Domingos Maurício Gomes dos Santos*


The Portuguese disembarked in Macao in 1565 and were able to legally establish their presence there in 1557. The Jesuits only fixed a residence there around 1565. Up until then, we find them only passing through. The first Jesuit to set foot on the soil of Macao, on the 20th of November, 1555, was Fr. Belchior Nunes Barreto accompanied by Fernão Mendes Pinto, incoming Ambassador to Japan, and Fr. Gaspar Vilela with six other companions. 1 Just before, in the month of October, [Nunes Barreto] had visited Guangzhou with Estêvão de Góis, coming from Sangchuan, on Portuguese merchant vessels which did business from that island with some ports nearby the Celestial Empire, and he managed to free several Portuguese prisoners in the city [Guangzhou]. In Lampacao, he found nearly three-hundred compatriots housed "in straw houses" along with their church. 2 However, he continued on to Japan, where he remained until 1556, and returned to Goa in 1557. 3

During Easter, 1561, Baltasar Gago with Rui Pereira stopped in Macao on their return to India, leaving for Malacca on the 1st of January, 1562. 4 The total number of Portuguese inhabitants in Macao at the time already reached some 500 or 600. 5

On the 24th of August of that year, more Jesuits from Malacca arrived at the new commercial stopover on Dom Pedro da Guerra's ship. One of them, who would distinguish himself as an historian of the Japanese missions, Luis Fróis, has been recently ordained in Goa; another was the Italian Fr. Giovanni Battista Del Monte. There was still not a Society residence in Macao, thus they were "received and given shelter in the home of some friends of the Order, Guilherme Pereira, Diogo's brother, benefactor of St. Francis Xavier, and who now accompanied them as Governor of the Portuguese in Macao, and Ambassador of the Viceroy of India, Dom Francisco Coutinho, Count of Redondo, to the Emperor of China. 6

The two Jesuits remained as guests of the merchant for some eight to ten days. However, once this period had passed, "for better lodgings, both for confession as well as for studying some things," it seemed better for them to go to the free house of another friend7 where they adapted "two very good and comfortable rooms for the Fathers and enlarged a veranda," in which they set up an altar for saying mass, because the closest Church (Our Lady of Hope or St. Lazarus) of the three Churches then existing there (St. Anthony, Our Lady of Hope, and St. Lawrence) was far way. Our Lady of Hope or St. Lazarus must have been the Mother Church, and it was later elevated to Cathedral when the Super specula Bull of the 23rd of January 1576, created the Diocese of Macao. 8

The spiritual activity of the two missionaries was notable. The population reached five-thousand morally suffering souls, eight-hundred of them being Portuguese. The pastoral curate was directed by two secular priests: Gregório González, a Spaniard, and João Soares, the aide to the Bp. of Malacca. The recently arrived Jesuits helped them by managing to get the merchants to ship about six-hundred fifty slaves, whose domestic situations could not be arranged, to India, marrying their masters to cultured Japanese and Chinese women of an adequate social level. 9

However, even at this time, the Jesuits did not fix residence in Macao, because Fróis and Monte, at the beginning of the summer of 1563, continued on to Japan on board Dom Pedro da Guerra's same ship. 10

Having left Cochin in April of that same year, 11 and touching down at Malacca on the 13th of June, they arrived the following 7th July in the Cidade do Nome de Deus [Macao], accompanied by Gil de Góis, Dom Sebastião's envoy to the Emperor of China (in a new attempt to approach the Emperor), Fr. Francisco Peres and Manuel Teixeira (the first biographer of St. Francis Xavier, with Br. André Pinto, later ordained a priest.

Owing to problems created by the Captain of Malacca, Dom Francisco de Eça, this mission also ended unsuccessfully, and Góis returned to India, leaving to his brother-in-law, Diogo Pereira, Chief of Macao and the first failed Ambassador to China, the duty of substituting for him in the mission, when permission came from Guangzhou.

Where did the new missionaries stay? Francisco Peres himself makes mention: "in the house of Pero Quinteiro, is where we now are," he wrote in January, 1564. 12

According to the tradition of the Japanese seaman, Fróis and Monte, as well as Peres and Teixeira, spent the time from the ambassadorial mission to China picking up information about the Celestial Empire, making contact with the Mandarins of the ports of Macao and Guangzhou, or dedicating themselves to pastoral work with the population of Macao. Meanwhile, the mission's work became complicated. The Mandarins of Macao had warned their colleagues in Guangzhou. The latter, as was usual, ordered the Customs Services Chief to find out the truth, to make sure that it [the Embassy] was not only a strategy to avoid paying taxes by giving a pretext of gifts for the Emperor13.

Fr. Peres held a commission from the Provincial of India, António de Quadros (° 1559-†1572) to carry out the establishment of a residence in Macao, 14 according to the rules. The residence became all the more necessary as it became certain that successive groups of missionaries for Japan would be arriving there and be obliged to remain at that stopover for long periods owing to the monsoons.

In ceremony, even in 1563, three more Jesuits, Belchior de Figueiredo, João Cabral e Baltasar da Costa arrived there. The jubilee ceded by Pope Pius IV in 1560 was then proclaimed and published in Malacca in 1561, by the already mentioned Provisor João Soares, 15 upon the arrival there of the first prelate, Fr. Jorge de Santa Luzia, who extended it [the jubilee] to Macao in the following year.

Owing to the jubilee, the domestic chapel of the Jesuits16 became a center for spiritual renovation in which three-hundred Portuguese took part, with many others doing the same at the Mother Church, 17thanks to help received with the visitors from Japan.

In the meanwhile, news came from Guangzhou. There, bad impressions had been created owing to the kidnapping of children which was attributed to the Portuguese. The mandarin who was sent, therefore, wanted to get detailed information about the Ambassador, members of his group and category of the present for the Emperor. The civil servant who was taken to the house of Chief Diogo Pereira, of Ambassador Gil de Góis [staff] [Góis had not yet left for Macao] and the Fathers, where he ordered that the pieces of the present be shown to him at the Jesuit's Church, which seems to indicate that there was already a ample neighborhood. He behaved respectfully in the building and was happy with the jewels, and also praised the deference extended to him, not only in preserves and refreshments but also for the farewell banquet at which he confided that he had discovered that the kidnappers of the children in Guangzhou had not been Portuguese but Chinese, and four of them had been sentenced to death.

FACING PAGE Frontespiece. GOUVEIA, António de, INNOCENTIA VICTRIX sive sententia Comitiorum Imperii Sinici pro innocentia christianae religionis lata juridicè per annum 1669, Quam tum [Guangzhou], Guangzhou, [n. n.], 1671, title page. Work ascribed to the Vice-Provincial of the Portuguese Jesuits, Father António de Gouveia. He was the oldest of all the Jesuits imprisioned in Guangzhou, between 1667 and 1671.

Upon returning to China, he advocated the Portuguese cause. On the 24th of November, 1565, Manuel Penedo, accompanied by Frs. Peres and Teixeira were allowed to deal with the Embassy's business. However, because the credentials which accredited the Ambassador had burned in a fire in Malacca, nothing took place.

Fr. Peres tried, at least, to obtain the p'iao to travel on the continent. He presented a document in Portuguese and Chinese requesting the entry permission to the General Treasurer of Customs, who was also in charge of Foreign Affairs. Upon responding negatively when asked if he knew the Chinese language, the request was deferred until he learned the language18. Thus, the doors obstinately remained closed. There still appeared a new hope. A little after this attempt, Guangzhou was blocked by pirates. The Mandarins asked the Portuguese in Macao for help and they, without consulting their Chief, then João Pereira, armed a body of three-hundred troops, lead by Diogo Pereira and Luís de Melo, and captured, with no losses, almost all the bandits. St. Francis Xavier's friend then asked the Military Commander of the City to sponsor the Embassy's business with the Emperor. But the latter, ungrateful, refused to receive the Embassy and the Mandarins were not able to assure anything more than the traffic facilities with the port of Guangzhou.

Under these conditions, Peres sought to continue the order of the Provincial of India for stable installations in Macao with this triple objective, now better defined: a rest area during the slow trip to Japan, a waiting room for the entry to China, at the appropriate moment, and a spiritual assistance center for the nascent city, whose commercial growth stimulated an increase in population.

At the end of 1565, the Society's Residence went from Pedro Quinteiro's home to others, which were also one storey and covered in wood and straw on lands adjacent to the humble hermitage of St. Anthony. The place was bad. Soon, the need to move on appeared. The combustible materials were available so the Chinese frequently set fire to the home and the temple in order to steal its contents. The Portuguese administrative situation for reconstructions was, however, very precarious. They were always dependent on the Chinese mandarins and the latter always opposed any installations which would surpass the immediate needs of transitory commercial traffic.

In spite of everything, the Jesuits tempted fate moving to the top of the hermitage of St. Anthony. The worst thing about it was that there was no water on that side of the mountain. However, Baltasar de Lage offered one-hundred taeis and a well was opened between the tower and the crosswise door of the Church. 19 Seeing it being built in 1573, through the intervention of Dom António de Vilhena, who at the request of the Visitor Gonçalo Àlvares, wanted to build a more ample and firm mud structure, because up until then it was made of wood and straw, the Mandarins stopped the work suspecting that they were hiding the construction of some type of fortress.

Peres and Teixeira, however, made sure that "with good reasons and ample bribes ended everything satisfactory". As Sebastião Gonçalves says "The Mandarins were quietned."20

Between 1572 and 1575 or 1578, the installations were once again enlarged to shelter a large number of guests in passage to Japan or to China and Tonkin, when these missions began. It already consisted of ten large and airy rooms with corresponding community rooms, and it was so inviting that Valignano, in 1579, considered the new Residence of the Holy Mother of God one of the best of India in the Far East. 21 In 1582, Pero Gomes had the Church covered in roofing tiles. 22


The Jesuits did not delay in adding instruction to their priestly ministry and administrative duties.

In Macao, they began with a Reading and Writing School in 1572, probably after the first enlargements [of their facilities] had taken place. 23 Years later, they added a Latin class. 24 The number of students grew rapidly. In 1592, there were two-hundred, which included children of the inhabitants of Macao and captive boys who came to serve them, 25 which constitutes yet another testament to the spirit of socio-racial integration which already by then also vitalized the Portuguese expansion in the Far East.

In that year, after the Third General Meeting of Missionaries carried out by Alessandro Valignano in Nagasaki, the Second Vice-Provincial Congregation, 26 took place between February and July. At this meeting it was considered necessary to establish a College for Japanese Jesuit students outside of Japan. The civil war disturbances reflected in the young students, compromising their tranquility for studies and their ascetic development. On the other hand, they could only benefit from having contact with the completely Christian Western atmosphere, which was, in spite of everything, the Portuguese atmosphere in Macao-learning the language, customs and manners of the Europeans, "becoming more united and attached to us and better prepared in virtues and letters."27

Macao, in the heart of the Far East, was an ideal site for this objective. The procurator of the Japanese mission, who had become wealthy through investments in the Cidade do Nome de Deus and saw that there was a need for the new establishment, did not present any obstacle. 28 The Congregation decided to carry it forward as soon as possible.

Frontespiece with monomark of the Society of Jesus. In: Extraict De Diverses Letres Escrites Par Ceux De La Compagnie de Iesus, [...], Paris, Leon Cauellat, 1593, title page-detail.

The Visitor Valignano left for Macao on the 9th of October and arrived there on the 24th. 29 While he awaited passage to Goa at the [Residence-College of the] Holy Mother of God, until the 15th or 16th of November, 1594, he communicated about the project with the priests of the China mission, under whose jurisdiction the territory fell. The initiative was done in a whisper. In fact, the Superior of that mission, Rector of the Residence-College of the Holy Mother of God, Fr. Duarte Sande (1585-1598), was thinking about construction. The installations were already tight and uncomfortable even for the day students. The students elbowed each other "indecently, all mixed together," he explained to the City Council, in February of the following year. 30 Given the growth of the population and economic spurt that the business activity provided them, why not think about a center for Cultural expansion for the Far East, like the [College of] St. Paul's of Goa was serving for all of India, even Malacca and the Moluccas, Eastern African and Ethiopia. The people of Macao called the Jesuits Paulists because they came from the famous Goan College. Would this not be a opportune suggestion for a building which, enlivened by the same spirit and sufficiently large, would not only tend to the aspirations of the people of Macao for a greater variety of college courses for the local youth, but would also make the [Residence-College of the] Holy Mother of God into a missionary development center for Japan and China, 31 and other countries in this part of the World?

The adequate parcel of land for the new installations was a problem. It was searched for and found not far from the Residence-College, on the side of a towering mountain, "full of very large cliffs, without any [flat] land on which to build."32 Although it would make the construction more costly, the place was healthy and the landscape overwhelming. 33 With the cliffs and cut stones, "on the end of the mountain very large and strong walls were built, with which a large, very flat and comfortable field was being made, both to build the College and the patios that are necessary for it [and, as] the College was located in the middle of the mountain, [it had] a great view, [and was] exposed to all the good winds that come from the sea, and on the other side [it was] protected by the mountain from all the bad and unhealthy winds, so that the College was very cool and well situated."34

And the builders? The Portuguese were businessman and the Chinese among the populace were not in favor of large construction projects. Providentially, at that time there were passing through Macao skilled stone masons who were natives of Chincheo, about one-hundred leagues from there. 35

Once the master builder, Inácio Moreira, 36 agreed and once the plan for the College was sketched, the land was flattened and foundations were begun. Because the available capital was limited37 and because it was not just a problem of missionary development but of the education of the youth of Macao, Fr. Sande sought help from the Senate. The College overpopulation was evident to the Senate. The agglomeration was not becoming only indecent, but also uncomfortable in the summer. Under these conditions and being a project destined to benefit the Japanese mission, he asked the Senate for "two-hundred silver taeis, from the funds and income from the silk sent to Japan during that year. 38 The Councillors António da Costa - the Elder, Francisco de Novais Ferreira and Antão Caldeira, with the Procurator Bernardino Araújo de Alvarenga, deferred the request, in a document prepared by the clerk Gaspar da Rocha on the 27th of February, 1593. 39

Some time afterwards, on the 4th of March, Fr. Miguel Soares asked for this money as a loan and Fr. Sande gave him a promissory note. Additional funds, totalling twenty taels, were necessary, which master builder Inácio Moreira declared having received on the 7th of July. 40

The initiative, however, did not find unconditional support. If there was no opposition from the mandarins-if there had been, as usual, it would have been quieted with beautiful silver bars-,41 the province of Goa provided serious opposition. Upon hearing news of the project, there was a meeting and an extensive list of fifteen "reasons for which it appeared [...] that a College of the Society of Macao42 should not be established" was drawn up. Francisco Cabral himself, a tried and true expert in Japanese affairs, but who, on more than one point did not agree with all of Valignano ideas, dissented from the initiative to build a College for the Japanese in Macao because he saw in this, perhaps, a process of Westernization. 43 In view of his influence with Fr. Manuel Vanegas, Procurator for Japanese Affairs in Lisbon, the issue came to the Crown and Philip II ordered the Viceroy of India and the Archbishop of Goa44 to give information about the need for the establishment. 45

Valignano was not a man to give up. In order to neutralize the contradictions from Goa, he sent to General Acquaviva (° 1581-†1645) detailed "information about the reason for establishing the Macao College and an answer to the contrary objections that were made in India."46 The principal one was this: "help from Goa[...] owing to there being many businesses there and a lack of people and being so far away, was always little, uncertain and slow."47

With the stimulation of the dynamic Inspector, the work continued at an accelerated rate. "The construction was finished in a little more than one year."48 And it did not lack greatness. The Annual Report for 1594 gives us a lively description: "The new College building was completed, fitting into the location in the manner of a "material" wall with two very large Houses which stand out, and allowing for a beautiful patio in the middle between one and the other [house]; the two Houses which stand out, in the manner of bulwarks, are two-storey; and the "material" wall, where there is a corridor with its cubicles, is on the first floor, but so high that it aligns with the second floor of the two houses. And at the foot of the mountain, which continues with the one above, by two or three staircases, are the school with its patio and the main entrance with other offices; and above, other very comfortable cubicles for the officials. Facing the main entrance, there is another very big enclosed patio. So that this College is capable of holding forty Society people in very comfortable circumstances; because, apart from the four Colleges, it has, above, nineteen cubicles, two rooms, two chapels and one very large and beautiful infirmary; and, below, seven other cubicles with all the other offices being very comfortable, because the Father [Inspector?] is determined to build a new Refectory because the one that is now used is borrowed and we have more room to build further, if necessary."49

The inhabitants of Macao allowed themselves to join in the enthusiasm, because all this was carried out "without charging one real to the Japan nor the Society's account."50 And, nonetheless, in the construction of the new veranda and the infirmary ten-thousand taeis were spent. 51

Before leaving Macao, Valignano established two distinct communities. 52 The Home-Residence of the Holy Mother of God, linked to the Vice-Province of China, which would have ten members of the Company, and as Superior, Lourenço Mexia. The St. Paul's College had nineteen members of the Society, including the Inspector, with eight or ten students from Japan and others from India, with Fr. Duarte de Sande53 as Rector and being dependent on the Japanese Province. Proximity facilitated communication on the inside between the two buildings, and therefore their union, which took place, definitively in September 1597 under the Rectorship of Fr. Manuel Dias, fused in one institution, Residence and College, called indistinctly Holy Mother of God and St. Paul's. 54

Frontespiece with monomark of the Society of Jesus. In: Cópia de una carta que embiou de la India el padre Enrrique Enrriquez, de la compañia de Iesu [...] Recebidas en el año de. M. D. LI., in: "Cartas dos Jesuítas do Oriente e do Brasil 1549-1551/apresentação de José Manuel Garcia", Lisboa, Instituto da Biblioteca Nacional e do Livro, 1993, title page (facsimile)-detail.

This took place even in spite of the construction problems faced by one or the other. In fact, in 1595, when Lourenço Mexia was Superior, the 1578 Residence was destroyed in a fire and was rebuilt in the Society's garden. 55 In 1601, another even more devastating fire took place, as a sad foreshadowing of the one that would take place in 1835 irreparably consuming the Church and three-quarters of the College, also damaged by a typhoon shortly after. 56 The Rector, Valentim de Carvalho (elec. 1601-1604) was able to establish a board of inhabitants to remedy the damage. With the Chief in the lead, the City offered half percent of the income from the business freight to Japan, equivalent to six-thousand two-hundred and sixty Tournois pounds from France, with the Genovese Jesuit Carlos Spínola, architect and future Japanese martyr, 57 being in charge of the project. The plan was so daring that the History of the Mings would later confess that there was nothing as grandiose in all of China. 58 In the reconstruction, the monumental façade, which cost thirty-two-thousand patacas obtained through charity, 59 stood out. In 1603, the interior work was completed and the generous patronage of the City was noted in an engraving in the building, placed in the previous year, with this epigraph: "Virgini Magnae Matri Civitas Macaensis libens posuit anno 1602."60 The entrance to the College contiguous to the Church was finished in 1604. The facade would only be finished in 1637, with the sculptured elements only completed in 1644. There were still changes to the body of the Church in 1608, and the Chapel of St. Francis Xavier would only be finished in 1689. 61

With time, the temple began to show rich decorations and numerous relics, not all were authentic, it should be noted. The organ, probably Italian in origin, and the paintings by European, Chinese and Japanese artists, among whom Jacob Niva stood out with other disciples of the Italian Jesuit Giovanni Niccolò, delighted the faithful and the non-Catholics who entered the temple. The magnificent clock, offered by Louis XIV to the French Jesuits, announced the time with great fanfare for the whole City. 62

Before the 28th of October 1594, the College had four courses: one for Reading and one for Writing, with more than two-hundred and fifty boys; another for Grammar; and another for Humanities, which had been added in that year and in which, aside from external students, seven Jesuits Brothers from India studied. A few more students from Japan and Goa were awaited in the following year in order to form the first course in Art. In addition, there were courses of Morals and of Theology. 63

"And time", adds the writer of the Annual [Report]: "with the help of God and the return of the Father Inspector would make known if it would be good to add more courses and other important sciences"."64 There did not yet exist public courses for Dogmatic Theology; but two priests who were in the College paid for by the China mission studied this privately. 65

The official separation of the two communities took place on the day of the Eleven Thousand Virgins (the 21 st of October, 1594), in the presence of the Inspector. One of the theologian-priests defended public conclusions about Theology, with the solemn ceremony beginning with a speech in Latin about the opening of the new College "to the satisfaction of the Bishop and all the Religions and many serious people who participated."66 On the 1st of December, the courses would begin to take place in the new building."67


Valignano left for Goa in the middle of November 1594. On the 23rd of April 1597, he returned to the Far East, disembarking in Macao on the 20th of July 159868 and remaining there until the middle of the same month. The College continued to hold a place in his heart and the results stimulated his interest. His organizing spirit, which was fertile in regulations and protocols, sought to give a new form to the institutional and pedagogical life of St. Paul's, naturally based on the Ratio Studiorum, which had just been published ad experimentum in 159169 in Rome, by Acquaviva, but with evident suggestions from the Regiment of the Coimbra's College of the Arts, from 1559 and 1565, 70 and with the reasonable adaptations naturally imposed by the circumstances of the Easterners, rather heterogeneous mental atmosphere, or climate, ethnicity and civilization, so that the result would be positive.

In October of that year, Valignano proceeded to a new Ordo for the College. 71 The Proemium states as follows: "As this College is now beginning to take shape with regard to studies and lacks a sure order to follow, and as the teachers and Brothers who will read and study here come from diverse Provinces where there are different College customs; lacking order, great confusion will be caused and new changes each year [will be required]. [Thus], it seemed necessary to me to make some notes about what the studies should be like, aside from all that required by the Ratio Studiorum, all of which can be put into practice according to the number of teachers and courses in this College. 72

It was therefore decided that the literary-elective year would begin on the 15th of September with a solemn Profession of Faith made by the Prefect of Studies, the teachers and substitutes in the Church, after a student mass, according to the Pius IV's formula.

The inaugural lesson in the Latin course, would begin at 7 am, consisting of a short speech in Latin for about fifteen minutes with the attendance of the Rector and professors in their long cloaks; the same thing would be done for the opening of afternoon courses.

In the Profession of Faith, in the debates, in the speech and in all the public ceremonies at the College, places were marked by categories of authority and representation of the respective areas of study. When the Rector or Prefect of Studies attended, both were objects of particular deference, with their permission being requested, respectively, with the formulas: Rector religiosissime, Gymnasiarcha integerrime. If the Bishop or Chief were present, they had primacy with equivalent formulas.

In the debates, the arguers, upon intervening, should request the good will of the Rector, the Prefect of Studies and the rest of the congregation. The same was required for the defenders. The conclusions which might be presented would be, previously, shown to the Prefect of Studies before being made public.

The classes [of the courses] would begin and finish with a brief kneeling prayer in the College's area before an image of veneration.

The greetings between teachers and disciples would conform to contemporary etiquette.

The spiritual life of the students, even the secular ones, required special attention from the teachers. The bell rang at 7:00 o'clock for the first class of the morning, with a similar bell ringing at 9:30 to end the class. For the rest of the morning lessons, there would be a short ring. In the afternoon, identical signals would be given.

The students were prohibited from carrying arms on the Colleges patio or in any class73.

The holidays and the half-holidays would also be fixed.

The Theology, Morals, Arts and the first Latin courses would begin on the 14th of July in the morning and would end on September 14. The elementary courses would last one month, from the 14th of August to the 14th of September.

The holiday or weekly half-holiday was on Wednesday, when there was not a Holy Day. If it [a Holy Day] occurred on Monday, the day of rest would be Thursday. If it fell on Saturday, it would be maintained on Wednesday. On other days, it would count as a holiday. On the day of St. Francis Xavier there would be no classes, maintaining the same order on that day as on other Holy Days.

Frontespiece with monomark of the Society of Jesus. In: Catálogo da Exposição Bibliográfica /Os Jesuítas na Àsia, Macau, Instituto Cultural de Macau-Arquivo Histórico-Biblioteca Central, 1991, title page (facsimile)-detail.

In addition, Christmas Eve in the afternoon, Monday and Shrove Tuesday, Ash Wednesday in the morning, as well as on Passion Wednesday up until Easter Sunday and all the afternoons of vespers or compline sung in the College's Church were equally holidays. The sermons, jubilees or festivals in any Church did not suspend lessons. 74

The College schedules were sketched in detail, both for the Latin course as well as for the Arts course, the chair of Moral [Theology] and the chair of Dogmatic Theology.

In the Latin classes, the teachers read [in the morning] for two and a half hours (7:00-9:30), and in the afternoon for two (3:00-5:00), except on Saturday when reading was only for one and one-half hours.

In the Winter, from the 8th of November until Ash Wednesday, because the days were short, the afternoon classes began at 2:30. In the afternoons of the Latin classes days, the Jesuit students had three-quarters of an hour's repetition, after the litany for the Saints, except for confession or domestic practice days.

On Saturday afternoons, just before the class ended, the Latin teachers who had secular disciples prayed Our Lady's litany with their students, at the foot of an existing image, in their respective areas.

The laws of urbanity between disciples and teachers, when the latter asked questions were not forgotten. If the disciples were Jesuits, the students would remove their hat and stand and the teachers would correspond by removing their berets and ordering them to be seated and put on their hats to respond. The secular students would answer questions with their hats off and standing, and the teachers, if not members of the sacred Orders, would speak to them in the 'you' plural subject form vós.

The Rhetoric disciples, or defenders, be they religious Jesuits or secular, would sit at the foot of the teacher's chair uncovered, and would proceed in the same way to read dissertations. When the dissertations were public, they would read them from the chair wearing a cloak and hat. 75

The Arts course had University category already in 1597, much like in Évora or in Coimbra. The inauguration took place with a dissertation De necessitate et utilitate Dialecticae and a short preliminary speech to which the Rector, the Prefect of Students and other teachers should attend. If there was no commentary dictation for the text (gloss), the class would last one and a half hours (8:00 to 9:30 in the morning; 3:30 to 5:00 in the afternoon). If there was a dictation, it would last two and a half hours in the afternoon.

Every Thursday afternoon, there would be debates in the class, with two disciples defending conclusions or theses which had been fixed in the previous day's class, and the other students would argue. Once a month, these debates would be more solemn. The conclusions to be defended would be presented in class and in the College two days before, and they would be attended by the Rector, the Prefect of Studies, the teachers of Dogmatic Theology and Moral [Theology], as well as by the theologians.

Whenever there was an afternoon course on a non-confession day, the Company's religious artists would have a domestic debate for three-quarters of an hour, with the bell briefly ringing for this a quarter of an hour before the class and with a theologian presiding.

The interrogations in the Arts course would also be subject to etiquette. The secular students would recite the lesson and argue seated and uncovered, if they were not of the sacred Orders. In the arguments, however, everyone would intervene uncovered and seated. The teachers would address the secular disciples without Holy Order in the 'you' plural subject form vós.

The [Art] course would last three academic years and end with a public examination de pedra (on stones) before three examiners, one of whom would preside and make a short speech referring to the ceremony during the first of the four exams de pedra, each one of which would last the entire day, in the times corresponding to the classes´ schedule. The material of the interrogations included all Logic, that is, Universals, Preachings, the First Book of the Perihermanias or Interpretations, the First Book of the Analyticals (Priories), the Second Book of the Analyticals (Posteriors), the Topics or Sources of the Proof of Truth, the Sophistic Elenchus or invalid forms of rationalization, with the candidate finally being presented with a paralogism to explain the error or incorrect rationalization.

Besides this, the candidate for Master of Arts would defend a problem in Physics and another one of Metaphysics argued by the three examiners, with the interrogations of each one touching on the material of Logic, with an identical discussion of problems from other philosophical disciplines.

The background for the examples would have special solemnity. Three levels of benches would be placed for seating the Rector, the Prefect of Studies, the President of the Board and the two examiners, and after them, in rank, the teachers of Dogmatic Theology and Moral [Theology], etc, excepting the Arts course [teacher], which would not be present at the exams. The Theology students, the religious students from other orders and the educated secular students could also attend.

The first oral exam de pedra76 for the Arts [course] took place as follows:

The class was set up with the desk at the place of the Rector and examiners. The entrance with the pedra was solemn and accompanied by music. The President of the Board made a short speech; when he finished, the musicians sang again. For the purpose of the event, this was followed by another speech by the examinee, uncovered and standing, behind the uncovered pedra. Once finished, he returned to his place and music was once again played. After this, the examinee sat on the stone. Then, the President of the Board began the exam itself by questioning: "Religiose et perdocte respondens"-because a Jesuit; or had the examinee beeing a secular student: "Ingeniose ac perdocte respondens"; followed by: "Pro initio tui examinis, responde quaestionibus solitis et propone tuum physicum et metaphysicum problema." Upon this statement, the examinee stood up from the stone and responded, standing: "Sic jubet, sapientissimus et religiossimus praeses, ut pro initio mei exainis respondeam qaestionibus solitis et proponam mea physicum et metaphysicum problemata. Quoniam sic jubet, mihi nome est NN., patria N."

Had he been a Society member, the formula would have changed to the following: "Mihi nomen est NN; pro reliquis, Societas Jesu [...] Audivi anima requisita ad praesens examen a sapientissimo et religiosissimo praeceptore meo patre N." Once this said, he would have sat down, on the stone, and propose the problems in the following way:

"Meus physicum problemapetit(vg): num totum physicum distinguatur realiter a partibus simul sumptis, annon? Ego teneo partem affirmativam. Nunc, idem metaphysicum problema petit (v. g.): utrum omnes actiones sint suppositorum, cui ego respondeo per has propositiones: 1. Propono: Acitones profiscicuntur a suppositis, vel ab agentibus quo; 2. Propono: Actiones terminantur [...]"

Once the problems were proposed, the President began to examine the materials of the Universals, using this formula: "Religiose et perdocte respondens, pro doctrina Praedicabilium, dic quot sint Universalia?" The examinee responded: "Sic jubet sapientissimus et religiosissimus Praenses [...]".

Monomark of the Society of Jesus. Granitic stonework. Overdoor medallion on East lateral entrance of the St. Paul's Church, in Macao.

When it appeared that sufficient questioning about the Universals had been carried out by the President, the examinee was then questioned by the first examiner about the material of the Predicaments, followed by the questioning about Perihermenias by the second, with questioning about the Priories being [again] carried out by the President, and so forth and so on, until he was examined on all the Treatises about all the Logic materials. Once that had finished, each examiner proposed his argument against each of the problems proposed by the examinee.

The second candidate began his exam [being addressed] by the first examiner, followed by the second and then by the President [of the Board] until the end of the material and the arguments against the proposed problems.

The first prayers or dissertations and exams de pedra of the material took place on the same day. For the remainder, the prayers and dissertations were in the afternoon and the oral exams or defenses of problems on the following morning. The Music after speeches or dissertations was only during the first [exam]. However, the secular students could set up the classes and carpet their classmates' benches at will because the examiners benches were always be carpeted.

Once the interrogations and problem defenses were finished, the so-called tables took place, in which the new baccalaureates took the second exam for the title of Artist or Master of Arts.

In Coimbra, "the philosophy tables [were] several tables set up in order, in front of which several baccalaureate students seated on a small bench with their heads uncovered, defended conclusions about philosophical matters distributed by the Regente (Regent); and among these tables there were second answering tables, when at some ceremonies, those who responded to questions called magnas, also answered in exams, changing the materials, for example, from Morals to Logic or from Logic to Morals."77

In Macao, according to the protocols established by Valignano. once the class had been set up with the chair and the carpeted high benches, just like for exams, the solemn entry of the tables took place, at 7:00 am and 3:00 pm.

The Rector, the Prefect of Studies and other teachers, priests, theologians sat in their order on the high benches. Next to the Arts teacher, in his arm chair, sat the defenders of the tables on a carpeted bench with a table in front covered with a silk cloth or carpeted, and on which each of the defenders had his conclusions. At the entrance, there was music, after which, only on the first day, the teacher seated in his chair made a short speech alluding to the ceremony; once this ended, the singing began again and then he began to discuss the questions proposed by the defenders in their conclusions: first Logic; after, Physics and, finally, Metaphysics.

Calligraphic frontespiece with allegorical medallion. In: DU HALDE, Jean-Baptiste, S. J., Description Geographique, Historique, Chronologique, Politique, Et Physique, De L'Empire de la Chine et de la Tartarie Chinoise, [...],4 vols., Haye, Chez Henri Scheurleer,1736, vo1.1, title page.

In fact, each candidate previously organized a program of nine conclusions about the material that he defended and was to present them, a few days before the exam, to whoever wanted to argue against them, even if they were only student theologians.

The teacher began by directing himself to the first baccalaureate student of the defenders, in these terms: Et qui sedet primo loco et defendet conclusions dialecticas, hanc propono questionem: num Christus Dominus ponatur in praedicamento substantiae? And, after explaining his opinions based on his fundamentals in an affirmative or negative sense, he presented an objection or argument against the defendant's conclusions. And without waiting for answers, he also raised his objection to the conclusions about Physics and Metaphysics in the same way.

Once the answer was given by the defendant to the teacher, the other arguers, priests or cultured people entered the discussions, with the defendants receiving their approval or asking the Rector, the Prefect of Studies or the course teacher, who presided, or the other listeners for forgiveness; the ceremony continued with the other tables in the morning and the afternoon. At each table, there was from four to six defendants. The teacher, however, only spoke at the first [table].

And the end of each table, with the Rector still seated, the President of the Board said, uncovering his head: "Reliquum est, ut Deo optimo maximo inmmortales gratias agamus, et vobis mnibus, viri ornatissimi, qui vestra paraesentia hanc nostrorum actuum aulam decorare voluistis." 78

As is evident, before the end of the sixteenth century the academic ceremonies for the Arts course in Macao had the identical solemnity to those in Coimbra, like those in the College of St. Paul's of Goa and in Brazil. 79

But the program of studies designed by Valignano transcended the simple Arts course. Moral Theology (Cases) and Dogmatic Theology were also taught. And it was opportune, given the preoccupations which already existed with the development of an indigenous clergy and as a complement to studies for religious Jesuits, from Europe and India, without these ecclesiastical courses, or those recruited from the Portuguese nuclei in the Far East and for whom travel to Goa would be precarious and expensive.

At the same time, the already ordained diocesan clerics, with the permission of their respective prelates, could update their often rudimentary studies, especially about matrimonial material, which was complicated in the mission countries or in questions of commutative justice within an atmosphere of commercial fever that existed in Macao.

port de Macao. A description of Macao. In: DU HALDE, Jean-Baptiste, S. J., Description Geographique, Historique, Chronologique, Politique, Et Physique, De L'Empire de la Chine et de la Tartarie Chinoise, [...],4 vols., Haye, Chez Henri Scheurleer,1736, vo1.1, p.141.

There were two teachers of Moral Theology (Cases) [courses] and, according to Valignano's plan of studies, "they would read, alternately, one hour per day from their course with those in Dogmatic Theology, dictating three-quarters of an hour and explaining one-quarter of an hour."80

There would be debates about Cases every month on Saturday afternoon for one and one-half hours, with some conclusions being placed two days before on the classroom door and in the College. Alternately, each and its subject presided over the material he read, with the Rector, the Prefect of Studies, the Dogmatic Theology teachers, the Cases teachers, the Theology students and other priests who desired being there.

Casuists and theologians would propose the Cases, with heads uncovered. All the course's days on which there was an afternoon class and which were not confession or practice days (Mondays, Wednesdays, Thursdays and Fridays) would have the casuistic repetitions for three-quarters of an hour in this order: On the first class day of the week, there would be general conferences with the appearance of all the priests in the House, aside from the course disciples. On the second day, only the disciples of the materials taught by the other teachers, who would preside, would be repeated. On the third day, there would be general conferences as on the first; and on the fourth, there would be reflections as on the second. 81

In the Dogmatic Theology courses, each teacher who taught a written gloss (commentary) would read for one hour, dictating for three-quarters of an hour and explaining for one hour, with these lessons beginning when the last one ended when there were other classes. If he did not teach a gloss, he would read for half an hour.

The theologians would have debates at home every class day during three-quarters of an hour, at one o'clock in the afternoon, with the signal being given for it and with the teachers alternately presiding and dealing with the material of their course. Each month, there would be debates in the class with three to nine conclusions, which were posted a few days before on the doors of the College and in its interior in a place specified for this.

The Rector, the Prefect of Studies and the other House teachers as well as the priests of the community were to attend these debates as well as the discussion about the cases of conscience. The disciple theologians could argue, but with their heads uncovered.

Anno de 1603 se mudou o Santis-[/]simo Sacramento pª a Igreja Nova

In: AHU: Cod. 1659-MONTANHA, José, Apparatos para a Historia Eccleziastica do Bispado de Macao/P. José Montanha, 1749-1752.

Contains one of the most complete descriptions of the Church and College of St. Paul, based on the previous testimonies collected and compiled by the author in the Library of those premises.

The defender used a formula with special reverence for the Purity of the Doctrine that he taught. Repeating the objection of the arguer and before repeating it, in order to show that he duly understood it, he said: "Sed, antequam argumento satisfaciam, quam breviter disputabo (and standing), invocato prius divini Numinis auxilio Patris (he crossed himself), Filij et Spiritus Sancti necnon Beatœ Virginis, illud interim adsero, si quid inter loquendum dixero quod Romanœ Ecclesiœ Sacris Concilijs, Santorum Patrums doctrinœ repugnare videatur, id indictum sit."

And after having made the statement and being seated, he repeated, once again, the argument and responded. At the end of the ceremony, he renewed the protestation of the Purity of Faith: "Si quid dixi quod Romanae Ecclesiœ, [...]".

On the 21st of October, day of the Eleven Thousand Virgins, which is of special devotion among the Portuguese Jesuits and assigned for the solemn opening of the College year, there would be great debates on Theology, with a program of from nine to fifteen or twenty conclusions.

In the middle or transept of the Church, there was a reasonable space which was carpeted and surrounded by benches among which, on the Evangelical side, there was a chair and at the foot of it a footstool for the defender, all carpeted. The College bell would ring for half an hour, from 1:30 pm to 2:00 pm, the time that the ceremony began.

At the entrance, there was music. Afterwards, an inaugural speech for the new academic year, required by the Ratio Studiorum of 1591, 82 with another musical selection, and the beginning of the debates within the canon established above for the College ceremonies for Theology. Given the pomp of the inaugural session, if the Bishop or the Governor of Macao were present, they would have a special chair in the same area as the carpeted benches on the inside; the Rector, the Prefect of Study and the other teachers and priests of the of the House would sit on the same benches, in front of the President's chair and at its side, in the direction of the principal door,

The external religious people would sit on the other side, towards the principal altar. On the remaining benches, the Company's students would sit in cloaks, with one of them holding in his hands the conclusions, which were generally printed, in order to give them to, before anyone else, the Bishop and the Governor, so that they could give them to whoever they wanted to argue, in the first place, and then to the arguers chosen by the Prefect of Studies. The latter had to have special respect for religious members of other orders, to whom, according to the Bishop and the Chief, the conclusions or theses were sent days earlier so that they could duly prepare themselves for the argument. 83

Collegio de Macao.

In: AHU: Cod. 1659--MONTANHA, José, Apparatos para a Historia Eccleziastica do Bispado de Macao/p. José Montanha, 1749-1752

Through this, the theory of intermediate and advanced studies programmed for St. Paul's College of Macao can be understood. It was not a complete ecclesiastical University because, specifically, Canon Law was not taught there, much less was it a civil University- Studium generale -with all the courses of Institutions of that type, such as, for example, Coimbra, because it did not have the chairs in Civil Law and Medicine. There is no doubt, however, that it was a true advanced aca demic center because it conferred Degrees.

In fact, António Cardim, who was Rector of St. Paul's for four years, from the 31st of August 1632 to 1636, 84 expressly states this both with respect to the Degree of Master of Arts as well as the Degree of Doctor in Theology. Here are his words, from Batalhas da Companhia de Jesus [...] (Battles of the Society of Jesus [...]), with regard to the former: "In the College's Church, the Degree of Master of Arts is given to those who merit it, the candidates coming from their lands accompanied by friends and sponsors all on horseback with their musicians leading the way, as is the custom in European Universities."85 With regard to the second, [Cardim] is also explicit in the Relatione della Provincia del Giappone (Narration about the Province of Japan), sent to Pope Inocence X, in 1645: "The College of the Society of Jesus in Macao [...] is a University, teaching from the basic elements of Theology, giving Doctoral Degrees to those at the University who took advantage of their studies."86 And, to give only one testimony of a foreigner about the level of science taught, let us cite Alexandre de Rhodes: "On y apprend toutes les sciences que nous enseignons dans toutes nos grandes académies."87


If the Institution became a type of University owing to the autonomous organization which Alessandro Valignano gave to the College of St. Paul' s from the 1st of December 1594, and owing to the formal organization of the advanced studies in Art and Theology, which was followed, in 1597, with the possibility of conferring degrees, can it also be said that it was, historically, the first Western University in the Far East? There is no doubt about this.

In truth, the two Institutions which could dispute its primacy would be the College-Seminary of St. Joseph, of the Spanish Jesuits of Manila, Philippines, and the very famous and later Dominican University of St. Thomas, built in the same City.

But the College of Manila, whose first beginnings date from 1590-1595, 88 only began to have a stable existence in September of 1595, with classes in Grammar and Moral Theology. The College-Seminary or Boarding-College of St. Joseph dates from 1601, 89 the year when the Philosophy courses began and, according to Ludwig Koch and de la Costa, academic Degrees, both in Arts and in Theology, date only from 1623. 90 Canonically, the Colleges of the Society, in general from 1552 and 1578 and, from 1621, in the Indies, could grant academic Degrees to students of the Order and external ones, while the College of Manila was only granted that privilege in 1634. 91 The College of St. Thomas, founded on the 28th of April 1611, was only elevated to University category on the 20th of November 1645. 92


The existence of St. Paul's, however, was not free of vicissitudes. If the intermediate studies were maintained with brilliance until the middle of the eighteenth century, thanks to the local population's attendance and the Christian refugees from Japan and China during several epochs, and from the Celestial Empire above all during the time of the Tartar invasions, apart from the St. Ignatius Seminary for the Japanese, founded by Francisco Pacheco, in 1623, thanks to a donation of twelve-thousand taeis made by the Japanese cleric Paulo dos Santos for twelve boys from his country, 93 and the St. Joseph Seminary, which was created around 1732 for Chinese seminarians, 94 the truth is that the international difficulties greatly diminished the student population for advanced courses in Arts and Theology.

In spite of this, owing to the internal movement of its population, between professor, students and missionaries during rest periods, learning languages or in transit, the College of St. Paul's, at least during the whole first half of the seventeenth century, according to Caldeira Rego writing in 1623, was "in building, number and quality of subjects, one of the largest and most serious Houses of religious men in the Orient."95

In its period of maximum splendor, that is, from 1597 to 1645, it is possible to detail these facts. Sebastião Gonçalves said that during the first epoch of the College, there were "ordinarily fifty religious men."96 By 1601, Bérnard Maître provided more explicit data: fifty-nine Jesuits, of which twenty were Fathers and thirty-nine were Brother students or assistants. In the following year, after five Fathers and six Brothers left for Japan, fifty-nine Jesuits remained at the College of the Holy Mother of God. 97 Caldeira Rego, on the 27th of November 1623, inform us that there resided there, at times, "sixty, seventy or more people."98 Àlvaro Semedo, in 1642, stated: "normally, sixty to eighty per-sons."99 António Cardim, two years later, in his Relatione, cites sixty people. 100 In the Batalhas da Companhia de Jesus [...], from 1650, the number [of religious] is omitted, but taking in consideration the number of teachers, it is clear that the College population had not yet diminished. 101 This would not be the case in the eighteenth century, because the student Jesuits, coming from Europe, with their studies completed, were stopped in Goa with other recruits from the Orient, but destined for the Far East. In fact, in the accounting books of the Procurators of Japan and China there are requests for payments of the pensions for the young people from the Far East, who were studying at the College of St. Paul's of Goa, 102 just as there are names in the catalogues from the Oriental Provinces from the Scholastici Goœ degentes,103 belonging to the Provinces of Japan and China.

On the other hand, João Álvares, who was living in Macao in 1746, gives news only of the classes on Reading, Writing and Counting as well as Latin (Grammar, Humanities and Rhetoric) and Music, 104 the only ones indispensable for the civil population, which "lacks curiosity" and was "illiterate," as Bp. Dom Hilário de Sousa bitterly complained on the 29th of December 1749, 105

And, in the meantime, the availability of culture was kept alive within the walls of St. Paul's.

The copies [of materials] sent to Lisbon in the eighteenth century give us an idea of the richness of the archives; today they are found in the Biblioteca Nacional [de Lisboa] (Lisbon National Library), in the Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino (Overseas Historical Archive) and principally in the Jesuitas na Ásia Section (Jesuits in Asia Section) of the Biblioteca da Ajuda (Library of the Royal Palace of Ajuda), in addition to originals and other copies transferred, in 1761 to Manila, from where they went on to Spain and are now enriching the holdings of the Real Academia della Historia, Madrid (Madrid Royal Academy of History), in its Coleccion Jesuitas-Legajos (Jesuits-Legacy Archives). Others are to be found in the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid (National Library, Madrid) and the Archivo Histórico Nacional, Madrid (National Archives, Madrid) in the same City, in addition to that which are dispersed throughout other European centers. 106 The collection of paintings, atlases and maps was very rich. 107 The Library, in João Alvares account, in 1746 possessed four-thousand-two-hundred books (works or volumes?)108 The pharmacy, known throughout the Far East, served the public health of Macao and the China, Japan and Tonkin missions in many ways until, in 1762, it was sold cheaply to a merchant who sent it to Goa for a healthy price. 109

Another primary cultural element which the University College possessed for many years was the press, which Valignano brought from Europe in 1588 destined for Japan. Provisionally assembled in Macao, in 1588, the first two books were printed there. In 1590, it was working in Katsusa and, after, in Amakusa and Nagasaki. In 1616, it had to return to Macao in order to print, in 1620, the very famous Arte de Lingoa Japoa (Art of the Japanese Language) by Rodrigues Tçuzzu. 110

The History of national and international projection of the College of St. Paul's of Macao will be said to be complete when a synthesis is done of not only its role in the development of the social elite of the Portuguese population of Macao, but that of the Far East, and when the abundant documentation which we still have can clarify the contribution made to the development of a College of missionaries for various countries of Malasia and Indochina, of the Celestial Empire and Japan. The services lent to relations with China and to scientific-apostolic effort developed there were great for successive generations of missionaries, above all in the Court of Beijing, from Ricci to José de Espinha, André Rodrigues and José Bernardo de Almeida. 111 Even when it appeared to contradict orientations of the Holy See which, finally, were shown to be less objective and opportune than they appeared to be, with the ill-fated question of the Rites and their-implications in the legacies of Cardinal Tournon and Ambrogio Mezzabarba. 112 In a very much more constructive sense, in the help given to the Embassies of Manuel Saldanha (1667-1670), Metelo de Sousa e Meneses (1725-1728) and Francisco de Assis Pacheco de Sampaio (1752-1753), which, although they never obtained the desired success, they did manage to keep the afloat the bridge launched for the evangelization and commerce between West and East113. St. Paul's will always be remembered, and few Western teaching institutions of the time would come shoulder to shoulder with it in the history of Cultural penetration of the World.

The expulsion of the Jesuits by Pombal's drastic Decree of 1759, executed in Macao in 1762, put an end to the institutional life of the College of the Holy Mother of God or of St. Paul's. An unconquered sentinel in face of the attacks of Time and Fortune, there only remains, as solitary testimony of an extinct past, 114 the historic frontispiece of its Church, at the top of the still magnificent staircase capable of being compared with the most sumptuous in Rome. 115 History, however, cannot turn away from the glorious moments that the first Western University of the Far East passed through, nor from its valuable role in the expansion of Christian and Portuguese Civilization in the World. **


Sanchoan 上川

piao 票


1Epistolœ Indicœ et Japonicœ, Lovanii, 1570, pp. 120 ff.; BA: JA, 10. IV. 40, fols. 217-241.

2Ibid., 40. IV. 50, fols. 108 vo -112 vo.


4FRANCO, António, Imagem da Virtude em o Noviciado da Companhia de Jesus do Real Collegio do Espirito Santo de Evora do Reyno de Portugal, 2 vols., Évora/ Coimbra, Real Collegio das Artes da Companhia de Jesus/Officina da Universidade, 1719, p. 682ff.


6BA: JA, 49. IV. 50, fo1. 60.

See: FREITAS, Jordão de, Macao, in: «Archivo Histórico Portuguez», Lisboa, (7)1910, pp. 226-228.

7According to the letter of Francisco Peres, in January 1564, this must have been the home of Pero Quinteiro. See: Note 8 infra.

8ALMEIDA, Fortunato de, História da Igreja em Portugal, 8 vols., Coimbra, 1910-1924, vol. 3, part. 1, 1912, pp. 83-84 - The information is erroneous.

See: JORDÃO, Levi Maria, [Visconde de Paiva Manso], Bullarium Patronatus Portugalliœ Regnum in Eclesiis Africœ, Asiœ, atque Oceaniœ [...], 3 vols., Olisipone, Typographia Nationali, 1868-1873, pp. 243-246, Corpo Diplomático Portuguez contendo os Actos e Relações Políticas e Diplomáticas de Portugal com as diversas Potências do Mundo, desde o Século XVI até aos nossos dias, Lisboa, Typographia da Academia Real das Sciencias, 1891, vol. 10, pp. 498-503.

9JORDÃO, Levi Maria, op. cit., p.227; SOUSA, Francisco de, Oriente Conquistado a Jesu Christo Pelos Padres da Companhia de Jesu da Provincia de Goa/Primeyra Parte [...], Lisboa, Na officina de Valentim da Costa Deslandes, 1710, pp. 738-739; TEIXEIRA, Manuel, Macau e a sua Diocese, 16 vols., Macau, Tipografia do Orfanato Salesiano et al, 1940-1979, vol. 3,1958, pp. 137-138.

10FRÓIS, Luís, Ed. WICKI, Josef, S. J., História de Japam, 5 vols., Lisboa, Biblioteca Nacional de Lisboa, 1976-1984; BA: JA, 49. IV. 54, fol. ll4 vo. See: SCHUR-HAMMER, Georg Otto - VORETZSCH E. A., Die Geschichte Japans, (1549-1578) von Luis Frois, S. J. nach der handschrift der Ajudabibliothek in Lissabon [...], Leipzig, Verlag de Asia Major, 1926, p. 183.

11VALIGNANO, Alessandro, S. J., Ed. WICKI, Josef, S. J., Historia del Principio y Progresso de la Compañia de Jesus en las Indias Orientales, Roma, Institutum Storicum Societatis Iesu, 1944, p.442 - Valignano confuses the 1562 mission with that of 1563.

12Idem., p.444 - These Houses of Pero Quinteiro must have been already occupied shortly before by Fróis and Del Monte, the previous year, on their way to Japan. The Houses continued to be in the possession of the Society and seem to have been occupied by Dom Leonardo de Sá, on his return from the Provincial Synod of Goa, in 1585. Taken prisioner by the Achens, he arrived in Macao, in 1594.

See: AHU: 1659, fol. 293 - MONTANHA, José, Apparatos para a Historia do Bispado de Macao.

13GONÇALVES, Sebastião, História do Religiosos da Companhia de Jesus, e do que fizeram com a divina graca na conversão dos infieis à nossa santa fee catholica nos Reynos e Provincias da India Oriental, 3 vols., Coimbra, Atlântida, 1957-1962, vol. 3, 1962, p. 141.

14VALIGNANO, Alessandro, S. J., op. cit., pp. 442-443.

See: RODRIGUES, Francisco, A Companhia de Jesus em Portugal e nas Missões, 2 vols., Porto, Tipografia Fonseca, 1935, p.24 - The Houses with a doorway to the priests' Residence, later became part of the St. Paul's College.

See: MONTANHA, José, op. cit., fol. 205 ro

15TEIXEIRA, Manuel, op. cit., vol. 3, p. 143.

16FREITAS, Jordão de, op. cit., pp. 229-232 - Letter from Manuel Teixeira: deste Amaquao, porto da China, (from this Amaquao, port of China), 1 December 1563: "Nesta nossa casa" ("In this our home").

17BPADE: 1598, fol. 145ff., Cartasqueos Padres e Irmãos da Companhia de Jesus escreveram dos Reynos de Japan e da China.

18BÉRNARD-MAÎTRE, Henri, Aux portes de la Chine: les Missionaires du Seiziéme Siécle 1514-1588, Tientsin, Hautes Études, p.78.

See: GONÇALVES, Sebastião, op. cit., vol. 3, p.142; TEIXEIRA, Manuel, op. cit., vol. 3, pp. 144-146.

19MONTANHA, José, op. cit., fol. 83 ro ; BA: JA., 49. V.3, fols. 10 vo, 20.

20GONÇALVES, Sebastião, op. cit., vol. 3, p. 142.

21VALIGNANO, Alessandro, S. J., op. cit., p. 444.

22MONTANHA, José, op. cit., fol. 83 ro - Since 1580, there was attached to the Residence a catechumentate for the Chinese, dedicated to St. Martin of Tours. Three years later it came to be administeredby Matteo Ricci under the supervision of Pedro Gomes.

See: ARSI: Jap.-Sin., 8, II, fol. 258.

23RODRIGUES, Francisco, op. cit., p.62.


25MONTANHA, José, op. cit., fol. 210.

26ARSI: Jap.-Sin., 51, fols. 299-300 ro. See: MONTANHA, José, ibid., fol. 294 vo ; ARSI: Jap.-Sin., 24, fols. 125- 147 ro.

27ARSI: Jap.-Sin., 23, fols. 299-311 vo; MONTANHA, José, op. cit., fols. 245 vo -246 ro.

28MONTANHA, José, ibid., fol. 244 vo : "como já neste mesmo porto se tinha comprado e havia per diversas occasiões até seiscentos cruzados de renda, cada anno, que se tirão de algũas casas" ("since he had already bought in the same port and there was, for various occasions, up to sixty cruzados of rent gained every year from some houses").

29WICKI, Josef, S. J., Einführung, in: VALIGNANO, Alessandro, op. cit., p.47; SCHUETTE, Josef Franz, Valignanos Missionsgrundsatze für Japan 1 Band. Von der Ernnung zum Visitator bis zum ersten Abschied von Japan (1573-1582) -I. Teil: Das Problem (1573-1580), in: "Storia e letteratura", Roma, (36) 1951, p.45.

30MONTANHA, José, op. cit., fol. 241.

31Ibid., fol. 246 ro.

32Ibid., fol. 245 ro.



35MONTANHA, José, op. cit., fols. 244 vo -245: "grandes officiaes de cortar penedos e pedras" ("outstanding artisans highly skilled at stone masonry").

See: Ibidem, fol. 294 vo ff.

36Ibidem., fol. 242.

37Ibidem, fols. 143ff.,294 ff-In 1571, [King]Dom Sebastião awarded the Province of Japan 600.000 réis from the revenue of the villages to the North of Goa: Louoem, Condontim, Mulgão and Marol. CARDIM, António Francisco, Batalhas da Companhia de Jesus na sua gloriosa provincia do Japão, Lisboa, Imprensa Nacional, 1894, p.16-In 1574, the Desejado [King Dom Sebastião] endowed the College of the Holy Mother of God with 1000 cruzados of the Malaca Customs annual revenue. In 1579, [Cardinal] Dom Henrique endowed another 1000. In 1649, when it expired, it was reinstituted by [King] Dom João IV.

38MONTANHA, José, op. cit., fols. 241 ff.




42ARSI: Jap.-Sin., 22, fols. 192-197 vo - "Reasons for which it was decided, it seems on the basis of a consultation made here in Goa, not to found a Society College in Macao". Even though desirable in itself, such undertaking seemed wary of the moment. Goa feared duties it could not handle.

43BÉRNARD-MAÎTRE, Henri, S. J., Le Pére Mathieu Ricci et la société chinoise de son temps 1552-1610, 2 vols., Tientsin, 1937, vol.2, p. 177 Note.

44MARTINS, José Ferreira, Os Vice-Reis da Índia (1505-1917), Lisboa, Imprensa Nacional, pp. 101-102 - From 1591 to 1597 Matias de Albuquerque was the Viceroy.

ALMEIDA, Fortunato de, op. cit., vol. 3, part 2, p.998 ff.-It must have been the Archbishop of Goa, Dom Francisco Mateus de Medina or Dom André de Santa Maria.

45BA: JA, 49. V.5. fol. 265 and 49. V.8. fol. 400 vo.

46ARSI: Jap.-Sin., 23, fols. 299-311 vo -Although Valignano dismissed the obstacles with excessive optimism, he correctly anticipated the dramatic future persecution.

47Idem. See: MONTANHA, Jose, op. cit., fol. 246 ro.

48Ibidem., fols. 244 vo -245 ro.

49Ibidem., fols. 203 vo ff.

50Ibidem., fol. 245.

51BA: JA, 40. IV. 60. fols. 85-87. See: "Religião e Pátria", Macao, (37)1935.

52The fact is noted in the Annual letter, dated 28 October 1594.

See: MONTANHA, José Montanha, op. cit., fol. 250 vo.

53Ibidem., fols. 247 ro, 250 vo.


See: TEIXEIRA, Manuel, Macau e a sua Diocese, 16 vols., Macau, Tipografia do Orfanato Salesiano et al, 1940-1979, vol. 3,p. 172ff.

55Ibidem., p.178.



See: KOCH, Ludwig, S. J., Jesuiten -Lexiko. Die Gesellschaft Jesu einst und jetzt [...], Paderborn, 1934 p. 1680; BÉRNARD-MAITRE, Henri, S. J., op. cit., vol.2, p. 177 - Carlo Spinola, born in Genoa, in 1564, joined the Society on the 25th of December 1584. He taught Humanities for two years and Mathematics for three years. In 1596, he was sent to Japan, where he arrived alone seven years later. Between 1602 and 1603, he must have been in Macao.


59BA: AJ, 49. V.66, fols. 87 vo -89.

60TEIXEIRA, Manuel, op. cit., vol. 3, p. 179.

61Ibidem., p.179 ff.

62Ibidem., p. 181 ff. - For certain, other work on the College building was done over the passage of time. In 1615, the City gave the Fr. Provincial Valentim de Carvalho four-hundred taeis for the construction of classrooms. BA: AJ, 49. IV. 66, fols. 85-87.

63MONTANHA, José, op. cit., fol. 247.




67MONTANHA, José, op. cit., fol. 291 vo ff.

See: TEIXEIRA, Manuel, op. cit., vol. 3, p. 172.

68WICKI, Josef, S. J., op. cit., p.442.

69ASTRAIN, António, História de la Compañia de Jesús en la Asistencia de España, 7 vols., Madrid, Sucesores de Rivadeneyra, 1913, vol.4, p.11 ff. See: RODRIGUES, Francisco, História da Companhia de Jesus na Assistencia de Portugal, 7 vols., Porto, Livraria do Apostolado da Imprensa, 1931-1950,1938, vol.2, part 2, p. 18 ff.-Valignano's protocolar pattern is exemplified in SCHUETTE, Josef Franz, Ed., Il ceremoniale per i Missionari dle Giappone, Roma, 1946.

70LEITE, Serafim, Estatutos da Universidade de Coimbra (1559), Coimbra, por ordem da Universidade, 1963, p.315 ff.; TEIXEIRA, António J., Documentos para a História dos Jesuítas, Coimbra, Imprensa da Universidade, pp. 410-435.

71MONTANHA, José, op. cit., fol. 277 ro ff.


73MONTANHA, José, op. cit., chap. 1, nos. 1-10: "De alguas (cousas) commuas ao universal dos estudos" ("Of some [things] common to the world of studies").

74Ibidem., chap. 2, nos 1-3: "Das ferias e dia de assueto"("Of holidays and rest days").

75Ibidem., chap.3, nos 1-5: "Das classes de Latim" ("On the Latin classes").

76BLUTEAU, Rafael, Vocabulario Portuguez e Latino, 8 vols. + 2 suppls., Coimbra + Lisboa [respectively], Collegio das Artes da Companhia de Jesu + Officina de Pascoal da Sylva [respectively], 1712-1720 + 1727 and 1728 [respectively], vol. 6, 1720, p.361-For the meaning of Pedra (Stone).

This custom was adopted from from the statutes of the University of Coimbra. This [custom precluded] that "quando algum estudante se ha de examinar depois de admittido, se vay assentar por humildade em huma pedra deputada para esta função, com a cabeça descuberta, & o primeyro examinador faz ao examinando as perguntas costumadas: como se chama, & de que Bispado & lugar he etc. & finalmente propoem o problema das Physicas, & depois os outros dous examinadores fazem os seus argumentos & acabado o primeyro exame, toma a pedra o segundo examinando [...]" ("whenever a student is to be examined after admission, he seats himself humbly, with his head uncovered, on a stone set aside for this function, and the first examiner proceeds by examining him on the prescribed questions: his name, which Bishopric and place he hails from etc. and finally proposes the Physics problems, and subsequently the other two examiners make their questionings and after the first exam is concluded, the second examiner takes [his place on] the stone [...]").

See: LEITE, Serafim, op. cit., p.239: "A quatro dias do mez de Fevereiro à tarde a primeira pedra que se achou presente e juntos a ella estavão os examinadores" ("On the fourth day of the month of February in the afternoon the first [candidate to the] stone [was] present and next to it [/him] were the examiners"). The formula occurs in many lecture notes of other Universities in Portugal.

77BLUTEAU, Rafael, op. cit., vol. 5, pp. 447-448.

78MONTANHA, José, op. cit., chap., 4 nos l-9: "Do curso das artes" ("On the Arts course").

79RODRIGUES, Francisco, 1935, op. cit., p.58 - Founded in 1548, the College of St. Paul of Goa, already in 1556 offered courses in Philosophy. LEITE, Serafim, As for Brazil, see Serafim Leite, O Curso de Filosofía. Tentativas para se criar a Universidade do Brasil no Séc. XVII, Offprint "VERBUM / Universidade Cató1ica", Rio de Janeiro, 5 (2) 1948, p. 107.

80MONTANHA, José, op. cit., chap.5, nos 1-3: "Dos cazos da consciencia" ("On the cases of conscience").


82See: Note 69 supra.

83MONTANHA, José, op. cit., chap. 6: La Theologia (On Theology), nosl-4.

84BA: JA, 49/V/8. fol. 149 vo.

See: FRANCO, António, op. cit., p.491.

85CARDIM, António Francisco, 1894, op. cit., p.20.

86Relatione della Provincia del Giappone, Trans. DIACETO, Giacomo, Roma, p.8.

87RHODES, Alexandre de, Sommaire des Divers Voyages et Missions Apostololiques, du P. [...] à la Chine, & autres Royaumes de l' Orient, avec son retour de la Chine à Paris. Depuis l'Anée 1618 jusques à l'anéee 1653, Paris, Florentin Lambert, 1683, p.73.

88A request for the College was made to [King] Don Felipe II [of Spain] by the Governor of Manila, Diogo Ronquillo, on the 15th of June 1585.

See: COLIN, Francisco, Ed. PASTELLS, Pablo, Labor euangelica, ministerios apostolicos de los obreros de la Compania de Iesus, fundacion y progressos de su prouincia en las Islas Filipinas. Historiada por el Padre F. Colin [...] Parte primera. Sacada de los manuscritos del Padre Pedro Chrini [...], 3 vols., Barcelona 1900-1902 [the wrapper in each volume bears the date 1904] [Nueva edición, ilustrada con copia de notas y documentos para la critica de la historia general de la soberania de España en Filipinas por [...]], vol.2, p.246 ff. - The College opened in September 1595, but with departure of Governor Dasmariñas, for lack of the promised subsidy it did not proceed, although, in August 1601, a renewed effort at the foundation of the University was made.

Also see: COSTA, Horacio de la, The Jesuits in the Philippines, 1581-1768, Cambridge, Massachussetts, Harvard University Press, 1961, pp. 134-135, 195-197, 258 - Raimundo Prat (or Prado) taught Morals to the clerics of Manila, but for a short of time only, without there being any College organization. The College for the indigenous students did not go ahead either.

89COLIN, Francisco, op. cit., p.251; COSTA, Horacio de la, op. cit., pp. 172-173.

90KOCH, Ludwig Koch, S. J. op. cit., p. 1415 - Expects the Manila College to come into existence by 1590. In 1602, it would teach courses in Philosophy and Theology, and only as of 1623 would award Academic Titles.

See: COSTA, Horacio de la, op. cit., pp. 352-354.

91Ibidem., pp. 408-411. See: [Pope] Giulio III, Sacrœ Religionis, of the 22nd of October 1552 and Gregorio XIII, Quanta in Vinea, of the 7th of May 1576.

92COLIN, Francisco, op. cit., pp. 260-261.

See: WALZ, Angelus Maria, Compendium historiœ Ordinis Priœdicatorum, Roma, 1948, p.374.

93BA: JA, 40. V. 11 fols. 558, 563.

94RODRIGUES, Francisco, 1935, op. cit., p.63.

See: CARDIM, António Francisco, 1645, op. cit., p.9 - The author mentions a Seminary for the sons of the Portuguese, in 1645.

95LUZ, Francisco Paulo Mendes da, O conselho da Índia, Lisboa, Agência Geral do Ultramar, 1952, p.668.

96Ibidem., p.142.

97BÉRNARD-MAÎTRE, Henri, S. J., 1937, vol.2, p. 198.

98LUZ, Francisco Paulo Mendes da, op. cit., p.668.

99Historica Relatione del Gran Reyno della Cina, Roma, 1635, p.214.

100CARDIM. António Francisco, 1645, p.8.

101CARDIM, António Francisco, 1894, op. cit., p.20-In the dedication to [King] Dom João IV

102BA: JA, 40. V.24, fol. 80.

103Ibidem., fol. 205.

104MONTANHA, José, op. cit., p.92: "Temos no Collegio hum mestre de solfa com sette rapazes de coro para se fazerem as festas" ("In the College we have one master and seven choir boys to undertake all the festivities").

105BNL: Fundo Geral, 178, fol. 54. See: SCHUETTE, Josef Franz, S. J., P. Joseph Montanha's "Apparatos", in: "Archivum Historicum Societatis Iesu", Roma, (31) 1962, p.247.

106See: Note 104 supra. SCHUETTE, Josef Franz, S. J., Wiederentdeckung des Makao-Archiv, in: "Archivum Historicum Societatis Iesu", Roma, (30) 1961, p.124; Documentos sobre el Japon conservados en la Colección Cortes de la Real Academia de la Historia, in: "Boletin de la Real Academia de la Historia", Madrid, 1(147)1961, pp. 23-60 and 2(147)196, pp. 149-259.

107TEIXEIRA, Manuel, op. cit., vol. 3, p.296.

108MONTANHA, José, op. cit., p.92.

109SOARES, José Caetano, op. cit., p.180.

110BOXER, Charles Ralph, The Christian Century in Japan, 1549-1650, Berkeley & Los Angeles - London, University of California - Cambridge University Press, 1951, pp. 100-198.

111Not to mention patriotic services such as the assistance provided in the defense of Macao against the Dutch, etc.

See: TEIXEIRA, Manuel, op. cit., vol. 3, p.240 ff.; RODRIGUES, Francisco, Jesuitas Astrónomos na China, Porto, Livraria Apostolado da Imprensa, 1925, pp. 5-67.

112PASTOR, Ludwig Friedrich August von, [Baron], Storia dei Papi nel periodo dell' Assolutismo dell'elezione di Innocenzo X sino alla morte de Innocenzo XII (1644-1700), Roma, Desclée, vol. 15, 1933, pp. 327-349 and vol. 16, part. 1, 1934, p.324 ff.

113BRASÃO, Eduardo, Apontamentos para a História dos Relações Diplomáticas de Portugal com a China (1516-1753), Lisboa, Agência Geral das Colónias, p.99 ff.

114BRUNT, Hugo M., An Architectural survey of the jesuit seminary church of St. Paul's, Macao, in: "Journal of Oriental Studies", Hong Kong, 1(2) July 1954, pp. 327- 344.

115CARDIM, António, 1894, op. cit., p.19.

See: RHODES, Alexandre de, 1854 [reprint], op. cit., p.73-[The author's] eulogistic expressions: "Notre Compagnie y a un fort grand collège, qui peut être comparé aux plus beaux d'Europe; au moins l' église est des plus magnifiques que j'aie vuez même dans toute l'Italie, à la reserve de Saint Pierre de Rome".

**Revised Offprint from: "ANAIS da Academia Portuguesa de História", ser. II, vol. 17, Lisboa, 1968.

*Writer and Orator. Studied Humanities (Alsember), Philosophy (Granada) and Theology, at the Gregorian University (Rome). Member of the Portuguese Academy of History and the Portuguese Institute of Archeology, History and Ethnography. Member of the editorial board of Brotéria, where he published numerous essays.

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