History

INTRODUCTION AND COMMENTARIES ON THE ACTIVITIES OF ZHANG MINGGANG
WITH REGARD TO THE ADMINISTRATION OF MACAO

Tang Kaijian*

[INTRODUCTION]

Zhang Minggang• was an important figure in the history of Macao during the Ming dynasty. The aim of this paper is to analyse and comment on his attitude towards the Portuguese in Macao and on his administrative measures in Macao during the reign of the Wanli Emperor (r. 1573-†1620).

§1.

Both Chinese and Western historical documents confirm that the Portuguese managed to obtain residency in Macao through bribery and corruption. In the first stage following their arrival in Macao, faced with the Ming dynasty's government, the Portuguese abandoned their politics of hegemony as applied in India, Malacca and the Southeast Asian seas. They did not dare attempt resorting to force and confront China's strong, autocratic power, however they did not manage to hide their arrogance; a trait of Western colonialism. In 1564 (Jiajing· reign, year 43) Pang Shangpeng• described in the following words the arrogance of the Portuguese who had just entered Macao in his Memorandum addressed to the Emperor:

"Of exquisite appearance and extravagantly attired, they disperse themselves over seas and mountains. Their swords sparkle, confusing the eyes and their canons make the sky quiver. When they are happy they are human beings but upon becoming enraged, they change into wild beasts. That is their nature. Apart from this, the evil ones spur others to insult the local inhabitants and to be contemptuous of Macao's mandarins, for which reason this evil should be eliminated while their numbers are few."1

Because of this, at the time of the 'opening' of Macao, a proposal had been presented to expel the Portuguese from Macao. In 1564, Macao's Portuguese inhabitants took part in quelling the Zhelin• sailors' uprising. Following the success of this suppression, and because of not being granted the promise of"[...] exemption from choufen [...]",2 the Portuguese began to behave with more "[...] arrogance and arbitrary superiority [...]"3, whereby Yu Dayou,• zongbing4 of Guangzhou,• offered to fight against the Portuguese with several thousand soldiers from the army and the marines, to "[...] join in a huge battle [...]"5, with the objective being to expel them from Macao by force. But Wu Guifang,• the zongdu• (Viceroy) of Liangguang• (Guangdong and Guangxi), then did not grant him authorisation to carry out his plan. From then on the Ming government began to pay attention to Macao's administration. The Ming Court exercised an even more rigorous kind of administration over Macao, particularly during the period in which Chen Rui• and Xiao Yan· were successive Governors of Guangdong and Guangxi. In 1598 (Wanli reign, year 26), Dai Yao· took over the position of Viceroy of Guangdong and Guangxi and during the thirteen years of his mandate, he totally relaxed administration over Macao,"[...] those who rule this land are all afraid of him and dare not question him. Upon seeing valuable merchandise of use to him, [he] would prohibit them officially and authorise them clandestinely. During the thirteen years of his rule as Viceroy, Dai Yao gave illicit practices full reign, even encouraging them."6 Walls and fortresses were constructed in Macao on a grand scale at this time, and besides that the possession of Japanese and black [African]servants and the abduction of people for selling was becoming more serious as well as all manner of contrabanding without any scruples. And on top of that the following event occurred, which was also very serious: at the time of the building of Macao's first fort, the officer and Chinese soldiers who investigated the affair were assassinated by the Japanese. 7 This case, plus the fabricated 'Lazzaro Cattaneo incident', provoked great unrest equally at Court as in society in general. In the summer of 1607 (Wanli reign, year 35), Lu Tinglong,• juren8 of the Panyu district, who went to Beijing to take part in a National exam, presented a Memorandum to the Emperor asking once again for the expulsion of the Portuguese from Macao. In spite of the great importance given by the Ming Court to Lu Tinglong's proposal, because of the matter's complications, which directly involved the relationship with Guangdong's local government and most probably due to their opposition, the proposal"[...] was rejected by the Court for having too many obstacles."9

In 1610 (Wanli reign, year 38), after Zhang Minggang had taken power as Viceroy of Guangdong and Guangxi, similar proposals to Lu Tinglong's were presented again. There were several opinions regarding the Portuguese in Macao. Some thought that they should "[...] expel them by confronting them with huge armies, with the aim of eliminating the foreign threat."10 Others thought they should send them away, "[...] transferring them to the seas beyond Langbai,• to trade by boat as before, with the aim of eliminating the evil on land."11 There was also another relatively softer attitude: "In the first place exempt them from commercial percentage taxes, for one or two years, to compensate their costs for the building and repair of their walls, houses, etc., ordering them first to send the Japanese and black [African servants] away as well as the villains they had sheltered, then stipulating that they had a set period in which to leave Macao taking all their family, allowing them to moor their boats in the seas outside Langbai in order to trade as before."12

Any one of these opinions defended expelling the Portuguese from Macao as the main objective, without a grain of doubt, which represented the main opinion of the majority of the Ming dynasty's civil servants and scholars plus many other supporters.

Faced with this opinion, what was the attitude taken by Zhang Minggang, Viceroy of Guangdong and Guangxi? And in what way did he deal with the question of Macao which was really a burning issue?

§2.

Zhang Minggang, born in Wan'an,• in the Jiangxi province, became jinshi13 in 1580 (Wanli reign, year 8) and with time was afterwards promoted to the post of yushi. During his rule he dared voice his opinion and was demoted to the position of panguan14 for accusing his superiors in the municipality of Guangde. Later he was reinstated to his previous position and was promoted to youshilang15 of the War Ministry. In 1610 (Wanli reign, year 38) he was named Viceroy of Guangdong and Guangxi. He died in Guangzhou in 1616.

Zhang Minggang was a courageous, decisive and cunning mandarin. After having taken power as Viceroy, he took an active role in strengthening military defence of the coast of Guandong province, to be on guard against attack from Japanese pirates, as well as devoting special attention to the Macao issue. In 1612 (Wanli reign, year 40) he presented a Memorandum to the Emperor entitled Fanghai wuyi• (Five Proposals on Maritime Defence), in which he spoke of military defence in relationship to Macao. In 1413 (Wanli reign, year 41) he presented another Memorandum entitled Fangwo• (Defence Against the Japanese) [sic], continuing to have the question of Macao as its main issue. In 1414 (Wanli reign, year 42) he presented a third Memorandum to state his provisions with regard to the Macao question, and in the following year a fourth Memorandum entitled Qiansong Aomen wonu• (On the Repatriation of the Japanese in Macao). The following are the main points from the four Memoranda.

2.1. 1612 MEMORANDUM (WANLI REIGN, YEAR 40)

FIVE PROPOSALS ON MARITIME DEFENCE

"1. Japanese pirates appear and disappear in Hutou• and pass through important land and water routes. As the qinzong• has not the sufficient power to confront them, recalling an invasion years ago, a zongbing• should be transferred to set up quarters in the town.

2. Foreigners in Macao are astute and unpredictable; it would be advisable to transfer a qinzong from Hutou to camp in Ying'erpu,• building stone walls with a garrison of four hundred soldiers in Tangjiwan• and other places, as other soldiers are too spread out on all sides to give them support.

3. At a distance of fifty li16 respectively between the ancient encampments of Yongmo,• Xiangshan,• and Haojing, 17• I propose placing four hundred marines under the command of a dusi18 and selecting officers to learn the military art with the aim of making a patrol in turns and alongside soldiers commanded by qinzong, build up a defended area on the border.

4. Rigorously prohibit those who live inland from helping foreigners and that they do continue to declare illegal trading.

5. Add three bazong• officers in the West, East and centre of [the city of] Guangzhou to monitor the internal waterways, having each one at their disposal; those who have passed military exams, the wise and valiant, will be appointed for these posts."19

2.2. 1613 MEMORANDUM (WANLI REIGN, YEAR 41)

DEFENSE AGAINST THE JAPANESE

"Guangdong, Fujian• and Zhejiang• face the same defence difficulties against the Japanese. In Zhejiang there is no trade with foreigners and in Fujian there is only one way out and no way in. 20 Looking out to its seas, pairs of wild ducks fly by and everyone draws their bowstrings to aim an arrow, no-one, however, dares to enter. But Guangdong trades with foreigners from several countries and it is difficult to deny them this. Commerce is mixed up with contraband and the Japanese are mixed up with other foreigners and it is difficult to distinguish one from the other. Foreigners in Macao21 occupy the land and have lately kept the Japanese hidden as their servants and it is difficult to expel them. Villains from Fujian and Guangdong have escaped to Macao, provoking and corrupting [the foreigners], a situation which is difficult to prevent. A lot of boats have been coming and going recently. Those which are found in Guangdong claim to transport and resell rice, if we refuse them entry it damages their neighbours, but if not, there will be many cases of collusion. Those found in Guangdong claim to be trading, if we forbid them, it would throw them into subsistence, but if not, there will be illegal relations with Macao and Japan, being impossible to check all the illegal dealings and to take all the necessary precautions. However, in order to eliminate the hidden menace from this land, strict controlling laws are inevitable and careful preventive measures [should be implemented], without showing clemency for the villains."22

2.3. 1614 MEMORANDUM (WANLI REIGN, YEAR 42)

"In the Western region of Guangdong there are foreigners from Macao, as if they were humps on the back. There are Japanese in Macao as if they were wings growing on a tiger. In 1605 [Wanli reign, year 33], walls were built without authorisation, and when a [Chinese] officer and soldiers investigated the situation, they were assassinated by the Japanese23 and I doubt if anyone has tried to reprimand them. At the present moment the Japanese population totals more than one hundred. Having been sheltered for many years, they already have families and homes. If they were expelled, they could rebel and would this not be a threat? Now, without losing a single arrow, 24 we could summon them one by one, put them onto boats and escort them beyond the border, and in such a way eliminate in one morning25 the evil that has been going on for several dozen years. All this for the lasting happiness of our country and the great influence of Your Majesty, with whose help we shall resolve the problem. Only that once the Japanese are out, foreigners would continue staying on in Macao. Some propose expelling all of them, confronting them with an enormous army, in order to eliminate this foreign threat. Others say the Haojing• is their territory and they would not allow the occupation [of their] territory and that we order them to take themselves to the seas outside Langbai,• as before, to trade by boat, with the aim of eliminating the evil inland. They say that Haojing is situated in Xiangshan and that our officers and soldiers guard a land surrounded by seas. All its food requirements from day to day depend on our supply. As soon as they have other intentions, we will cut their source, without needing to dirty our swords with blood. If we confront them with huge armies, it would be provoking a disaster; 26 even if they transfer to outside Langbai, with boats without a fixed mooring in the vastness of the limitless seas, how could we control the foreign vessels which come and go? Even if the villains support them [i. e., the Japanese], how will we stop them? Even preparing an uprising in collusion with the Japanese, we could not subject them to fiscal controls. It would be more convenient to warn them emphatically of what the Ming [government] forbids: that they do not allow any villain to leave the countryside nor allow any Japanese person to enter without authorisation, and not to provoke disturbances nor let down their defences. In this way we can also guarantee that we will have no further troubles."27

2.4. 1615 MEMORANDUM (WANLI REIGN, YEAR 43)

ON THE REPATRIATION OF THE JAPANESE IN MACAO

"In the Guangdong seas we are on guard day and night for foreigners in Haojing, many of whom shelter Japanese to be their servants. I sent the envoy Yu Anxing• and the tongzhi [Superintendent] of Xiangshan, Dan Qiyuan,• off to Macao to make public the power and virtue of Your Majesty. One hundred and twenty-three Japanese were handed over who were saved from death and given the order to be repatriated. They have already been placed on board boats which have set sail. The head of the foreigners, Mie Chao Lang Gu Ni28 and others signed the document of your eternal prohibition."29

Zhang Minggang fell ill after his arrival in Guangdong province and probably never went to Macao, which can be deduced by his Memorandum from 1614 in which he used the expression "they say" in referring to the geographical situation in Macao. For reasons of ill heath, he was named in the 1613 as shanghu30 of the Ministry of Agriculture in Nanjing, 31 however due to the delay in the arrival of his successor, Zhou Jiamo,• he officially left his post only in the 1615, after Zhou's arrival. He died a year later in Guangzhou. The four Memoranda quoted above were all presented to the Court when Zhang Minggang was seriously ill, which shows what great attention and importance he gave to the question of Macao.

§3.

From the Memoranda quoted above we can see that Zhang Minggang's attitude to the Portuguese in Macao was different to both public opinion, in the sense of expelling them from Macao, and to that of the former Viceroy of Guangdong and Guangxi, who did not exercise any administration over Macao and gave them free reign. He realised first of all that the Portuguese occupation of Macao represented a hidden threat to Guangdong province: "In the Western region of Guangdong there are foreigners from Macao, as if they were humps on the back."32 And the situation would become more and more serious if the government would not intervene and take preventative measures. Obvious proof of this there had been the incident of the assassination of a Ming officer and his soldiers by the Japanese33 when they attempted to investigate the building of a fortress in Macao in 1605 (Wanli reign, year 33). But it was impossible to expel the Portuguese from Macao exclusively for this reason. It could be said that if expulsion would be the simplest method, it would also be a difficult one to implement. Confronted with a heavy military force commanded by the Viceroy of Guangdong and Guangxi, the Portuguese who occupy Macao - a small territory - would not be able to resist, no matter how courageous and ready they were for battle. If the Chinese authorities expelled the Portuguese from Macao, they could make a show of military force in front of the foreigners and the Chinese people, apart from corresponding to the nationalist sentiment of civil servants and scholars. It could certainly be a way to obtain 'political gains'; but Zhang Minggang did not act this way. He rose above the arrogant, nationalistic sentiment of "[...] eliminate in one morning the evil that has been going on for several years." corroborated by civil servants as well as among the people, to analyse in a simple and practical way the reality of residency for Macao's Portuguese.

Although the method used by the Portuguese to establish themselves in Macao revealed many dishonest aspects, in any case their residency had been authorised by the local government of Guangdong during the Ming dynasty. Meanwhile, more than half a century had passed since the settling of Portuguese residency and it could be said that basically the foreigners brought no disadvantages to the Ming dynasty's government and even, with regard to the Guangdong area, brought only tangible advantages.

Firstly, Macao had become an important commercial base between Eastern and Western countries thanks to Portuguese traders living in the area. Therefore, not only did every kind of foreign merchandise entered Guangdong through Macao, but great quantities of merchandise from Guangdong entered Macao by non-official routes as well, thus promoting foreign trade from that province.

Secondly, Guandong not only benefited from external trade, but it could also charge Macao twenty thousand taels (of silver) per annum as commercial taxes, which would be included in Guangdong's fiscal returns.

Thirdly, the Portuguese who lived in Macao also needed to defend themselves from Dutch, Japanese and Chinese pirates, which was why they built walls and forts. Thus, apart from knowing how to use canons and muskets well, in this way they secured maritime defence along the Xiangshan coast, thus easing off some pressure on the maritime defence designated to the government of Guangdong during the Ming dynasty. In the capacity of Viceroy of Guangdong and Guangxi, Zhang Minggang could by no means simply expel the Portuguese and abandon these real advantages which were quite favourable for the economy and for Guandong's border defence. He was very conscious of the fact that the expulsion of the Portuguese from Macao to the seas outside of Langbai would lose the above mentioned advantages, over and above making the defence of Guangdong more difficult, for "[...] with boats without a fixed mooring in the vastness of the limitless seas, how could we control the foreign vessels which come and go? Even if the villains support them, how will we stop them [i. e., the Japanese]?"34 In more simple words, as long as the Portuguese live in Macao, they would still find ways to govern them, "[...] our officers and soldiers patrol the territory surrounded by seas. All their daily food requirements depend on our supplies. As soon as they have other intentions, we will cut their source, without needing to dirty our swords with blood."35 But if they were transferred to the seas outside Langbai, there would not be even a hypothetical case for governing them. For this reason in spite of his great hatred for the Portuguese of Macao, taking into account the real advantages which Guangdong needed, the visionary and cautious Zhang Minggang did not accept the opinion supported by many people of expelling the Portuguese, but rather left them to continue staying there, adopting at the same time a series of measures to strengthen the governing of Macao.

§4.

The preventative and administrative measures adopted by Zhang Minggang are mainly found in the following points:

4.1. STRENGTHEN THE MARITIME AND LAND MILITARY FORCE AS A PRECAUTION AGAINST MACAO

In the first Memorandum (1640), he suggested "[...] to transfer a qinzong from Hutou to the camp in Ying'erpu [also called Yingyupu], building stone walls with a garrison of four hundred soldiers in Tangjiwan and other places, as other soldiers are too spread out on all sides to give them support."36 The Ming troops who defended the Xiangshan seas were stationed in Hutou Men,• but Zhang Minggang suggested that they be transferred to Ying'erpu in Guzidu,• Xiangshan county, as well as establishing a siege gate in Tangjiwan, guarded by four hundred soldiers, with the support of soldiers spread around them. Tangjiwan refers to Lianhuajing• and is registered as "Tangjihuan"• in Baia Haojing's• letter which appeared at the beginning of the Xiangshan xianzhi• (Xiangshan County Records), dated from the reign of Kangxi.• According to the tenth section of this book and to the first part of Aomen Jilue• (Monograph of Macao), the building of a siege gate in Lianhuajing would have been in 1574 (Wanli reign, year 2), which was not confirmed by documents from the Ming dynasty however, since neither Ming shilu• (Official Ming Records) nor Mingshi-Fulangji jianzheng 37• (Ming History: An Annotated Account of Portuguese Customs) had registered the fact. Just as it was not confirmed in the Xiangshan County Records and Monograph of Macao dating from the Qing• dynasty, respectively in the reign of Kangxi and Qianlong.• Could it be that they were wrong? In his Memorandum Five Proposals on Maritime Defence, Zhang Minggang clearly used words like "[...] stone walls with a garrison of four hundred soldiers [to be built] in Tangjiwan and other places [...]."38

From this we can possibly conclude that the building of a siege gate in Lianhuajing in 1574 (Wanli reign, year 2) was incorrect. Someone probably suggested building it in that year but up until then the suggestion was not put into practice, making the true date of construction after Zhang Minggang's proposal in 1612 (Wanli reign, year 40). Proof is still necessary in order to know if this deduction is founded, but it was a fact that Zhang Minggang ordered the building of a siege gate in 1612 in Tangjiwan placing a garrison of soldiers there.

Secondly, a barracks was built in the village of Yongmo,• in Guzidu,• to the northeast of the village of Qianshan.• There was an encampment of troops in this village which was called "[...] an ancient encampment [...]" by Zhang Minggang. In 1612 he suggested reinforcing the defence of "[...] the ancient encampment of Yongmo [...] placing four hundred marines [... there...] with the aim of making a patrol in turns [...]."39 In 1614 Zhang Minggang made another proposal of "[...] posting a canjiang40 [...]" [sic] at the Yongmo camp, which was half way, and of transferring a thousand men to be stationed there. Dai Yixuan• thinks that this happened in 1617 (Wanli reign, year 45) during the mandate of Zhou Jiamo, because his notes on Ming History: An Annotated Account of Portuguese Customs and Official Ming Records linked this event with an earlier date in the 1614 making three years difference. 41 However in Volume 6 of Ming Xizong shilu• (A Factual Record of the Ming Emperor Xizong [Tianqi]) the following was recorded:

"In the 42nd year of Wanli [1614] the setting up of military quarters under a canjiang was begun in the Yongmo encampment, which was half way, transferring a thousand men there for the garrison."42

Volume 9 of Xiangshan County Records also recorded this:

"The Yongmo encampment is situated in the village of Yongmo, in Guzidu, and was set up in the 42nd year of Wanli."43

The Monograph of Macao also recorded that this happened during the mandate of Zhang Minggang. 44 It seems that the Ming History: An Annotated Account of Portuguese Customs, cannot back up the fact recorded in the Official Ming Records, the Xiangshan County Records from the reign of Kangxi and the Monograph of Macao which should have been during the mandate of Zhang Minggang who was posted to the canjiang quarters in Yongmo.

4.2. REPATRIATION ORDER ON THE JAPANESE

Since the reign of Jiajing in the Ming dynasty, Japanese and Portuguese traders frequently collaborated with each other in trade along the Southern Chinese coast. After the opening up of Macao as a commercial port, a group of Japanese traders set up home in the territory. In 1587, the Japanese government banned the Catholic Church and on the 5th of February 1597, Hideyoshi sentenced twenty-six missionaries and Japanese believers to death, so that Macao became a refuge for Japanese Catholics. By the beginning of the seventeenth century, the number of Japanese entering Macao was relatively high. For this reason Zhang Minggang said: "Foreigners in Macao occupy the land and have lately kept Japanese hidden as their servants [...]."45 "At the present moment the Japanese population totals more than one hundred. Having been sheltered for many years, they already have families and homes."46 The Ming dynasty's national defence was greatly influenced by the Japanese threat, to the point that many mandarins even 'changed their facial expressions' when speaking of the Japanese. 47 Upon seeing so many Japanese cooperating with the Portuguese in Macao and working together, Zhang Minggang, even though he was a person with quite an open spirit, could not help but feel deeply concerned, delivering words like: "There are Japanese in Macao, as if they were wings growing on a tiger." Because of this he sent a haidaofushi, 48· Yu Anxing,• and the tongzhi of Xiangshan county, Dan Qiyuan,• to Macao to inspect the Japanese. According to Quanbian lueji• (Brief Records of all the Borders), they found "one hundred and twenty three" Japanese49 but according to Li Sunchen,• born in Xiaolan• (Xiangshan), the number was "two hundred or more"50 - who were repatriated. According to the situation regarding the Japanese in Macao, their true number should not have been under two hundred. Most probably some stayed on in Macao under Portuguese protection. For example, Japanese Catholics from Otake, Kigawa and Tatejima arrived in Macao in 1614 (Wanli reign, year 42) and settled in Macao from 1615, 1622 and 1627 respectively. 51 From this one can see that, following repatriation of the Japanese in December of 1614, quite a few Japanese continued living in Macao.

4.3. PUNISHING ILLEGAL TRADERS WHO CAPTURED PEOPLE FOR SELLING AS SLAVES

The phenomena of capturing and buying people on the Chinese coast to sell in Macao was very serious. At the beginning of the opening up of Macao as a commercial port, Ye Quan• saw that the Portuguese in Macao raised children from six or seven years old who had been captured and bought in the Chinese countryside. "The foreigners bring up six or seven children and even more than ten women. [...] Men and women on the peninsula walk around well dressed, as male servants, female servants or wives, who number not less than a thousand, all being sons and daughters of good Chinese families."52

For more than half a century after the opening of Macao, this phenomena continued to be very vulgar. In 1613, Guo Shangbin said: "Capturing men and women from the cities to sell to foreigners is a way to make money."53 Faced with this situation, Zhang Minggang sent Yu Anxing and Dan Qiyuan to Macao to punish anyone who traded in people. "The villains capture men and women to sell them to foreigners. They cut their hair, tie them by the necks and handcuff them to sell in other countries. For the most part they were Chinese who had given themselves up to foreigners a long time ago. Dan Qiyuan made an investigation to know who they were, and submitted them to several laws. The foreigners did not manage to hide them and the villains remained scared."54 So they managed to stop the crime of trading in slaves in Macao with the Ming dynasty's laws.

4.4. ESTABLISHING FIVE PROHIBITIONS FOR THE PORTUGUESE IN MACAO

In 1608 and 1609 (Wanli reign, years 36 and 37) the tongzhi of Xiangshan county, Cai Shanji,• formulated the document Zhiao shize• (Ten Administrative Rules for Macao), in which he spoke exclusively of how to carry out the governing of Macao's Portuguese. In the 1613, the haidaofushi, Yu Anxing, suggested that a pillar be erected with an inscription which said it was forbidden to shelter Japanese. Taking up the idea, Zhang Minggang ordered Yu Anxing to formulate the five clauses of the Haidao jinyue• (Maritime Prohibitions), engraved on a stone column which was erected in front of the Leal Senado (Senate) the following year. Here are the main points from the five prohibitions:

1. It is forbidden to shelter Japanese people,

2. It is forbidden to trade in people,

3. It is forbidden to avoid taxes for vessels,

4. It is forbidden to receive or trade in contraband, and

5. It is forbidden to construct without permission. 57

All these clauses were formulated to tackle the illegal activities carried out by the Portuguese in Macao and infringements thereof would be punished under the laws of the Ming dynasty.

According to the Monograph of Macao, it was Zhang Minggang who named the streets where the Portuguese lived in Macao: "[...] with the twenty characters of Ming Wang Shen De, Si Yi Xian Bin, Wu You Yuan Er, Bi Xian Fang Wu, Fu Shi Qi Yong, 明王慎德,四泽感宾,无有远迩,毕献方物,服食器用 (The Ming monarchy is prudent and virtuous and to all foreigners who obey them, having come from far and wide, we offer local produce, both food and commodities) representing ten to the East and ten to the West."57 Dai Yixian thinks that this measure was taken by the dufu• (Governor) of Guangdong in 1617 (Wanli reign, year 45) and not by Zhang Minggang. 58 In reality, they could both equally be wrong. The stone lintel of the Hongredian• [sic] (Hongren Hall) [or the Shenshan diyi (First Hall of the Holy Mountain)] of the Mage miao [sic] (Temple of Barra) [or the Mazu ge (miao) (Ama Temple)] has the following chiseled inscription:

万历乙巳年德字街众商建,崇祯己巳年怀德二街重修

("Built by the merchants of Dezi Street in year yisi [1605] of the reign of the Wanli Emperor in the Ming Dynasty. Rebuilt by the merchants of Huaide Second Street in year jisi• [1629] of the reign of the Chongzhen Emperor.").

By what we can see there were already streets with names from twenty Chinese characters in this period, and Zhang Minggang had not yet arrived in Guangdong at that period. In short, the naming of Macao's streets with twenty Chinese characters was not Zhang Minggang's responsibility as a dufu in 1617.

§5.

With regard to the attitude and the measures taken by Zhang Minggang regarding the Macao issue, we note that in academic circles opinions differ. For Dai Yixuan, the officials and scholars who defended the idea of expelling the Portuguese from Macao, represented the feeling of the Chinese people. However Zhang Minggang identified himself with the position of the then dominant class of feudal farmers. Evidently this point of view is extreme. In the traditional class of Chinese civil servants and scholars, the ideas of 'a great Han nation'59 and 'a great Chinese nation' were deeply ingrained. They defended that those who did not belong to the Chinese nation had undoubtedly other intentions "[...] for which reason it was necessary to [...] eliminate in one morning the evil that has been going on for several years."

They already treated national minority groups who lived in the border areas of China in this way, even more the Portuguese who came from a land separated from China by thousands of kilometres of seas, who besides resorting to ugly methods for establishing themselves in Macao, committed many infringements of Chinese laws from that territory. For this reason, this group of civil servants and scholars, filled with strong nationalistic sentiments, vehemently advocated the expulsion of the Portuguese from Macao. But it is difficult to confirm whether their opinion was representative of the feelings of the Chinese people. It would have been easy to expel the Portuguese from Macao by force, but as far as the consequences of their expulsion were concerned, they were merely filled with nationalistic pride, without thinking of the practical side which they did not want to take into consideration. At the end of the reign of Zhengde (r. 1506-† 1521), due to the active petitioning by civil servants and scholars represented by the yushi He Ao,• the Portuguese were expelled from Guangdong, whereupon Guangzhou's foreign trade was almost totally stopped. "From then on, all merchant ships were forbidden and even the foreigners who should have come to pay taxes, as was the custom, rarely turned up. Ships bearing taxes went to Zhanghzou• and Quanzhou.• Scenes of trading in the city of Guangzhou were replaced by scenes of abandon-ment."60 Later on, during the Ming dynasty, they were forced to gradually recuperate Portuguese trade in Guangdong province. In the middle of the sixteenth century, the Portuguese completely controlled the sea routes linking Southeast Asia and China, and due to this, cutting trade with the Portuguese meant in reality cutting trade between China and the Southeast Asian countries, a lesson which was discounted then recognised by Guangdong's local government. Through acknowledging this experience and learning from this lesson, Zhang Minggang decided to allow the Portuguese to stay on in Macao. What he was defending represented the opinion of Guangdong's local government, at the same time as reflecting the economic necessity with regard to foreign trade which that government depended on. He was forced to make such a decision due to the actual circumstances, an attitude which should be considered as quite realistic, without having anything to do with, "[...] the clemency which would provoke disturbances [...]"61 as Dai Yixuan maintained. The series of administrative and preventative measures adopted by Zhang Minggang in Macao were also proof of this.

Zhang Minggang's administrative measures were praised by many people at the time. Shen Deqian• said: "Many incidents occur on the borders and the circumstances are different, whereby one cannot be inflexible with a set opinion. At the moment the Portuguese from Macao are peaceful, also there is no talk of them creating disturbances."62

Those living in later periods also expressed their admiration: "Foreigners have lived in Macao for several centuries. When they arrived they showed an arrogant attitude, and because of this local officials took measures to control them, cutting off their food supply; from then on they stayed submissive. Mutual trade cannot be ruled out, for this reason Zhang Minggang's measures were cautious."63

In short, this was precisely why Guangdong's local government, represented by Zhang Minggang, insisted on keeping Macao as a place where the Portuguese could reside in China which meant that this window and channel of economic and cultural exchange between China and the West was maintained. On spite of this not being Zhang Minggang's intention, he objectively and openly played the role of promoting the exchange and association of Eastern and Western civilisations. It was also precisely why the local government of Guangdong, which he represented, took a series of strong measures to reinforce defence against Macao, as well as the administration of Macao, to smother the arrogance of Macao's Portuguese who ridiculed the Chinese officials and to restrain the criminal activities of some Portuguese, so that Macao's Portuguese residents were finally subjected to Chinese laws in a more controlled way. "Now that the Portuguese from Macao are peaceful, one does not hear talk of them provoking disturbances [...]", which would explain that the Portuguese residents in Macao did not cause many great problems for the reigning Ming dynasty. At the time this would have probably been the most sensible and realistic decision.

Translated into English from a Portuguese adaptation of the Chinese original by: Linda Pearce

NOTES

1 PANG Shangpeng 庞尚鹏, Chen Moyi yi bao haiyu wanshi zhian shu «陈末议以保隅万世治安疏» (Memorandum to the Emperor on the Lasting Security of Sea Borders), in "Baiketing zhaigao" «百可亭摘稿» ("Collected Works of the Baike Kiosk"), vol. 1.

2 Choufen 抽分 = A commercial tax of 20% levied on foreign goods during the sixteenth century. See: YE Quan 叶权, You Lingnan «游岭南记» (Pilgrimage to Lingnan), in "Xianbo bian" «贤博编» ("Collected Works on Knowledge and Virtues").

3 YU Daiyou 俞大猷, Zhengqitangji «正气堂集» (Collectanea from the Traders' Room) - "Foreign traders cannot behave with arrogance and discriminate, relying on their superiority."

4 Zongbing 总兵 = The Military Commander of a province.

5 See: Note 3.

6 YIN Guangren 印光任 - ZHANG Rulin 张汝霖, Aomen Jilue «澳门集略» (Monograph of Macao), part. 1, chap.: Guanshou pian «官守篇» (Governance).

7 The Chinese text does not mention the number of people killed and even the adjectives in Chinese ('officer' and 'soldier') do not reveal whether they are in the singular or plural.

8 Juren 举人 = Those who have passed the Provincial exam.

9 SHEN Deqian 沈德, Xiang shan'ao «香山澳» (Xiangshan and Macao), in "Wanli yehuo bian" «万历野火篇» ("Unofficial Collected Works on the Reign of Wanli"), vol. 3.

10 Ming Shenzong Shilu «明神宗实录>> (A Factual Record of the Ming Emperor Shenzong), vol. 527, Wanli reign, year 42 [December], chap.: Yiwei.

11 GUO Shangbin 郭尚宾, Fang Ao fanglishu «防澳防黎疏>> (Memorandum on the Defence of Macao and its People), in "Guogei Jianshu gao" «郭给谏疏稿» ("Guogei's Memoranda"), vol. 1.

12 NO

13 Jinshi 进士 = Those who have passed the dianshi 殿试 (Imperial exams), prior to the keju 科举 (National exam).

14 Panguan 判官 = Assistant Head of the prefecture.

15 Youshilang 右侍郎 = Vice-Minister.

16 Li 里 = A Chinese measure of weight equivalent to about half a kilogram.

17 Haojing 濠镜 = Other name for Macao.

18 Dusi 都司 = The supreme Military Head of a province.

19 Ming Shenzong shilu «明神宗实录>> (A Factual Record of the Ming Emperor Shenzong), vol. 499, Wanli reign, year 40, [September], chap.: Wuxu.•

20 I. e., there is only a way out for Chinese goods and no way in for foreign goods.

21 The expression "Ao Yi" 澳夷 "foreigners in Macao" refers to the Portuguese.

22 Ming Shenzong shilu «明神宗实录» (A Factual Record of the Ming Emperor Shenzong), vol. 509, Wanli reign, year 41, chap.: Gengxu.•

23 See: Note 7.

24 I. e., without resorting to military force or without losing any weapon or soldier.

25 Yidan 一旦 = The original Chinese word can mean 'one morning' or 'from dawn to breakfast', 'one day' or 'a very short time'.

26 There must have been a Chinese mispell in this sentence.

27 Ming Shenzong shilu «明神宗实录» (A Factual Record of the Ming Emperor Shenzong), vol. 527, op. cit.

28 Mie Chao Lang Gu Ni 咩吵啷 = The phonetical transliteration of Chinese characters which orally represent a Portuguese name, possibly Martim da Cunha, Major-General of Macao during 1615-1616.

29 FANG Kongzhao 方孔昭, Guangdong «广东» (Guangdong), in "Quanbian lueji" «全边略继» ("Edited Records on all the Borders") vol. 9.

30 Shangshu 尚书 = Minister.

31 Being the capital during the Ming dynasty, the city of Nanjing kept on the old ministries even after the Qing Court was transfered to Beijing.

32 Ming Shenzong shilu «明神宗实录>> (A Factual Record of the Ming Emperor Shenzong), vol. 527, op. cit.

33 See: Note 7.

34 Ming Shenzong shilu «明神宗实录» (A Factual Record of the Ming Emperor Shenzong), vol. 527, op. cit.

35 Idem.

36 Ming Shenzong shilu «明神宗实录» (A Factual Record of the Ming Emperor Shenzong), vol. 499, op. cit.

37 Folangji «佛郎机» = The Portuguese.

38 Ming Shenzong shilu «明神宗实录» (A Factual Record of the Ming Emperor Shenzong), vol. 499, op. cit.

39 Idem.

40 Canjiang 参将 = Military post below the fuzongbing,• who was in turn beneath a zongbing.

41 DAI Yixuan 戴裔煊, Mingshi: Folangji jianzheng «明史佛郎机笺正» (Ming History: An Annotated Account of Portuguese Customs), Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe中国社会科学出版社 China Social Science Publishers, 1984, pp. 102-104.

42 Ming Xizong shilu «明熹宗实录» (A Factual Record of the Ming Emperor Xizong), vol. 6, Tianqi reign, year 1, [June], chap.: Bingzi.• Tianqi 天启 is the official reigning name of the Xizong 熹宗 'Emperor'.

43 SHEN Lianghan 申良翰, «Xiangshan xianzhi 香山县志» (Xiangshan County Records), vol. 9, fasc.: Bingfang «兵防» (Military Defence).

44 YIN Guangren 印光任 - ZHANG Rulin 张汝霖, op. cit.

45 Ming Shenzong shilu «明神宗实录» (A Factual Record of the Ming Emperor Shenzong), vol. 509, op. cit.

46 Ibidem, vol. 527.

47 To "change their facial expression" in relation to a particularly horrific event.

48 Haidaofushi 海道副使 = High Comissioner of Military and Civil Affairs for the Maritime Defense of Guangdong province [Port.: Aitão].

49 FANG Kongzhao 方孔照, op. cit.

50 LI Sunchen 李孙宸, Song fumu danhou ruguan xu «送父母入观序» (Preface to the Farewells for Dan Hou from the Country), in "Jianxia Wenji" «建霞文集» ("Collected Works of Jianxia"), vol. 4.

51 TEIXEIRA, Manuel, The Japanese in Macau, in "Review of Culture", Macau, ser. 2, (17) October/December 1993, pp. 154-172.

52 YE Quan 叶权, op. cit.

53 SHEN Deqian 沈德潜, op. cit.

54 LI Sunchen 李孙宸, op. cit.

55 YIN Guangren 印光任 - ZHANG Rulin 张汝霖, op. cit.

56 Idem.

57 Idem.

58 DAI Yixuan 戴裔煊, op. cit., pp. 102-104.

59 The Han are the largest ethnic group of China representing more than 90% of its population.

60 HUANG Zuo 黄佐, Guangdong tongzhi «广东通志» (Guangdong Chronicle), vol. 6, part. 3: Waizhi «外志» (Foreign Affairs).

61 DAI Yixuan 戴裔煊, op. cit., pp. 102-104.

62 SHEN Deqian 沈德潜, op. cit.

63 Xinxiu Xiangshan xianzhi «新修香山县志» (New Version of the Xiangshan County Records), vol. 4., fasc.: Haifang «海防» (Maritime Defence).

* Professor of History and director of the Department of Cultural Research in Hong Kong and Macao, part of the Institute for Research of Chinese Culture and History in Jinan University."

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