§1. INTRODUCTION
POSING the question of why they became Christians is not intended to imply that a comprehensive answer is possible, anymore than would analogous questions of why, for example, Gu Xiancheng (°1550-†1612) and Gao Panlong (° 1562-† 1626) became involved in the revival of the Dongling Academy during the same years that some of their contemporaries became Christians. The minds and hearts of Yang Tingjun (°1557-†1627), Li Zhizao (°1565-†1630), and Xu Guangqi (°1562-†1633) would not be fully accessible even if one could subject them to all sorts of prying interrogations. Available sources do not provide sufficient evidence to analyze any profound religious experience they may have undergone. This essay also leaves aside the theological and sociological problems of whether they were adherents rather than converts. The question is taken here in the context of Chinese intellectual history.
The "why" of the question is an appeal for an answer that is explanatory, an answer that makes historical sense of the conduct of certain men nearly four-hundred years ago. The pronoun in the question is straight forward. "They"-Yang Tingjun, Li Zhizao and Xu Guangqi - are well-known in the secondary literature as the "Jidujiaode sa da zushi" ("Three Pillars of Christianity"), in China. 1' There are many reasons for treating them together. They were born within eight years of each other and died within six. Their homes were on the edge of Jiangnan, the region that was economically most advanced and intellectually most active in late Ming China. They were well-educated men who achieved the highest Civil Examination degree status of jinshi in their thirties or early forties. They each served more than ten years in Government positions and advanced to relatively high posts. They were financially secure. They wrote books on their own and were also involved in the translation and publication of books in Chinese by Jesuit missionaries.
In taking these three as examples, we are at the center of the literati's experience of Christian teachings in the early seventeenth century. It might be superfluous to clarify what is meant here by to "become Christians" except that Prof. Jacques Gernet in his stimulating book, Chine et Christianisme, argues that the Chinese in the seventeenth century did not have a sufficient comprehension of Christianity and were only apparently Christians. Gernet's point is not under dispute here. The question can be restated: Why did they become involved in Christianity to the extent they did? For our purposes here, it is sufficient to follow the judgment of the missionaries in late Ming times, and they mainly accepted that Yang, Li and Xu were Christians. 2
ALTHOUGH there does not seem to be any direct, unambiguous evidence that shows Yang, Li or Xu themselves testifying that they had been baptized, which is accepted as a minimal definition of "becoming a Christian" in that context, missionaries reported they had been. They used the new names they were given at the time of baptism. They, and their critics, said they "followed" the sheng jiao ("Holy Religion") and the Tianzhu zhi dao ("Way of the Lord of Heaven"). They devoted effort to living by the precepts they learned from the missionaries and to influencing others to accept those precepts. They induced close members of their families to receive baptism. More generally, the public manifestations of their continuing commitment to the missionaries and to what was being taught in China by the missionaries warrant calling them "Christians" here.
§2. HOW YANG TINGJUN BECAME A CHRISTIAN
THE stages by which Yang "became a Christian" are detailed in the well-known account of his life, the full title of which is usually given as Yang Tingjun xiansheng zaoxing shi (Manifestations of the Surpassing Character of Yang Tingjun). 3 The account was written down by Ding Qilin after the death of Yang, in 1627. Ding says in a postscript that he had heard many times about Yang from Giulio Aleni (°1582-†1649)4, and Aleni knew Yang, of course. He stayed with him in Hangchow, and they worked together on the Ching fang wai ji (Account of Countries Not Listed in the Records Office), which was printed in 1623. Because their friendship began a few years after Yang had been baptized, in 1611, Aleni was not giving Ding a first-hand description of affairs leading up to that event. Moreover, the account obviously is intended for a public audience. It portrays how Yang became a Christian - with the hope, which Ding expressed in his postscript, that he might be taken as a model by others. The following is primarily a paraphrase of the stages of Yang's progress as recorded by Aleni and ding. Also, direct comments of the present writer are interspersed parenthetically.
The account begins conventionally with information on Yang's names, his place of origin (Hangzhou), and his illustrious character, fondness for learning, and desire to be known as good. In 1592, Yang becomes a jinshi and then holds a succession of provincial and capital appointments. ( Yang is thus established for the readers of the account as a successful man in late sixteenth and early seventeenth-century terms).
Yang resigns in 1609 (in his fifty-third year) from the office of Education Intendant at Nanjing and returns to Hangzhou where he devotes his energies to reading books. He is admired by the Provincial Governor, who arranges for him to give lectures on Daoxue (Neo-Confucianism) at a scenic place on West Lake. Like many of his contemporaries who were also interested in reviving the intellectual vigor of Chengzhu teachings, Yang organizes a study group called the Zhen Shishe (Truth Society ). At the same time that he is becoming well known for his efforts on behalf of Neo-Confucianism, he is supportive of local Buddhist clerics who press Zhan doctrine on him, and he contributes to the reestablishment of local Buddhist Temples. Yang has already learned something about the "Way of the Lord of Heaven" which Matteo Ricci had been expounding in Beijing, but he "did not understand it". ( Here we have a summary of Yang's intellectual and religious involvements, in 1610 and 1611. Out of office for the first time in years, he was actively and publicly promoting the moral self-cultivation side of Neo-Confucianism. He also was supportive of Buddhists, not just generally interested in Buddhist doctrine, at the time when the monk Zhuhong (°1535-†1615) was enjoying great success in promoting lay Buddhist societies and reinvigorating the monastic rule at the Yün-ch'i Temple complex, near Hangzhou. 5 At this stage, Yang was serious about moral and religious values, and he was aware of Christian teachings.)
(In the next stage, Yang made a sudden turn toward Christian teachings.) In the fourth month of 1611, Yang's friend Li Zhizao (who had been baptized by Ricci, in Beijing, in the spring of the previous year) resigns from office, in Nanjing, to attend his ailing father. Li invites the two Jesuits Lazzaro Cattaneo (°1560-†1640) and Nicolas Trigault (°1577-†1628) to accompany him back to Hangzhou.
When Yang goes to offer his condolences on the death of Li's father, he meets Cattaneo and Trigault and is pleased to find out more about their religion. When he sees an image of the Zhu (Lord), he is reverential toward it and feels as if he were in the presence of a da Zhu (great Lord) who gives him a command. He then invites Cattaneo and Trigault to visit him at his own home. (Although there is no clear indication here as to why he was so attracted to them, he was now deeply interested in what the missionaries had to teach.)
(Ready to learn more,) Yang cuts himself off from all other concerns to concentrate on fathoming the fundamentals of the Learning from the Tianxue (Heaven). Cattaneo and Trigault teach him about the Lord's grace and other precepts of their religion. He understands that the ten thousand things in heaven and earth are created and sustained by the Tianzhu (Lord of Heaven). He acknowledges to the missionaries that the Lord of Heaven is to be served as the Lord of the ten-thousand things in Heaven and Earth but wonders what harm there might be in also serving the Buddha. He assents to the missionaries' answer to this question. In further discussions with them, he wonders why the omnipotent Lord of Heaven would endure such sufferings when He descended to live as a man, and he expresses his view that it is disrespectful to the Lord of Heaven to speak of these sufferings. Again, the missionaries explain the reasons for all of this and he applauds their answer.
ONE day, Trigault and a Chinese convert from Guangdong named Zhon Mingren (also given as Zhong Nianliang), whom the Jesuits called Br. Sebastian (° 1562-†1622), are expounding the meaning of Christian rituals to Yang, and they think that he does not quite believe that the Lord of Heaven is actually present in the consecrated communion bread. With some agitation, Yang says: "How is this something for me to cogitate over? My Lord's love for the World is boundless. [The notion of] His grace in descending to atone for the World's [sins] does not derive from an unconsidered doctrine, so how would I revert to doubt about this?" He then makes a commitment to be a servitor of the Lord. (In short, he was now willing to believe.)
WHEN Yang expresses his desire to receive baptism, Trigault does not permit it. The reason is that in addition to a wife, Yang has a concubine who is the mother of his two sons. He hesitates over what to do and discusses the matter with his friend Li (who, as we shall see shortly, had experienced the same difficulty). Yang says that the missionaries' attitude bewilders him. Here he, a former high official, is willing to serve them, but they do not allow it because he must not have a single concubine. Buddhist monks, Yang answers, certainly would not act like this. And that, Li explains, is precisely why the missionaries from the Far West and the monks are not comparable. The xijiao (Western religion) has its rules, which were received from the Lord of Heaven. Following them is virtuous, neglecting them is punishable; the distinction is clear. How could the missionaries assent to what you like, Li asks, when the rules prohibit it? The missionaries want to save others, but they are unwilling to compromise on this to receive you. They want to reform this degenerate World, but they do not dare dishonor the rules of their religion. If you know you are wrong and do not change, Li asks Yang, what point is there in following them? Yang is "suddenly awakened. He changes from his former wrong ways, sends away his concubine, and puts into practice the rules of the religion. The missionaries witness his sin cerity and he is baptized, in the sixth month of 1611, with the new name of Michele. 6
(Yang has become a Christian and the account written down by Ding Qilin makes it clear that he lived the remaining years of his life (°1611-†1627) doing Christian works in close association with Jesuit missionaries. Here are a few examples of his works, as described by Ding.) Yang has a hall, which held a statue of a Bodhisattva; this hall is turned into a chapel for the missionaries. His mother is a pious Buddhist and does not listen to him about the Western religion. For years he worries and prays and when he is about sixty (and his mother is eighty) he eats sparingly and becomes noticeably haggard.
Under his mother's persistent questioning, he tearfully says he feels he is culpable because she is deluded by xieshuo (false teachings) and rejects the zheng jiao (true religion). Should his mother fall into eternal suffering, her son could not be redeemed. Through her son's suffering, she understands, says she believes and receives the rite of baptism.
Yang builds a Church and supports missionaries (whom he also harbored at his own risk during the anti-Christian prohibitions, beginning in 1616).
As an alternative to the Buddhist lay societies that concentrate on releasing the live fish and birds purchased from the market place, Yang organizes a Charitable Society to help the needy. The Fangsheng hui (Societies for the Release of Life) were popular in Hangzhou at the time owing largely to the inspiration of the monk Zhuhong. 7 When Aleni tells him it is good that he succours the poor and the sick of body, but he should also have pity on those who are sick of heart, Yang begins to spend money and effort on the printing of books about the Learning from Heaven. He personally writes Dai yipian (In Place of Doubt) and other short books "to make clear Way of the Lord of Heaven." He becomes, in short, "a pillar of the Church", in China.
§3. WHY YANG TINGJUN BECAME A CHRISTIAN
Next, he thought Ricci was a "bowen yu taoshu zhi ren" ("broadly learned man who had special arts") because he venerated what was right and opposed false teachings, was assiduous in learning, memorized texts so facilely, and knew so much about metaphysics, astronomy, geography, geometry and arithmetic - subjects about which ru (Confucian) in earlier generations had not been clear. Now, in 1608, after knowing Ricci familiarly for nearly ten years, Li realizes that when he is about to do something and it accords with Ricci's words, then he knows he should do it, and if he does not, then he knows he should reject it, and thus Li recognizes Ricci as the "zhi ren" ("perfected man").
"The perfected man," Li wrote, "is compatible with Heaven, but not "yi" ("foreign") to other men."16