reign, Yin Guangren and Zhang Rulin wrote:

"The foreign Fathers [i. e., priests] have neither wives nor houses, but they have European women to take care of them. They make the Church their own home, and stay there with the other Fathers. [...] These Fathers visit foreigners houses. When they come out of the Church to visit the foreigners wives, they bring with them a stick or an umbrella, leaving them outside the door. When the husbands come home and see these things, they will avoid meeting the Fathers. [...] However the rules of St. Paul's Church are more severe. Foreign women come to their churches only for the purpose of saying prayers and learning the Holy words. The Brothers that live in the monastery do not come out unless there is a special reason to do so. And when they do come out, they are always accompanied by many people. They have their names written on boards [to inform]."29

§2. THE SACRAMENTS AND OTHER RELIGIOUS PRACTICES

The Portuguese who lived in Macao always observed the religious traditions of their own country, hence Catholicism, the most widespread religious belief in Portugal, took root in the territory. Furthermore, Macao was historically the Church's centre of Christianization in the Orient, which explains why individual churches actively practiced the Catholic sacraments in Macao during the Qing dynasty, despite the religion having been outlawed in the interior of China.

It was understood by poets that Catholicism, as practiced by the foreigners in Macao, was a belief system completely different from that of Buddhism or Daoism, hence Chen Guan's words in Aomen zhuzhici 2 (The Bamboo Poems of Macao 2):

"The religious belief of Macao is not the same as that of China. Worship is neither paid to the Celestial King, nor Sakyamuni."

Qu Dajun, in Aomen• 2 (Macao 2), wrote:

"God is in charge of the ethereal incense; while women run money and Knife matters [...]."

Their belief in Catholicism and the practice of women governing domestic matters were two important features that differentiated Westerners from their Chinese counterparts.

In Yesu• (Jesus), Shan Zilian• refers to a solemn Catholic event in Macao. It is regarded as the most laconic Chinese description of the ambiance of a religious festival:

    “外国有蛮经,
    其名曰耶苏
    [...]
    我闻澳门鬼,
 钦之如典谟。
 登檀高说经,
    听讲来千夫。
    剺面击铜鼓,
    椎髻宣宝符。
    珠缨星宿炫,
    花鬘龙蛇舞,
    欢呼并翕习,
    耸听遍九衢。”30
    ("Foreigners have their own faith, 
    Jesus is his name. 
    [...] 
    After I listen to him in Macao, 
    I begin to follow him faithfully. 
    The father is preaching on stage, 
    Attracting thousands of believers. 
    Accompanied by gongs beating, 
    An old man is chanting. 
    The lights look like stars, 
    The dragons are dancing. 
    The disciples are applauding, 
    And cheering in every street.")

Here we witness a festive moment during a religious celebration in Macao, highlighted by preaching, beating gongs, Chinese dragon dances and cheerful and noisy street scenes.

The mass, usually held on Sundays, is the main sacrament of the Catholic faith. Its importance exists in its symbolic sacrifice of Christ. In Aomen Jishi tong Cai Jinghou liushou• 4 (With Cai Jinghou in Macao 4), Wang Houlai takes great delight in watching crowds of beautifully dressed women going to church on a pleasant Sunday morning:

    “赤乌已映三巴寺,
    白雾犹涵老漫山。
    七日一回看礼拜,
    番姬盈路锦斓斑。”31
    ("St. Paul's Temple is already bathed in 
    warm sunshine, 
    The ancient hill is nestling in soft white mist. 
    The foreign women are dressed up so 
    beautifully, 
    When they go to the mass every seven days.")
    Ye Tingxun,• on the same subject, writes: 
    “缠头花帽影俜伶,
    信步齐登礼拜亭。
    怪得西洋称佛国,
    念珠牢记诵心经。”
    ("Wearing pretty coloured hats 
    The women step into the hall for the mass. 
    No wonder Xiyang61 is called a Buddha's62 
    land, 
    Just see how faithfully they pray!")

Jin Caixiang• gives a poetic description of the lively atmosphere of an all-day celebration at St. Paul's Church in Aomen yifu baimiao shi• 1 (Foreign Women Worshipping in the Church, in Poems on Macao 1):

    “三巴门内瑞烟开,
    夷妇殷勤礼拜来。
    席地跏趺忘日永,
    氤氲人气绕莲台。”32
    ("By mid-morn St. Paul's doors are open, 
    In come the foreign women to worship and 
    pray. 
    They are singing and praying with heart and 
    soul, 
    Totally immersed in the warm ambiance of 
    the Lord's table.")

The mass is composed of readings and preachings, as Liu Shizhong• notes in his poem Sanbashi (Poems on St. Paul's):

    “[...]
    坐堂环白鬼,
    听法间红毛。
    [...]”
    ("[...]  
    They were all sitting around a white foreigner. 
    Among them were some red-haired aliens.  
    [...]")

The lines describe a scene in which European Catholics listen to the words of a priest at St. Paul's. Among the congregation were some Dutch, described by the poet as "[...] red-haired aliens."

Jin Caixiang• in Aomen yifu baimiao shi 2 (Foreign Women Worshipping in the Church, in Poems on Macao 2), also writes:

    “一只纤手嫩于莲,
    对佛持经志益虔。
    百八牟尼刚数罢,
    堂头法语又传宣。”
    ("The women took the sutra in their tender 
    hands, 
    Devoutly they read The Bible and pray. 
    The hundred and so devotees finished 
    counting. 
    And the head priest resumes preaching.")

And once more in his Aomen yifu baimiao shi 3 (Foreign Women Worshipping in the Church, in Poems on Macao 3) Jin Caixiang writes:

    “一声棒喝碧天寥,
    静抚风琴古韵遥。
    彷彿鱼山闻梵呗,
    群芳屏息谢尘嚣。”
    ("A clamour rose, and all became quiet. 
    Only the organ melody ebbed and flowed. 
    All listened to the priests teachings, 
    Even women stopped their earthly chatterings.")

Liao Chilin,• in Aomen zhuzhici 6 (The Bamboo Poems of Macao 6), also describes these religious activities:

    “法    开会拟无遮,
    梵呗声沉日未斜。
    今日听经归去早,
    拈香重过小三巴。”
    ("The ceremony was held in the open air. 
    The sun had set when the fanbei ended. 
    Today I can go back home earlier, 
    I would like to pass by St. Joseph's 
    Seminary.")

And in Aomen zhuzhici 7 (The Bamboo Poems of Macao 7), Liao Chilin reflects on the priests teachings as he makes his way home:

    “绀绿华  逐伴回,
    巾缠毡绣襟开。
    拈花莫怪迎风笑,
    适听天王说法来。”
    ("Walking home in the twilight, 
    I do feel enlightened. Smilingly, 
    I Remember the priests advice, 
    And knowingly, I will not go astray.")

The sacrament of penitence, the confession, is another important component of the Catholic faith. During the act of confessing, the penitent, in strict confidence, confesses his sins to the priest, who then prescribes the requisite penance. As referred to above, both Chen Yanyu• and Pan Youdu• describe in their poems how they witnessed foreign women going to church to confess their sins. Another poet, Cai Xianyuan,• provides some vivid detail on this subject in Ting xiyang yinu caoqin• (Listening to Foreign Women Playing the Organ):

    “朝来礼拜三巴寺,
    百千夷女纷成群。
    [...]
    合掌西僧自忏悔,
    喃喃耳语人难闻。
    [...]
    西僧颔之作梵唱,
    咿嘤可厌如和秋蟁。
    [...]”34
    ("Hundreds of foreign women, 
    Flocked to St. Paul's Temple on Sunday, 
    [...] 
    To confess their sins, 
    Whispering in a baffling tongue. 
    [...] 
    The foreign priest bowed, 
    The music shrills like the buzz of a cicada. 
    [...]")

The poetry of Pan Youdu is particularly rich when it comes to religious ceremony. In Xiyang zayong• 8 (Macao Miscellaneous 8) he broaches the custom of fasting:

    “[...]
    斋戒有期名彼是,
    只供鱼蠏厌羔羊
    [...]”
    ("[...] 
    The fasting is called dia de peixe, 35 
    They eat neither beef nor mutton, merely 
    fish. 
    [...]")

In Catholicism, the fasting days are restricted to Ash Wednesday and Holy Friday, respectively known by the Chinese as Dazhai• (big fasting) and Xiaozhai (small fasting). On the day of Xiaozhai,• Catholics abstain only from eating the meat of warm-blooded animals, although fish and other aquatic animals can still be eaten. On the day of Dazhai, Good Friday (the day of Christ's death) and Christmas Eve (the day before Christ's birth), Catholics are allowed nothing in the morning, a normal lunch, and a very light dinner. "Dia de peixe" here refers to the day of Xiaozai, which falls on every Friday.

In Aomen zayong 2 (Macao Miscellaneous 2), Ye Tingshu• writes:

    “[...]
    八月月娥开月殿,
    九天天主散天花。
    [...]”36
    ("[...] 
    The Moon Princess throws open the Moon 
    Palace in Bayue, 63 
    And the Jiu tian64 Tianzhu spreads flowers 
    on the ninth day. 
    [...]")

The Chinese name for the Catholic God is "Tianzhu" ("Heavenly King" or "God"). The poem describes a Catholic procession during which Catholics spread flowers along the streets of Macao to celebrate the birth of the Virgin Mary. This falls on the 8th of September, usually corresponding to the eighth moon of the Chinese lunar calendar.

By the end of the Ming dynasty seaborne trade between Macao and the rest of the world was booming and becoming increasingly developed. Because the Portuguese of Macao lived on the profits from the this lucrative trade with the West coast of India and Timor, during these times religious ceremonies prominently featured prayers for successful seafaring and navigation. Pan Youdu, in Xiyang zayong 16 (Macao Miscellaneous 16) wrote:

    “[...]
    祈风日日钟声急
    千里梯航瞬息回。
    [...]”
    ("[...]
    Their women's prayers are getting more
    passionate everyday,
    And instantly their ships come home from a
    thousand li• away.
    [...]")

In ancient Chinese literature, there is a genre called Guiyuanshi• (Poems of Grieving Women). The airing of grievances by young women whose husbands were constantly kept away from home by their commercial engagements constituted an important subject matter. In these poems, distraught young wives give vent to their feelings of loneliness and resentment and make earnest appeal for their husbands early return. The poetry of Macao during the Qing dynasty also describes the lives of the religious young women of Portuguese merchants families. Wang Zhen writes in Aomen zhuzhici 10 (The Bamboo Poems of Macao 10):

    '心病恹恹体倦扶'
    明朝又是独名姑。
    修斋欲祷龙松庙,
    夫趁歌斯得返无。”37
    ("I feel sick and exausted,
    It will be Dumingu65 again tomorrow.
    Faithfully I go praying at Longsongmiao. 
    Will my husband return soon from [distant]
    costa ?")

The particular coast in question was the Malabar Coast, West of the peninsula of India, along which Goa, Dio and other Portuguese colonies, often referred to as "Xiaoxiyang"• in Chinese documents, were situated. These places were often visited for business and trade by the commercial ships of the Portuguese merchants living in Macao. "Longsongmiao"• refers to the Church of Santo Agostinho (St. Augustine). The poem describes the sorrows and anxieties of a lonely young Portuguese woman waiting desperately in Macao for her husband to return home from his business ventures on the West coast of India. The poet also expresses his deep sympathy for this grieving Portuguese woman and his sincere wish for the couples early reunion. The result is a poem which successfully combines Chinese and Portuguese Guiyuanshi.•

Interestingly, in Liao Chilin's Aomen Zhuzihici 8 (The Bamboo Poems of Macao 8), the grievances or complaints continue in the same vein:

    “郎趁歌斯万里间,
    计程应近此时还。
    望人庙外占风信,
    肠断遥天一发山。”
    ("You have been on the [distant] costa so far
      away,
    I have been counting on your return today.
    In Fengxinmiao for you I have been praying,
    Oh, it breaks my heart to worry night and
      day.")

Here, "Fengxinmiao"• is the Church of São Lourenço (St. Lawrence) in Macao, known by the locals as the Temple of Faith in Good Wind due to the fact that immediately upon completion a flag was erected in front of the church to indicate the direction of the wind. 38 Built in 1558, it was one of the first Catholic churches to be built in the territory. Zhang Rulin and Yin Guangren in the chapter entitled Aofan pian (Macao Foreigners) in the Aomen Jilue (Monograph of Macao) wrote:

"In the southwest, there is the Fengxinmiao [Temple of Faith in Good Wind, i. e., St. Lawrence's Church]. As soon as the foreign ships set sail, the families and relatives of the navigators start praying for their safe return, showing their faith in the smooth wind secured by that Temple."

The Chinese, perhaps believing that this church had the same function as the Chinese temple Tianfeimiao• (Barra's Temple, or the Temple of the Sea Goddess Ama), called it Fengxinmiao (Temple of Faith in Good Wind) or Fengshunmiao (Temple of Plain Sailing Wind). Another name by which the church is known is Wangrenmiao• (Temple of Watching Men Return Safely), most probably because it is located overlooking the Praya Grande bay and the sea, from where the sails of returning ships could be seen at a distance. The Aomen Jilue also states:

"The Portuguese are engaged in business and trade. [...] Any ships cargo is worth a large fortune, say, of ten thousand taels. Wealthy families have their own ships and become richer and richer. [...] Those that are less wealthy join hands with others to purchase a ship. The ships sail out on business adventures once a year and dozens of families become dependent on the fate of those ships. [...] The women calculate the time of their return and in the meantime they continuously chant at home with their children, praying for the south wind to bring back their husbands. Should their husbands or loved ones die, or fail to return home, they go begging, one after the other, sometimes in their hundreds, in the streets."

Now let us return to the solitary Portuguese woman waiting agonisingly for her man outside the Fengxinmiao. It is the season when the southwesterly wind is blowing and the ships are returning home from Xiaoxiyang. On seeing that the prevailing wind is not favourable for sailing, she feels extremely worried and distressed. She is not only worried about her husband, but also about the fate of the whole family!

Another Catholic sacrament, which was also an important religious activity in Macao in those years, is the wedding feast. On the day of the wedding, the parents take the boy and the girl to the church. They kneel before the priest who, after saying a prayer, asks the bride and the groom if they agree to marry each other. He then joins their hands, declaring that the new couple are united by God, never to be parted. 39 During Ming and Qing dynasties, this was called jiaoyin (exchange of wedding seals). In the early years of Emperor Kangxi's reign, the poet You Tong• wrote the following under the title Folangji zhuzhici• (The Bamboo Poems of the Portuguese):

    “[...]
    蜈蚣船橹海中驰,
    入寺还将红杖持。
    何事佛前交印去,
    定婚来乞比丘尼。
    [...]”
    ("The boats glide like scolopendrids over the 
    sea. 
    They enter the Temple, holding the red stick. 
    Why do they present the seals in front of 
    Buddha? 
    For nuptial bliss they go to ask biqiuni.66")

Here, the word "biqiuni" should be Bhiksu• (bonze or Buddhist monk) referring to the priest presiding at the wedding ceremony.

The wedding ceremonies took place in specified churches. The chapter Aofan pian (Macao Foreigners) in Aomen Jilue (Monograph of Macao) has this to say on the subject:

"The Church of Santo António [St. Anthony], St. Lawrence's Church and the [Cathedral] divide the foreigners in Macao into three communities. They can celebrate their weddings in their respective churches. Weddings are not allowed in the other churches."

St. Anthony's Church was known by the Chinese as the Huawangmiao •(The Temple of the Flower King). The same document states:

"In the north corner, there is a church where all the foreign boys and girls in love go to pray to the gods and to take an oath. Afterwards the bonzes [i. e., priests] select a good day to marry them. This church is called the Huawangmiao."

According to Chinese legend and custom, Huawang• is the King of Flowers. As flowers are the symbol of happy marriages on earth, and many weddings took place at St. Anthony's, the Chinese named the church Huawangmiao. According to Western custom, after the wedding, the woman becomes responsible for domestic affairs and the man usually lives in his wife's house. Let us quote a couple of lines from Li Xialings Aomen zayong 5 (Macao Miscellaneous 5):

    “[...]
    交印全凭妇坐衙,
    客来陪接擎茶。
    [...]”
    ("[...] 
    The woman rules the house and jiaoyin67 
    The man serves tea and keeps company. 
    [...]")

In a Chinese marriage, the man41 is dominant. At the wedding reception, the bride serves and entertains the guests. Foreign traditions are different, however, which is why in Chinese documents it is often claimed that [...] the [Western] women had privileges [...]42 or [...] the [Western] woman is more respected than the man [...]. 43

Chen Guan• offers a more apt description of "jiaoyin" in his Aomen zhuzhici (The Bamboo Poems of Macao 4):

    “戒指拈来杂异香,
    同心结就两鸳鸯。
    嫁郎未必他年悔,
    生子还当付法王。”
    ("With exotic wedding rings being swapped. 
    Two loving yuanyang68 tie the knot. 
    They will never regret their eternal wedlock. 
    And will bring their offspring to be baptized.")

There are detailed descriptions of "jiaoyin" in Xiangshan xianzhi• (Xiangshan County Records) compiled during Emperor Qianglong's reign:

"Girls are more valued than boys. Everybody is happy to have a daughter. When she grows up and becomes of marriageable age, her parents choose a husband for her. They arrange for them to meet. [...] She gives the man a ring if she agrees. The seng69 is consulted and his consent is sought. On the wedding day, they go to the miao70 with the matchmaker. The seng asks the bride and groom:

- Will you ever regret this matrimony?

To which both exclaim:

-No!

The seng says a prayer while the matchmaker leads the way to the brides house where a banquet takes place. Then, the bride is escorted by friends and relatives to the groom's house, where tables are laid for another banquet, jiaoyin, as they say.

It should also be noted that baptism, as mentioned in Chen Guan's poem, is another important Catholic sacrament.

§3. THE CHINESE UNDERSTANDING OF CATHOLICISM DURING THE QING DYNASTY

If we study the poetry of Macao and other relevant literature of the Qing dynasty, we can see that both the attitude of Chinese scholars towards Catholicism and their knowledge of the subject comes from a perspective based on traditional Chinese culture. Indeed, the Chinese understanding of Catholicism as reflected in the poetry of Macao during the Qing dynasty is best demonstrated by the poets frequent use of analogy, especially as refers to religious beliefs and customs inherently embedded in Chinese culture. This approach is predominant in the poems of Macao of this period, although they are also distinguished by other linguistic and stylistic characteristics, such as the old and new classical techniques. 44

If we look at some of the terminology used by poets during this period, therefore, we can begin to see a pattern. As cited above a Catholic Church is known to the Chinese as si• (temple), baofang• (treasure house), shanmen• (door of the mountain), jinxiang• (golden image), and liantai• (platform of lotus flower). It is also called miao• (temple). Jesus, or Jehova, is known as Tianzhu (Celestial or Heavenly King), Father Superiors [and Bishops] as Fawang (King of Law) or daheshang• (Big Brother), Brothers and monks as seng• (priest), shami• (Brother), and biqiuni (monk), all of which are words and terms related to Buddhism. On the other hand, the word nishi (Sister or nun) can be traced to the ancient Chinese classic Shijing zhounan• (The Book of Poetry Zhounan). Portugal, as a Catholic country, was known as Foguo (the Buddha's land or country), and The Bible was understood as Xinjing• (Sutras of the Heart), a word with Buddhist roots.

If we look at the area of the religious sacraments, this Chinese perspective comes through clearly. Chen Guan, •in Wang Haojingao •(A Glimpse of Macao), wrote:

"The wind and the rain from the sea splash through St. Paul's Temple."

In describing Jesus Christ as "Xiyangyi suo ji zhi zu"• ("Ancestor or Father worshipped by Westerners"), 45 it is clear that the Western worship of Jesus reminds the Chinese of their traditional custom of worshipping their ancestors with incense and fruit. Bao Jun,• in Xingxiangzi-Aomen• (Worshipping in Macao), writes:

"[...] worshipping Jesus with fruit and sweet incense."46

Here the poet draws an analogy between the Westerners worship of Jesus and the Chinese rituals of worshipping their Buddha and other deities with fruits and through the burning of incense. In Liao Chilin's • Aomen zhuzhici• 6 (The Bamboo Poems of Macao 6), mentioned above, "Nianxiang"• ("The Burning of Incense"), a term associated with a Buddhist rite, is used to refer to the devotion of Jesus. In Jin Caixiang's• Aomen yifu baimiao shi• 2 (Foreign Women Worshipping in the Church in Poems on Macao 2) "baiba muni zhu" •("the one hundred-and-eight beads of Buddhism") is used to denote the Catholic rosary. The poet also compares the priests preaching to that of the praying of the head monk to Buddha. Further Chinese expressions for Catholic terms are readily encountered throughout these poems: "libai" • ("devotion to gods"), "chanhui"• ("confession"), "Fengxinmiao" or "Fenshunmiao" ("St. Lawrence's Church"), "qifeng"• ("prayers for good wind") and "jiaoyin"• ("wedding ceremony").

Wu Xingzuo's• poem Sanbatang• (St. Paul's Church) and Yin Guangren's Sanba xiaozhong• (The Chiming from St. Paul's at Dawn) are full of Buddhist references and humour. These poets inherited their pleasant style and humble faith from the great Chinese men of letters dating back to the times of Bai Xiangshan• of the Tang• dynasty and Su Dongpo• of the Song dynasty. Its even possible that, imbued with Buddhist ideals, they came to admire St. Paul's Church.

Some Buddhist anecdotes came to be used in reference to the Catholic sacraments. For instance, Jin Caixiang• describes the sermon given by the priest as "banghe"• ("warning by hitting with a stick"). The term originated from the Buddhist practice of a Brother Superior beating the newly initiated with a stick, or of the head monk shouting at new disciples as either a test of their faith or as a warning. Another example can be found in the line:

"[...] we hear fanbei on Yushan Mountain [...]"describing organ-accompanied Catholic praying and chanting. The word "fanbei" •here is a classic reference to the Buddhist ritual of praying and chanting. The legend goes that during the period of the Three Kingdoms, • Cao Zhi• heard monks chanting and begging on Yushan Mountain in Dong'a • county, Shandong • province. Inspired, he created a musical instrument called a fanbei, which imitated the rhythm and the tone of the chanting. In Aomen zhuzhici 6 (Bamboo Poems of Macao 6), Liao Chilin • describes Gospel preaching at evangelist meetings thus:

"[...] Performing rituals in the open air [...]"

Here, the poet appears to be drawing an analogy between the Buddhist custom of the Brother Superior presiding over a ritual in the open air every five years to the Catholic practice of priests spreading the Christian gospel. And in Aomen zhuzhici 7 (Bamboo Poems of Macao 7), the same poet uses expressions (e. g., "knowingly" and "smilingly") which are typical of Buddhism.

What then explains this use of analogy by Chinese poets when dealing with the subject of Catholicism? The explanation for this can be found both in the traditional culture of China and in the Catholic faith itself.

China has existed for thousands of years. Traditional Chinese culture, which is both deeprooted and well-established, combines Confucianism, the central doctrine, with Buddhism and Daoism. As Confucianism was not a religion as such, Buddhism became the major faith. Although Buddhism was imported from outside, it had, by the time of the Ming and Qing dynasties, already existed for thousands of years in China and had gradually, over time, taken root, becoming an integral part of Chinese culture. Renowned and farsighted monks mixed with Chinese scholars and men of letters and it was through their close contacts and exchanges that Buddhist terms and notions crept into the language of poetry.

Being polytheistic, the Chinese have always maintained an attitude of tolerance and acceptance towards other religious beliefs. They have always advocated the doctrine of harmony. Thanks to this all-embracing attitude, when Catholicism was introduced into China, the Chinese naturally compared it with Buddhism and found that the two religions had many things in common. This partly explains why the Chinese poets used Buddhist terminology in describing Catholicism.

The Qing dynasty was the period during which initial contacts were established between Chinese and Western cultures. Owing to Chinese poets limited knowledge of the new faith at the time and their readers narrow capacity for understanding the new and different, the poets only means of representing Catholicism was to present it through analogy, an obviously unscientific method. Although Chinese knowledge of Catholicism was only superficial, Qing dynasty poetry did manage to display a better understanding of it than that of its Ming predecessor.

During the late Ming and early Qing period, while introducing Western science and technology to accomplish their mission of Christianization, Catholics like Fr. Matteo Ricci and his followers applied a 'spirit of accommodation' towards the traditional habits and customs of China. During their first years in China, they imitated Buddhist traditions. Matteo Ricci shaved his head and dressed as a monk, calling himself Xiseng • (the foreign monk) and churches si (temples) in order to facilitate contacts with the Chinese. 47 When he wrote his work Tianzhu shiyi• (True Meaning of the Lord of Heaven), he used the Buddhist words:

"The more selfish people there are, the fewer people practice the truth. That is why the Lord himself came to humanity with kindness to save human beings."48

We can see therefore that even Catholic priests borrowed from Buddhism in their efforts to introduce the Catholic faith.

Later, Matteo Ricci came to have a better understanding of the nature of traditional Chinese culture and the fact that Confucianism lay at its core. This resulted in Ricci describing himself as a foreign confucianist and adopting a tolerant attitude towards the rites of the Tian• (Heaven) cult, Confucius and his ancestors, all concepts closely related to Confucianism. The aim of this was to simultaneously soften the resistance of Chinas traditional culture to Catholic missionary efforts while speeding up its progress. However, this attitude contradicted the very principles of orthodox Catholicism and created a conflict among missionaries which was to last for over a hundred years. The matter was finally resolved when Pope Inocencio XI openly criticised Matteo Ricci, leading to the Imperial Court of China and the Vatican coming into conflict with the ultimate result that in 1720 (Kangxi reign, year 59) the Chinese Emperor forbade any further spreading of Catholicism in China, thus severely hindering the missionary activities of the Catholic Mission in the Empire.

Religion, like politics, does not easily traverse borders. Unlike science and technology, it is not easily introduced into other countries. There is a great difference between Western culture, of which Catholicism is a product, and traditional Chinese culture. Catholic missionary activities were closely related to Western colonialism. The essence of the Chinese Rites Controversy revealed that the Catholic attitude to Chinese culture was that of subjugation and not that of conciliation.

Referring to the introduction of Buddhism into China from India, Tang Yijie • explained that there had been three stages in the developmental process: first, the absorption of elements of Chinese culture and thinking; second, conflict with traditional Chinese culture; and finally, assimilation into Chinese culture and thinking. 49 With Catholicism, the efforts of Matteo Ricci to conciliate its tenets with Chinese rites, customs and thinking constituted the first stage. The controversy over rites was the second step. However, the internal debate over rites coupled with indigenous resistance to foreign beliefs provoked by Western aggression in China, blocked the way for Christian culture to merge with the Chinese cultural tradition. Indeed, Christian beliefs never assumed a place within traditional Chinese culture in the same way as Buddhism. This then explains the paucity of Catholic expression within Chinese poetry during the Qing dynasty in contrast with the many examples of Buddhist terminology and is thus another reason for the use of Buddhist analogy in the poetry of Macao. 50 This fact also explains the reason for the superficial knowledge of Catholicism held by Chinese and the unlikelihood of that ever increasing.

During the Qing dynasty, different attitudes towards Catholicism were displayed in Chinese poetry. Either it was considered as a foreign custom or it was simply regarded in a tolerant light. In the former case, it was looked upon with disdain and irony, as shown in the Dayoushi• (mockery poems). Some poetry is clearly anti-Catholic. For example, Qingzhoudao• (Green Island) by Shi Jishan: •

    '猘犬吠花人迹断'
    饥鸢占树鸟声哀。
    凭谁为语冯夷道,
    还与华亭作鈎台。”51
    ("The wolves howl and Men's footsteps
    disappear,
    The starving eagles invade the trees. The
    little birds are groaning.
    How can we trust the barbarians preaching,
    And turn the Chinese Pavilion, into a fishing
    place?")

The author refers to the Catholic priests as "wolves" and "starving eagles", showing his anger against the occupation of Chinese territory, Green Island, by the Westerners and also revealing a strong sense of national passion. In a similar vein, Qiu Duiyan, • in his poem Aomen (Macao), says:

    “安得伏波公,
    开府秉军政。
    压此天主堂,
    赫我雷霆令。
    […]”52
    ("When will general Fubo come, 
    Who will take hold of the military affairs? 
    He will threaten the Catholic Temples, 
    And they will obey our rules! 
    [...]")

Fubo• was a general during the Han• dynasty who achieved fame by conquering Cochin-China. The author is longing here for a hero comparable to general Fubo, who, in order to destroy the Catholic forces, would fight from the south of Lingnan Mountain• and retake Macao. The poem shows the traditional idea of Confucianism towards foreign invasion and defends the territorial integrity of the country.

The local authorities in Guangdong• worried about the activities of the Catholics in Macao and their influence over the other provinces in the country. As Shan Zilian• says:

    “[…]
    时有忧世人,
    闻之愈欷歔。
    谓此荒诞教,
    邪风乱吾儒。
    […]”
    ("[...] 
    The ones who worry about the situation, 
    Can not stop lamenting. 
    What kind of absurd belief is that, 
    Whose evil tendency will damage Confucianism. 
    [...]")

Catholicism should be abolished because its heretical opinions would cause serious damage to the social order and to men's hearts, and would also provoke the misunderstanding of Confucianism. Liu Shizhong• speaks of how Catholics should change their habits and customs with the help of the six sutras of Confucianism so that they would abandon Catholicism and understand the importance of paying respect to Chinese rites and beliefs:

    “[…]
    思传六籍将夷变,
    令识中华礼教尊。
    […]”
    ("[...] 
    It is necessary to teach the foreigners with the 
    six sutras, 
    So that they can respect the rites and beliefs 
    of the Chinese. 
    [...]")

The intellectuals of feudal China strongly believed that their patrimony, clothes and social system were all superior to anything possessed by the foreigners, and as such, believed they should learn from the Chinese. The opinion expressed by Liu Shizhong above represents the general attitude of intellectuals towards Catholicism and was an important element in the prevention of the spread of Catholicism in China.

The following work by Zhang Rulin, one of the authors of the Aomen Jilue (Monograph of Macao), is the most representative example of Chinese anti-Catholic sentiment. Zhang Rulin from Xuancheng• in Anhui• province was the zhixian• (Mayor) of Xiangshan• county and tongzhi in charge of Macao from 1746 to 1748 (Qianlong reign, years 13 to 15). By that time, Catholicism had been forbidden by the Imperial Court of the Qing dynasty. In February, 1747, he arrived in Macao to close the Catholic church known in Chinese as Tangrenmiao and forbade the Chinese to ever again set foot in a church. During his journey, he wrote two poems about Green Island, one of which reads as follows:

    “有田如舶以风畊,
    路问烟波什伯更。
    望断海山人不返,
    重来楼阁草无情。
    耶苏不怪生衰汉,
    玛窦何心纳故明。
    圣代即今殷未雨,
    百年淫蔓一时清。”53
    ("There are flat lands, that like the boats, are 
    cultivated by the wind, 
    We find the way through the mist and the 
    waves which are always changing. 
    We look through till where the sea ends. 
    And, we do not see those who went to the 
    mountain return. 
    I go back to the pavilions and notice that the 
    plants do not have feelings, 
    Jesus will not be surprised by the advent of 
    the Han dynasty's decadence. 
    How can Ricci demand the return of the old 
    splendour? 
    The Emperor has not started his magnanimous reign yet, 
    If so, the problems from a hundred years 
    before could be solved at once. 
    [It was proclaimed that the Catholic religion 
    of Jesus was forbidden, 
    and therefore I wrote these verses for you.]")

The first two sentences tell us of the Macao Portuguese dependence on the sea and that they mainly dedicated themselves to maritime trade. The second two sentences criticize the Emperors Wanli and Chongzhen• of the Ming dynasty for having accepted the presence of Catholic priests in China. But this, and also the fact that Emperor Qin Shihuang• of the Qin• dynasty asked for immortality-giving medicine from where the sea ends, and that he did not see the returning of those who went to the mountain, could not have prevented the decadence and downfall of the Ming dynasty. The third and fourth verses tell us that the birth of Jesus at the moment at which the Han dynasty slid into decadence should not be seen as surprising, and that Matteo Ricci showed false sincerity when he delivered his contribution to the Imperial Court. The last two sentences loudly decry the Qing dynasty for having only weakly forbidden and criticized the heretic belief responsible for creating so many problems during the previous one hundred years.

The most significant sentence is "Jesus will not be surprised by the advent of the Han dynasty's decadence [...]. According to the Christian Trinity, the creator Jehova and Jesus are one, having the same name - God. The missionaries said that Jesus, the son of the Virgin Mary, was born in Judeia during the Han dynasty (Yuanshou• reign, year 2) and died crucified.

According to traditional Chinese culture, Tian (Heaven) had a completely different meaning. The ancient philosophers of natural materialism in China considered the sky a symbol of natural cosmic law. Idealist philosophers, on the other hand, lauded God as a supernatural being who dominated all human beings and their destinies. This incompatibility explains why Chinese intellectuals refused to accept the Catholic thesis and never stopped fighting against it after the downfall of the Ming dynasty. Jiang Dejing, an intellectual of that time, wrote the Preface to a book entitled Poxie ji• (Against Heretics). In it, he expresses himself to the foreign priests:

"[...] the Supreme Lord is Shangdi [Divinity on High or Celestial Emperor, i. e., God]. However, for the Chinese, the Son of Heaven [i. e., the Emperor) is the one that can adore the Shangdi and there is no one who dares to question this fact. According to life-long teachings, proclaimed by the Chinese intellectuals, people should fear and respect Him. If he did not exist, neither would the celestial tranquillity. If he exists, what does he look like? If he does exist, I doubt he has deep-set eyes, a big nose or a thick beard."54

During the first years of Emperor Kangxi's reign, Yang Guangxian• said:

"Jesus was condemned to death by crucifixion because he rebelled against the nation. He was considered guilty because he misunderstood the words jun• [dominating] and chen• [dominated]. The husband of Christ's Mother was Joseph. However, Jesus was not his son and therefore was also considered guilty because he did not recognize his father."55

Loyalty and filial piety are two of the fundamental principles of Confucianism. According to what they considered a propaganda of foreign lies, the defenders of Confucianism came to the conclusion that Catholicism had neither 'King' nor father. Zhang Rulin used the words: "[...] do not surprise the ones who are already surprised [...]," considering that this propaganda was a complete nonsense. The sentence "Jesus will not be surprised with the advent of Han dynasty's decadence [...]" showed not only the level of ignorance which existed among the Chinese concerning Catholicism, but also the basic contradiction and incompatibility of Christian and traditional Chinese culture. Further anti-Catholic comments were written by Zhang Rulin:

    '金布三千界'
    钟鸣十二时。
    至今犹有臭,
    来此邈焉思。
    野祭初披发,
    廛栖但乞皮。
    西风霜杀草,
    春到恐还滋。56
    ("The gold spreads itself towards three thousand frontiers,
    The clock strikes twelve,
    Until today, the monkeys still stink
    So many distinct points makes one think.
    When they make sacrifices in the open air,
    they first free their hair,
    In their city houses they impose their beliefs.
    Helped by the West wind, though the frost
    burned the plants,
    When Springtime comes, they will blossom
      again.")

The sentence: "The gold spreads itself towards three thousand frontiers [...]" refers to the time and effort spent by priests in trying to spread their belief; in trying to buy believers. The sentence: "Until today, the monkeys still stink [...]" alludes to the poets contention that the spreading of Catholicism had resulted in a negative influence up until that time. The sentence: "When they make sacrifices in the open air, they first free their hair [...]" confirms the idea that Catholicism is nothing more than the belief of a couple of foreigners with long "free [...] hair", sacrificing on an unused plot of land, with the intention of taking possession of the land of another. The penultimate sentence: "Helped by the West wind, [...]" says that although it is forbidden, Catholicism can revive and develop itself once more like the plants that die in the cold west wind, blooming again in the springtime of the following year.

By the end of the Ming dynasty and the beginning of the Qing dynasty, more criticisms arose against the missionaries. This time for having seduced Chinese into their faith. Yan Wenhui• wrote:

"[...] they seduce the Chinese into accepting Catholicism, using the pretext that they would gain many facilities. Who accepts will receive silver. "57

During the first years of Emperor Qianlong's reign, the zhixian of Xiangshan wrote in Lun Aomen xingshi zhuang• (About the Situation in Macao):

"All the heretic beliefs want dishonest wealth, but the foreigners promoted their belief with financial expense. They are attractive [...], promising people all the gains. A miserable man that accepts baptism can have an annual pension of ten silvers, and if he be an intellectual he can have much more."58

Zhang Rulin fought Catholicism for two reasons. On the one hand, as a local official, it was his duty to execute the Central Government's orders, which were to forbid Catholicism. On the other hand, as an intellectual in feudal China, it was in his interests to defend Confucian tradition. In a report entitled Qingfeng tangren miao zouji• (Asking that Tangrenmiao be made forbiden):

"[...] if they do not follow the Saints' books, then, through the name of religion, they will certainly receive an order of expulsion. If they do not follow the principles of the Emperor, it will then be by the prestige of the Empire that they will not be tolerated. The vassals of the Empire who were converted to the barbarians' religion do not respect the nation. It is through fear that the subtle actions of the barbarians could cause wickedness within Chinese criminals. That is why it is necessary to take precaution."59

This analysis proposes, on the one hand, the need to defend Confucian traditions, preventing imperial vassals from being converted to the barbarians religion, and on the other, the suggestion that any contact be avoided between Chinese and foreigners that could threaten the feudal authority of China. The stance adopted here reflects the writers own attitude, belonging as he did to the dominant class within China.

A distinct change in emphasis becomes apparent within Catholic missionary circles during the Qing dynasty. Whereas during the preceding Ming dynasty missionaries had attempted to develop relationships with intellectual society, with the outlawing of Catholicism during the last years of the reign of Emperor Kangxi and during the Emperor Yongzheng's reign stress was placed on converting the common people. No longer was it possible to find intellectuals who tolerated Catholicism openly, such as Xu Guangqi, Li Zhizao and Yang Tingjun had done during the Ming dynasty. During the Qing dynasty, the only poem to show a tolerant attitude was written by Shan Zilian. • Regarding the anxiety of the Guangdongnese towards the development of Catholicism in the whole province, he wrote:

"The Guangdongnese do not need to worry about this minor subject. If the foreigners do not obey their existence will depend on Catholicism; if they do obey their religious belief will be no more worthy than witchcraft."

The author thought that if the Portuguese living in Macao did not obey Chinese customs then they could not live for even a single day without Catholicism. If they obeyed Chinese customs, however, even if they continued to practice the Catholic faith, then the Chinese also need not worry for this faith would be no more than foreign witchcraft.

CONCLUSION

That Chinese poets described Catholicism in Macao, the centre of Western culture in China, is an interesting detail in the history of Sino-Western cultural contact. Through their poetry we can come to understand the important role that Macao played in the history of cultural exchange between China and the West.

The poetry of Macao is the only historical record from the Qing dynasty that systematically describes the churches, priests and the different religious sacraments that existed at the time. It was a great improvement over the more ordinary poetry written during the Ming dynasty, the period when Catholicism began its mission in China.

When Chinese poets wrote about Catholicism they used the methodology of analogy, comparing it to Buddhism and other aspects of Chinese culture. At times they treated their subject matter with a certain tolerance, but overall they were contemptuous and derisive. They viewed the religion in the light of the traditional culture of China which had already been established for thousands of years.

Chinese and Western culture first came into contact during the Ming dynasty. The fact that there were big differences between Catholicism and traditional Chinese culture, and that the former was directly related to Western colonialism, prevented it from becoming more generally integrated into Chinese culture. The Chinese of the Qing dynasty had only a superficial knowledge of Catholicism and since it was considered a strange custom and a foreign belief, there was no possibility of them acquiring a better understanding of it.

Translated from the Chinese by: Ieong Sao Leng, Sylvia 杨秀玲 Yang Xiuling

NOTES

** "Fang" refers to the "Church".

1 YE Quan 叶权, Xianbo Pian 《暴博篇•游岭南记》 (Travel around Lingnan Mountains), Zhonghua Shuju 中华书局 China Publishing House, 1987, p.45 - During the first years of Jiajing reign the xingbu shangshu• (Minister of Justice) Gu Yingxiang• said:

- "He is in Guangdong for a long time, and he likes to read Buddhist books."

See: HU Zongxian 胡宗宪, ed., Chouhai tubian 《筹海图编》 (Illustrated Atlas), vol. 13.

2 FANG Hao 方豪, Zhongguo Tianzhujiao shi luncong 《中国天主教史论丛》 (The History of Catholicism in China), 1947, vol. 1, pp. 137-145.

3 [CHEN Yuan], Chen Yuan xueshu lunwen ji 《陈垣学术论文集》 (Compilation of Essays by Chen Yuan), Zhonghua Shuju 中华书局 China Publishing House, 1980, vol. 1, pp. 204, 224.

4 CHEN Yanyu 陈衍虞, Lianshan shiji 《莲山诗集》 (Collectanea of Lianshan Poetry), vol. 2.

5 LI Zhuguang 李珠光 Aomen 《澳门》 (Macao), vol. 2.

See: YIN Guangren 印光任 - ZHANG Rulin 张汝霖 Aomen Jilue 《澳门记略》 (Monograph of Macao), part 1.

Also see: Qingshan xianzhi 《青山县志》 (Records of Qingshan District), vol. 4, Section: Haifang - Fu Aomen 《海防•附澳门》 (The Maritime Defense of Macao).

6 DU Zhen 杜臻, Jiweitang shiji 《经纬堂诗集》 (Collectanea of the Jinwei Pavillion Poetry), vol. 4.

7 HUANG Mingshi 黄鸣时 - HUANG Chenglan 黄呈兰, ed., Yinzhuzhai shiji 《因竹斋诗集》 (Collectanea of the Yinzhu Kiosk Poetry), vol. 2; XU Yubin 许玉彬 - SHEN Shiliang 沈世良, eds., Yuedong cichao 《粤东词钞》 (Miscellanea of East Guangdong Poetry), vol. 2.

8 WU Xingzuo 吴兴祚, ed., Liucun shichao 《留村诗钞》 (Miscellanea of Liucun Village Poetry) -Wu Xingzuo, alias Liucun,• from Shanyin, • in Zhejiang• province (nowadays Shaoxing•). He was the zongdu• (Viceroy) of Liangguang• (Guangdong and Guangxi)• province during the years between 1682-1684. This poem was written by him when he went to supervise Macao immediately after he took office.

9 WANG Linheng 王临亨, ed., Yue jian bian 《粤剑篇》 (An Inventory of Guangdong Swords), vol. 3.

10 SHI Jishan 释迹删, ed., Xianzhitang shiji 《咸陟堂诗集》 (Collectanea of the Xianzhi Pavillion Poetry), vol 14.

11 GONG Xianglin 龚翔麟, Zhujiang fengshi ji 《珠江奉使记》 (To Carry Out the Mission in Zhujiang).

12 YIN Guangren 印光任 -ZHANG Rulin 张汝霖 op. cit., part. 2.

13 LIU Shizhong 刘世重, Dongxi shizhuan 《东西诗撰》 (Extracts of Dongxi Poetry), vol. 2.

14 LI Xialing 李遐龄, ed., Aomen zayong 《澳门杂咏》 (Macao), in "Shaoyuan shichao" 《杓园诗钞》 ("Miscellanea of Shaoyuan Poetry"), vol. 1, p.4

15 SHI Jishan 释迹删, op. cit., vol. 13.

16 HUANG Mingshi 黄鸣时 - HUANG Chenglan 黄呈兰, op. cit.

17 CHEN Tan 陈昙, ed., Xu Nanhai baiyong 《续南海百咏》 (One Hundred Poems about Meridional Sea), in "Ganyutang shiji" 《感遇堂诗集》("Collectanea of the Ganyu Pavillion Poetry"), vol. 5, p. 16.

18 Chen Tan wrote this poem in 1839. Before that, Wu Li, during Kangxi reign, described also in his poem the Shizimen (Cross Gate) as the cross where Jesus was crucified. During the Jiaqing reign, Yu Zhengxie• wrote a Preface to Yin Guangren and Zhang Rulin's Monograph of Macao, saying that there were two "shizi" "gates" [i. e., harbours] at the south of the [Macao] peninsula used as dens for Catholics and where foreign ships also take shelter from typhoons. The author says that if it is true, these Catholics will sooner or later be settled in Macao or they will create another city which will be an emporium between Macao and Taiwan.

19 SHI Jishan 释迹删, op. cit.; YIN Guangren 印光任 - ZHANG Rulin 张汝霖, op. cit., part. 2.

20 QU Dajun 曲大均, Wengshan shiwai 《翁山诗外》 (Wengshan Poetry), vol. 9.

See: LUO Tianchi 罗天尺, ed., Yingyun shanfang shichao 《瘿晕山房诗钞》 (Miscellanea of the Yingyun Hut Poetry) vol. 5 - Where the author says: [...] the foreign laws respect the fawang.

21 YE Tingxun 叶廷勋, ed., Meihua shuwu shichao 《梅花书屋诗钞》 (Meihua Studio Poetry), vol. 4 - "Da- miao"• or "Da-tang",• one of Macao churches called in Portuguese 'Sé' ('Cathedral') the principal church in a diocese.

22 DU Zhen 杜臻, Yuemin xunshi jilue 《粤闽巡视记略》 (Monograph of Guangdong and Fujian), vol. 2.

23 [CHEN Yuan], op. cit., vol. 1, p.208.

24 FANG Hao 方豪, Zhongguo tianzhujiao shi renru zhuan 《中国天主教史人物传》 (Personalities in the History of Catholicism in China), Zhonghua Shuju 中华书局 China Publishing House, 1988, vol. 2, p.250.

25 CHEN Lanzhi 陈兰芝, Lingnan fengya 《岭南风雅》 (Lingnan Poetry on the 'fengya' genre), vol. 1.

See: LUO Xuepeng 罗学鹏, ed., Guangdong wenxian 《广东文献》 (Documents of Guangdong), ser. 4, vol. 25.

26 ZHANG Lin 张琳, ed., Yufeng shichao 《玉峰诗钞》 (Miscellanea of Yufeng Poetry), vol. 15. See: ZENG Jiongtang 曾 堂, Lingnan guchui 《岭南鼓吹》 (In Eulogy of Lingnan), vol. 8.

27 HUANG Zhen 黄贞, Poxie ji 《破邪集》 (Against Heretics), vol. 4.

28Kangxi yu Luoma shijie guanxi wenshu yingyinben 《康熙与罗马使节关系文书影印本》 (Fotocopies of Documents about the Relationship between Emperor Kangxi and the Ambassador from the Holy See), no 11.

29 YIN Guangren 印光任 - ZHANG Rulin 张汝霖, op. cit., part. 2.

30 SHAN Zilian 单子廉, ed., Xiaoquan shicao 《小泉诗草》 (Xiaoquan Poems), vol. 4; LI Changrong 李长荣, ed., Liutang shiyou shichao 《柳堂师友诗钞》(Miscellanea of Poems by Friends and Teachers of Liutang), vol. 12.

31 WANG Houlai 汪后来, ed., Lugang shiji 《鹿冈诗集》 (Collectanea of Lugang Poems), vol. 4.

See: YIN Guangren 印光任 - ZHANG Rulin 张汝霖, op. cit., part. 1, chap. 1: Xingshi pian 《形势篇》 (General Aspects).

32 FANG Hengtai 方恒泰, Xiangping shihua 《橡坪诗话》 (Xiangping Poetry and Dialogues), vol. 9.

See: LIANG Jiutu 梁九图, ed., Jifeng qijue 《纪风七绝》 (Jifeng Poetry on the 'qijue' genre), vol. 17; Xiangshan xianzhi 《香山县志》 (Xiangshan County Records), op. cit., vol. 16, Appendix.

33 LIAO Chilin 廖赤麟, ed., Zhanhuatang yigao 《湛华堂佚稿》 (Manuscripts of the Zhanhua Pavillion), vol 1.

34 CAI Xianyuan 蔡显原, ed., Mingxin shuwu shichao 《铭心书屋诗钞》 (Miscellanea of the Mingxin Studio Poetry), vol. 2.

35 Port.: 'Dia de peixe' is an expression, literally meaning 'fish-day' and phonetically transliterated into Chinese as 'liya bishi'. •

36 YE Tingshu 叶廷梳, ed., Furong shuwu shichao 《芙蓉书屋诗钞》 (Miscellanea of the Furong Studio Poetry), vol. 6.

37 YIN Guangren 印光任 - ZHANG Rulin 张汝霖, op. cit., part. 2.

38 LAM, Domingos 林家骏, Aomen shengtang shilue 《澳门圣堂史略》 (Summary of Macao Churches).

39The Bible, bk. l9.

40 YOU Tong 尤侗, ed., Xitang quanji 《西堂全集》 (Complete Works of Xitang), vol. 11.

41 The poem used a Chinese word "Zuotang" • ("Court Judge") with the generic meaning on 'man' as the head of the family who rules everything.

42 QU Dajun 曲大均, Guangdong xinyu 《广东新语》 (New Words of Guangdong), vol. 2.

43 YIN Guangren 印光任 - ZHANG Rulin 张汝霖, op. cit., part. 2.

44 For information on 'analogy' I am grateful indebted to the assistance Cai Hongsheng• and Jiang Bo Qin. •

45 HUANG Shaochang 黄绍昌 - LIU Xiaofeng 刘熽芬, eds., Xiangshan shilue 《香山诗略》 (Selected Poems from Xiangshan), vol. 6.

46 XU Yubin 许玉彬 - SHEN Shiliang 沈世良, eds., op. cit., vol. 7.

47 XU Zongze 徐宗泽, Zhongguo tianzhu chuanjiao shi gailun 《中国天主传教史概论》 (The History of Catholicism in China), Shanghai, 1990, p.347.

48 Matteo Ricci, Tianzhu shiyi 《天主实义》 (True Meaning of the Lord of Heaven), vol. 2.

49 TANG Yijie 汤一介, Zhongguo chuantong wenhua zhong de rudao shi 《中国传统文化中的儒道释》 (Confucianism in the Traditional Culture of China), Zhongguo Heping Chubanshe 中国和平出版社 Peaceful Publisher of China, 1988, p.212.

50 Xu Songshi• says that up to the present the inhabitants of Zheijiang• and Jiangsu• provinces still call 'Christmas' as 'foreign dongzhi', and 'Easter' as 'foreign qingming'. Dongzhi• and Qingming• are traditional feasts in China, respectively in Spring and Winter.

51SHI Jishan 释迹删, ed., Xianzhitang shichao 《咸陟汤诗钞》 (Miscellanea of the Xian zhi Poetry Pavillion), vol. 16.

Green Island used to be a small island northeast of the Macao peninsula. Western priests built a church in the island by the end of Ming dynasty and beginning of Qing dynasty. During the Kangxi reign (r.1662-†1722) the building became a retiring place for the missionaries. The island is presently linked to the mainland by a reclamation area.

52 QIU Duiyan 邱对颜, Yushan shiji - diaoji 《玉珊诗集•钓集》 (Collectanea of Yushan Poetry - An Anthology).

See: LI Changrong 李长荣, ed., op. cit.

53 YIN Guangren 印光任 - ZHANG Rulin 张汝霖, op. cit., part. 1., chap. 1: Xingshi pian 《形势篇》 (Generics).

54 HUANG Zhen 黄贞, op. cit.

See: YIN Guangren 印光任 - ZHANG Rulin 张汝霖, op. cit., part. l, chap. 2: Guanshou pian 《官守篇》 (Governance).

55 YANG Guangxian 杨光先, Budeyi 《不得已》 (Obligations), part. 1.

56 YIN Guangren 印光任 - ZHANG Rulin 张汝霖, op. cit., part. 2.

57 HUANG Zhen 黄贞, op. cit., vol. 1

58 LIANG Ting 梁廷, Yue haiguan zhi 《粤海关志》 (The Custom Houses of Guangdong), vol. 28, part. 3: Yishang 《夷商》 (Foreign Businessmen).

59 YIN Guangren 印光任 - ZHANG Rulin 张汝霖, op. cit., part. 1, chap. 2: Guanshou pian 《官守篇》 (Governance).

60 "Fengshui" refers to "geomancy".

61 "Xiyang" refers to "Portugal".

62 "Buddha's" here means 'religious'.

* "Fanbei" refers to "preaching".

63 "Bayue" is 'the eighth moon' of the Chinese lunar calendar.

64 "Jiu tian" means 'the ninth day'.

65 "Duminggu" corresponds to the Portuguese word 'Domingo' ('Sunday').

** "Costa" corresponds to the Portuguese word 'costa' ('coast').

66 "Biqiuni" corresponds to the word 'Bhiksuni'• ('Buddhist nun').

67 "Jiaoyin" means the supremacy of the spouse in the running of a family home.

68 "Yuanyang" are 'Mandarin ducks' referring to "affection-ate couples".

69 "Seng" refers to "the priest".

70 "Miao" refers to "the Church".

* History Professor at Zhongshan University, Guangzhou.

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