THE POPULATION OF MACAO GENESIS OF A MESTIZO SOCIETY

Four decades after the City's settlement the number of mestizo individuals was already high, which is an understandable fact. One-hundred years after the arrival of Jorge Álvares, there was not, in the whole city, a woman born in the Metropolis. Only with the advent of steam navigation a few began to arrive. One must also remember that the married men, who had travelled without their wives, or even those living with them, had feminine slaves — black or not — who, although destined to house service would give them some children. The habit from the Portuguese temperament; from far, from tropical eroticism, and it rejoiced with the [Praia Grande] Bay's indolent calm which reached its maximum on those unique moonlight nights when a lilac dust falls over it. In addition, Chinese manners increased the exaltation of the senses: "They give themselves to the pleasures of the flesh: they spent as much time as possible in banquets and in such pleasures."1

"They are so devout to Venus, that they have invented new ways of sacrificing to her [... referred Dom Jerónimo Osório, 2 adding...] it is said that they consult the demons [...]." Fernão Mendes described the palaces of Nanjing ending like this: "And there one finds chambers with silver beds and brocade canopies. And all services are done with virgin girls of great beauty."3 Besides, they were gentle, seducing men with the famous tenderness that reached Pierre Loti.

Unlike the Brazilian slavocratic society of the time, the need of providing agriculture with the help of hands born of slave women was not felt. Women did not seek, as it happened in the Cape Verde Islands, the love of a white man so as to have children and through them or through marriage gain social promotion. Land was scarce and even more scarce was agriculture as the sole occupation was commerce. Life drained away between the jurubaças [or jurubassas or jurrerbacas or jurumbacas, also called línguas; i. e., interpreters and/or translators] and chincheios. At home children were born, prodigiously, like flowers on the hills, as consequence of love or just the simple erotic pollen. And mestizos were born.

The Dutch Jan Huygen van Linschoten4 finds in 1596 "[...] the Island and city of Macao inhabited by Portuguese mixed with Chinese [...]"; "[...] married Portuguese [...]" comments Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcelos, 5 which means "citizens" and "not soldiers". In the South of China, in the tropical zone, we had created a plebeian caramuru. Due to the lack of white women from the Metropolis, those who kept more or less legal relations with uthe Portuguese were Malay, Chinese, Hindu and, although only later, a few mestizo. There were even a few marriages with Japanese women, so much so that they were frequent in Japan itself ("[...] the Christendom which the Portuguese formerly had in the Empire of Japan was vast and widespread through all of it, many of them being married to Japanese women and almost naturalised."6), but they must have been small in number, since only from 1614, the year of the first exodus of its Christendom to Macao, did they became important, so much so that in the year 1636, it welcomed two-hundred-and-eighty-four women and children, part of them mestizo Luso-Japanese, expelled from Nagasaki; and another group in 1638. The list of deceased seculars buried until the year of 1742 inside the old church of Colégio da Madre de Deus (Holy Mother of God's College), commonly called São Paulo (St. Paul's), shows that some of those women, if not all, had been married to Portuguese. 7

The crossing with black women also took place, although only among the lowest classes, since even with enfranchised women these kind of relations were regarded in China as biologically unnatural and socially anarchic. In the eighteenth century it was possible to read in the Ou-Mun Kei-Leok (Aomen Jilue; Monograph of Macao): "[...] as for the women there are two kinds, white and black, respectively ladies and slaves."8 Besides the professional stratification according to skin colour, although without national significance, was to became two centuries later a subject of analysis for certain critics of our colonialism. 9 In fact, one could still verify in the process emotional oppositions which led the folklore in Macanese dialect to call them "indecentes" ("indecent"); in the ninteenth century verses like this used to circulate:

"Casamento fêto

Na ponto de lenço;

Quem casa co preto

Tem poco sintimento."10

(Port.: "Casamento feito

Na ponta de um lenço;

Quem casa com um preto

Tem pouco sentimento."; or:

"Marriage made

Without much thought;

Those who marry a black

Show lack of feelings.").

This kind of relationship is unknown between Kaffirs and Chinese and I believe that the women of the most closed nation in the world considered them to be "negras novidades" ("negro novelties")11 although their existence had been known since the eleventh century when they were brought from Africa as slaves. Besides, in this case we must consider that the cultural differences were felt even to a greater extent than towards us. In the North of Brazil such racial crossings, although rare, still produced several successive generations of cafusos (offsprings of West African negros and local Indian women), since those negroes, almost all of them having been Islamized, bore a culture superior to those of the aboriginal people, barely out of the Neolithic period. 12 In the Province of Guangdong, however, the Chinese cultural level was by far higher than that of the negroes the Portuguese took as slaves or those who went there having escaped from the Dutch. 13 Moreover, such resistance had already been shown among Mexican female Indians, culturally at a much superior level to that of their South-American sisters.

In view of these circumstances, most of the women the Portuguese initially had in Macao were brought by them from the Malaysian area, from Cochin-China, and even from Ceylon (the "Trapobana" of João the Barros and Luís de Camões), their popularity dating back to the romantic episode of our first expedition, saved from massacre thanks to the warning of one of them and to the collaboration of many of these women that "[...] occupied themselves in asking and knowing about warriors and natives; given notice of everything to our men who knew everything that was ordered; because these women of Malacca give themselves to love in such a manner that if they want a man they do not mind giving their life for him."14 [...].

Fernão Lopes said that most of them were beautiful; "[...] their skin is fair and they dress in fine silk garments, short shirts around them, and most are beautiful, [...]"15 wrote Duarte Barbosa. 16At the time it was frequent to hear about married men in Malacca and St. Francis Xavier left that town without accomplishing great results among its inhabitants,"[...] who besides being married (had) three or four girls and many half a dozen."17 One century later between 1640 and 1700, the number of women from Oceania taken to Macao had risen at the same rate as the commerce with Solor, Timor and Flores which substituted, though precariously, that which the Philippine interference had made the Portuguese lose with Malacca and Manila. One must still consider the strength of migration and in consequence the matrimonial radius, which was always great in all the South Pacific. Thus, also the studies on linguistic geography show that the predominant exotic element in Macanese dialect is of Malay origin and that Chinese influence interfered with vocabular relevance only in the seventeenth and eighteenth18 centuries. When the Portuguese settled in Macao, the pápia christang (Christian speech of Malaca) which was already a kind of lingua franca of the East, enabled the continuity of understanding between Euro-Portuguese, Chinese, Malays, Africans, Moors and Hindus. Until 1863 even the serani (in Malay: Christian) stayed as the diplomatic language of Siam. Its teaching, exclusively oral, was mainly done by the mothers and it was due to their great number in the city that so many vocables were established there. Even today their creole still appears, in the few remaining expressions, blending Portuguese, Malay, Japanese and Chinese words in a grammatical construction specific to the Chinese language, although dominated by Malaccan terms.

Moreover the food itself, the way of dressing and certain habits which still existed a few years ago among Portuguese of Macao show that influence. So, the characteristic sweets of the city, like the aluar (Christmas cake the base of which is made of wheat flour, butter, brown Indian sugar, grated coconut, toasted ground almonds and pine nuts), the dodol (dessert of pears in fruit), the ladu (steamed cake the base of which is made of toasted glutinous ground rice, cane sugar, toasted ground pine nuts, grated coconut, white beans also toasted and ground, and powdered pepper), etc; several dainties, among them the lapá; kitchen utensils like the parao (large knife); the buiao (jar, jug); the daiong or daiom (a spatula used to stir them aluar's dough), etc.; the sarong (a skirt which, under the denomination of saraça was worn together with the dó, the head covering), the baiana (a precursor of pyjamas), the cutão (bodice) the tudum (Chinese hat with wide brim) and the habit of chewing areca wrapped in betel leaves are all of Malaccan origin. 19

The crossing of Portuguese with Chinese women, however, was difficult and practically only with humble women, since those of superior classes would not marry Westerners, with the exception of captains or important merchants. I have already suggested how these difficulties were based on cultural models rather than on physical or economic barriers:"[...] in one word it is a very politic and urban nation that does not even find in the villagers the rusticity which we see in ours [...]" wrote, Fr. André Pereira in a letter to Ribeiro Sanches, in 1737, adding: "[...] on the streets one does not see any man who looks attentively at a woman or, says any rough or impolite word to any of them [...]."20 Their refined customs surprised the travellers "[...] as Chinese women are so coy that no Portuguese could see them [...] they are very chaste with us, among of course the serious people and merchants wives [...]", 21"[...] as for the garment of Chinese women I can not say much because I have not seen any with the exception of the poor class22 ones, women are very adorned [...]."23

This explains why in the first centuries the Portuguese could only live with women who were either kidnapped or bought: "Thus they stayed on the so-called Island buying women with whom they married."24 However the Portuguese were not the ones to introduce this kind of commerce as it was already commonly practised by the Emperor's courtiers and the merchants or politic agents of the Southern Kingdoms, although in truth the Chinese Authorities opposed it. There are references to this prohibition already in 1517, prior to our regular trips to Guangzhou. However, for the Chinese we aggravated such commerce with two biological horrors: our whitness and our beards.

Saving souls for Christ was the moral justification the Portuguese gave themselves for that "harvest", tough priests did not believe it."[...] they buy this drug [women] in several Provinces of the East with the pretext of making them Christian [...] each one of them [men] keeps a convent of women at home."25 In truth, in China the only options left were either to buy or to kidnap. And it could not be any other way. In Guangzhou, just for embracing a Chinese woman on the street some Portuguese went to jail, a situation rather different from Brazil where in those very same years from 1520 to 1580 Indian women, even the noble ones, ardently gave themselves to white men; a fact for which I find no correspondence in the history of our settlement in China. "In the beginning [...] the Portuguese took Chinese women there and so little by little they peopled and multiplied the same in Macao." The facile moral behaviour with Chinese, Kaffirs and Timorese went on, and exile was not the solution although still in 1667 forty Timorese women were expelled (many of whom would die at sea on the shores of Cochin-China). Anyhow, it was certain that the city was swarming with women (twelve thousand, in 1681),"[...] being many of them very prolific, for they give birth to children without husbands to give them a name."26

Thus, with women obtained through slavery and kidnapping, and afterwards baptised were made the first Macanese brothers. However, this behaviour angered the Chinese and because their complaints were damaging the commerce of Goa, Lisbon was informed, and in 1595, after considering that"[...] the profitable commerce that his subjects of Macao kept already for so many years and with such ease with the Kingdoms and ports of China [...]",King Filipe I of Portugal [Felipe II of Spain] "[...] ordered and sustained [... that...] no one of any rank or condition whatsoever was to carry or buy or hold under his power any Chinese, man or women." It is certain that with time the Viceroys of the Portuguese State of India would be more comprehensive: "[...] as for the transport of Chinese girls I give the necessary orders according to the Emperor's disapproval, but I do not see any danger in the coming of children of seven or eight, since that which worries you is hardly to be expected from the men aboard the ships." In truth, Chinese girls embarked or were embarked for Goa but, following the orders, the Senate often sent them back to their countries and families. Sometimes it even hastened in sending them to the Guandongnese Mandarins who complained about those kidnappings. But the procedure had already taken root, and the most that could be done was to prohibit the buying and taking away from the city girls over eight.

"Portuguese women are, most of them, Chinese or partially Chinese [...]", informed a lay Brother, in 1625, who directed the St. Paul's College apothecary. 27 The same relate Marco d'Avalo: "The Portuguese married with Chinese women and it was thus that Macao was gradually populated [...]." Peter Mundy who visited the city in 1639 with the English expedition fleet of John Weddel, referred at length to those women and to the sons of those marriages: "The house of António de Oliveira Aranha, of Braga, Grand-captain of the voyage to Japan in 1629, living there for two years and being one of the four city Councillors, was with its furniture and amusements, similar to the other, differing only in the fact that we were served by Chinese maids that he himself had bought, has it happened in most other houses. We were told that in this city there was only one woman born in Portugal; the wives were Chinese or mestizo, married to Portuguese.

The poorest Chinese sell their children to pay their debts or to keep themselves (this is more or less tolerated here) but with the condition of renting or hiring them as servants for thirty, forty or fifty years after which they are to be granted freedom. Some sell them without any conditions, taking them during the night wrapped in a bag and secretly selling them for two or four pence each.

On that occasion there were three or four children in the house, daughters of Sir António de Oliveira or of his relatives, that due to their beautiful appearance and complexion could not be found anywhere else in the world except for England. The dresses suited them very well, adorned with beautiful jewels and expensive attire, the main garments being kimonos or Japanese jackets in which they looked very graceful.

For want of Portuguese wives the Europeans soon left their Malaccan or Indian companies for Japanese and mainly Chinese, whose qualities they greatly appreciated."28 As we have seen, when Peter Mundy29 visited Macao in 1637 there was only one woman from the metropolis and the only other European woman was English who had married a Portuguese mestizo in Malacca. Fr. Afonso Sanchez, who lived in Macao in 1582 and 1583 wrote to King Filipe I of Portugal: "The Portuguese of Macao prefer to marry other women rather than Portuguese, for the virtues that adorn them." In the Parish Registers of 1785 to 1793 there are also marriages of girls from Conchin-China Portuguese from Macao. 30

Juan Baptista Roman, factor of Manila, equally registered the fact that all the Portuguese had Chinese women at home: "[...] all the interest of this town is in its inhabitants: in their spacious, strong, rich and well furnished houses, in their wives and children rich in jewels and garments, in the number of their slaves (curly hair Kaffir men and Chinese women)."31 Women from the Province of Guangdong were always bought or kidnapped inspite of the opposition of our Authorities (still in 1514, the Viceroy Dom Jerónimo de Azevedo would make a new prohibition) or of the Portuguese Authorities. However, it was only after 1749, when the Chinese Penal Code started to be applied in the city of Macao, that this opposition began to have some effect. Nevertheless, it must be stressed that this was a special kind of servitude, more in view of pleasure than of work or at least equally divided between both. Whoever makes an unwary reading of the Constitutional Law of the 23rd of December 1856 which declared as forever extinct in Macao the state of slavery, may be led to suppose that it existed there as a social-economical process identical to the one applied in Brazil. In fact, it is a mistake: with the Chinese it was always different. Annexed by register or baptism, they remained free. For that very reason there are no documents in the Legislation of Macao like those that several Kings, from Dom Pedro II to Dom José I, ordered about the freedom of Indians in Grão Pará and Maranhão, in Brazil. Besides, Chinese women were surely the smallest part of those interbreedings, although I must insist that more than in Africa, India or Brazil it was in China that the national erotic ground met with the strongest provocations. Difficult, due to their discreet behaviour and exotic features, these women who had already impressed Marco Polo, competed with those of Malacca. Fernão Mendes and Br. Gaspar da Cruz considered them "very beautiful", and Fr. Álvaro Semedo wrote that"[...] in a particular way they deserved in the Southern Provinces [...] the title of 'beautiful' [...]."32

Tomé Pires commented: "The women seem Castillian; they wear skirts and petticoats longer than in our land; their long hair is gracefully dressed on top of the head and held by golden pins and adorned with jewels covering the nape. They wear gold on their ears and around the neck and cover their faces with white lead. They are perfumed like the women of Seville and drink like the women of the cold countries. Their shoes are made of silk and brocade, and all of them carry fans. They are of the same height as us; some have small eyes, others big and their noses are well-proportioned."33

Later on, the administrative and commercial relations with India (that would became stronger in the seventeenth century) helped to promote the settling of a few Armenian and Goans (Hindus and Parsees) who finally constituted families which are still today represented in the Portuguese minorities of Hong Kong and Shanghai. Apart from the genes, they enriched the Macanese vocabulary and customs with new elements: balichão (prawn sauce) became usual; tamarind appeared in the preparation of several dishes as well as the consumption of achar (pickled vegetables in vinegar and salt) in the daily menu, mainly during the warm season, as an appetiser; in domestic fashion appeared the chinelas (slippers), the chiripos (clogs), the cabaia (wide-sleeved tunic) and the ceroulas(drawers). 34 Today there is a popular quatrain which still refers to it:

"Nhenha na jinela

Co fula mogarim**

Sua mae tankarera***

Sua pai canarim****."35

(Port.: "Rapariga à janela

Com uma flor de mogarim

Sua mãe é tancareira

Seu pai é canarim."; or:

"Maiden at the window

With a jasmim flower

Her mother is a tanca-boat woman

Her father is a canari.").

The Colony still keeps in all it is aspects and manifestations the indelible features that have resulted from the fusion of different people. From the more or less accentuated facial features of the local population, to the mentality and language, in short, from the physical and moral characterists to the diversity of the gastronomy, the customs, the habits, and the uses, the nomenclature of places.

By the turn of the sixteenth century, between 1595 and 1602, the city reached a great opulence. The population increased and the suburbs became true villages. Agriculture developed and ships paid customs duties only to the Emperor of China. "Os moradores [...] comerciam e têm continuo trato com os Castelhanos de Manila, nas Ilhas Filipinas, aonde todos os anos vão uma e duas vezes com grandes enchentes de sedas, almíscar, pérolas, e outras semelhantes fazendas que todas são preciosas [...]" ("The residents [...] keep constant commerce and relations with the Castillians of Manila, in the Philippines, to where they travel twice every year carrying a great quantity of silk, musk, pearls and other similar articles, all being precious [...]."). 36

Apart from the general commerce, the commerce of gold was so big that it disturbed the local economy. Therefore, the shareholders of the Dutch East Indies Company (Vereenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie) kept an eager eye on it. 37

Indeed, one hardly knows of a city whose demographic evolution was so uncertain, being filled and emptied according to the barriers that arternately were raised, either by the Portuguese or by the Mandarins; although more frequently by the latter.

So, the authorities of Guangzhou who since 1613 had been watching the latter growth managed to get an Imperial Edict from Beijing which prohibited the settlement of Japanese and, once again, the buying of Chinese. Also, a further one limited the edification of buildings, although the presents and gifts succeed in them turning a blind eye from the constructions that were being raised all over—in Barra, Bomparto, Guia, Monte, S. Francisco, S. Paulo, and Penha—built by the residents and immediately surrounded with walls by the Senate, so that in 1619 it could be considered already a small citadel, —a fact that was fortunately unknown to its enemies.

In 1612, the population was around seven to eight hundred Euro-Portuguese and mestizo and a further ten thousand Chinese, the Portuguese being mostly merchants rather than soldiers: "[...] de poucos anos a esta parte se casaram aqui muitos portugueses bons cavalheiros [...]" ("[...] since a few years ago a lot of good Portuguese gentlemen have married here [...]"), wrote an anonymous chronicler. Filipe II of Portugal [Felipe II of Spain] ruled in the metropolis and everywhere the Dutch, allied with the English since 1619, extended to us the war that opposed them to the House of Austria and, under the pretext of defending the liberty of the seas, attacked the ships and lands of the Portuguese in Africa, Brazil, India, Cochin-China and China. Expanding to the North they had after 1610 a trading post in Japan, not very far from Nagasaki (from where the daimios would expel the Portuguese in 1639), and were trying to take and occupy Macao so as to take over the commerce of the continent. They blocked the way out Fujian to Manila, cutting the Portuguese navigation routes and turned the city into "[...] a fortress capable of defending itself from the whole world [...]" — in their own words.

After the experience of a small company, the Wilde Vaert, which had made good profit with the buying of cloth directly in the East, in 1602 they founded the Dutch East Indies Company (with a capital of six million eight hundred-thousand Guilders, which was outstanding for the time (initially destined to the commerce with the Moluccas [Maluku] Islands but that soon would turn its eyes to the coasts of Japan and China); so much so that it financed the attacks against Macao38 thus serving the interests of the Low Countries. 39 After 1580, the date of Jan Huygen van Linschoten's40 arrival in Goa, the Dutch started to steal Portuguese navigation charts (P. Plancius had already done the same in Lisbon) and to spy upon the movements in the Portuguese trading posts. Since Macao was, in fact, the biggest obstacle to the Dutch expansion, they tried to occupy it. 41 In 1602 they tried although without success to settle in Pescadores [lit.: Fishermen] Island, 42 and the vessels Amsterdam and Gonda lay adrift for a few days in Portuguese waters while the Dutch experimented with Portuguese military apparatus.

On the 27th of September the Dutch came in sight of the city but were immediately intercepted. Most of the aggressors were hanged with the exception of five sailors who were sent to Goa. However the Dutch Captain J. V. Neck also managed to take a few prisoners with him, who under torture denounced Macao's military plans and ammunitions. 43 The Dutch returned the following year to capture a galleon and bombard the city. 44

On the 25th of February 1603 the seizure of the"Nau da China'"[or 'Nau da Viagem', 'nau do trato'] ('China Ship', or 'Black Ship') in the Strait of Singapore45 and the profits made with its booty increased the interest of the VOC in our city and in the quarrel about the liberty of the seas, 46 one of the most famous polemics in the history of international law.

In 1607 the Dutch Admiral Matelie attempted to disembark in Macao without success. 47 Inspite of this unsuccessful expedition, the residents felt threatened and started building new defences, which although still unfinished in 1613, caused great alarm among the Mandarins who alleged that the Jesuits were preparing an army against the mainland (according to them, Fr. Caetano, kept in the Seminary of St. Paul powerful and well armed troops) and ordered all the Chinese to leave the city. They were only appeased by the small number of Portuguese and their slaves, and when they realised that the so-called troops were the seminarists. Nevertheless, they took this chance to impose a tonnage tax on the Portuguese war ships (as they did to commercial ships), and once again to prohibit the admission of Japanese workers, the building of more houses and the arrival of bachelor merchants.

In the following year (1614) the Chinese Customs Commissioner Yu Ngan-sin, compelled the Macao Senate to have a stone chiselled tablet public prohibiting in writing the Portuguese purchasing either Chinese women or men. They even considered the possibility of banishing all Portuguese to one of the outlying Islands.

Meanwhile the alarm also reached Lisbon, which in 1615, sent Francisco Lopes Carrasco as Governor and fortifications technician. On his side, Manuel Tavares Bocarro (who was to become Captain-Major of the city from 1650 to 1664), had already established activity, using Chinese hands, a foundry for bronze cannons so important that it would later supply all Portuguese garrisons in the East and even the metropolis, during the Restoration campaigns (1640) and the Peninsular War (1808-1814). The Dutch spies warned that fine artillery, either steel or metal, was made in Macao every year. And there was a reason for that: by that time the English trading post of Hirado and the VOC were jointly equipping three squadrons (with more than thirteen ships, pinnaces and galliots) for the assault of Goa, Manila and Macao. The one powerful squadron reserved for Macao arrived in the spring of 1662. It displayed both English and Dutch flags, but the Dutch who wanted the City's sack exclusively for themselves, refused English help and on the 22nd of June decide to attack alone. They were fully informed (or at least they thought they were)about Macao's defences and knew that at that time many of the city's Portuguese residents were in Guangzhou for business or dealing with a new piracy outbreak.

On the 23rd, the famous Dutch Governor-General Jan Pieterszoon Coen, ordered the attack. An army of six hundred Europeans, including three companies who had fought in the Flanders Wars [Thirty Years War] and two hundred Japanese, Hindus and Malays, under the command of General Hans Ruffian, disembarked protected by the fire of the squadron directed by Admiral Cornelis Kornelis Revijersen (or Reverszoon). A Portuguese version of the attack says it was commanded by Cornelius Regres. "In those days the city had only eighty men capable of handling a gun, plus their aids, but without a Captain to command them because Governor Francisco Lopes Carrasco had returned to Goa and another had not yet been sent, and the Captain of the voyage to Japan was not in the city for which reason it was only governed by the Senate [...]".48 However, before the Dutch arrived one of the so called 'Captains of Japan' managed to disembark—Lopo Sarmento de Carvalho (who would fulfil the mission five times during his life), born in Braga but Macanese by family ties, for he married in the city in 1615 a "[...] moira, filha de uma láscara moira e de um cristão novo [...]" ("[...] Moor girl, daughter of a Lascar woman and a new Christian [...]), 49 of whom he had children. It is he who improvised the defence, helped by one of his banner groups (of which some twelve to thirteen men would die, by two other soldiers, Captain João Soares Vivas and Tomás Vieira (who became Captain-Major and Governor of the city in 1627, and again would fight the Dutch).

To the Armada and to the eight hundred enemies the city could muster only fifty mosketeers and one hundred married men, but with them were also all the Chinese, Hindus, Malays, Kaffirs, both men and women, free people and slaves that were inside the walls. Some of the defenders were outstanding, like António Rodrigues Cavalinho and a Kaffir woman, a kind of local version of Brites de Almeida—the famous baker of Aljubarrota—who, "[...] dressed like a man [...]" killed several Dutch with a prong. After the battle, some slaves were released as a reward for their bravery, 50 as others had been before the fight, as a stimulus. Joining hands them and with the mestizo the city was repeating, on the other side of the globe, the feats of those Northern Brazilians who also almost alone, only with their negroes and mulatoes, repelled the Dutch who, also in Macao, were surprised by the bravery with which the "[...] mulato, mamelucos and negro residents [...]"51 fought. Still today there are families descended from some of the Dutch who were defeated by the merchants' muskets and by the guns on Fortaleza do Monte (Mount Fort), shot by the Jesuit Giacomo Rho.

During the battle other priests had been outstanding, like Johann Adam Shall von Bell and all the seminarists of the Company of Jesus52 who participated in the fight. But if I say that the victory belonged to the residents of Macao in general, it is because, like Jaime Cortesão, I consider that "[...] o segredo daquela e das vitórias sucessivas e, mais do que isso, do temor infundido aos holandeses, esteve nas origens e na organização social e política da cidade, fundação urbana puramente democrática, e que aproximava Macau, sob esse aspecto, dos grandes burgos medievais." ("[the...] secret of that and of the successive victories and moreover, of the fear impressed upon the Dutch, laid in the social and political organisation of the city, a truly democratic urban foundation that gave Macao a status similar to those of the great medieval burgs.")53

After the triumph the aitão (General of the Sea) of the Province of Guangdong presented the black citizens of the city with two hundred measures of rice. The Viceroy of Guangzhou sent his congratulations to the Senate and at the same time dropped his reservations about the Portuguese defence organisation in which Macao was then using some blond prisoners. 54 The Portuguese military prestige rose so high that the King of Siam established a Portuguese personal guard and as a consequence, a new Portuguese settlement developed in Ayutthaya, where Portuguese men soon married with native women.

However, in the year that followed the great assault of 1622, Macao had only eight hundred and forty Christians, four-hundred-and thirty-seven being vizinhos (lit.: neighbours) and foreigners, 55 and four hundred and three jurubaças most of them Luso-Chinese, Luso-Malay, or Luso-Japanese, united by Christian marriage. This is still a small number of people, although in 1635 António Bocarro Chief-Chronicler of the Portuguese State of India wrote: ""[...] it is one of the most noble Cities of the East [...] with the greatest number of marriages [...] there are eight hundred and fifty Portuguese and their children are good-looking and strong like no others in the East; all of them have more or less six armed slaves of which the most numerous and the best are Kaffirs of other nations [...]. Apart from this number of married Portuguese the city has an equal number of married Christian Chinese who are called jurubaças, as well as people from other nations, all Christians [...]. And furthermore there are many pilots, sailors and Portuguese skippers most of them married in the Kingdom and others bachelors that sail the voyage of Japan, Manila and Cochin-China, being around one hundred and fifty [...] There are also more one hundred and fifty soldiers, two Infantry Captains and a few Officers and Sergeants [...]."56

Therefore, on the 12th of April 1639, Margaret of Austria [the representative of King Filipe IIII of Portugal (Felipe IV of Spain) in Lisbon] pressed the Viceroy of the Portuguese State of India to increase as much as possible that modest garrison of Macao, to finish the defence construction works of the city and with the local residents and the help of Manila sail to Taiwan (Formosa) and expel the Dutch. 57 Again, on the 16th of March 1640 she insisted on increasing in Macao the foundry of artillery. 58 However, in the Taiwan settlement of Kaoshiung (Castle Zealand) the enemy was busy developing their preparedness and espionage activities, so much so that in 1638, The Hague received a detailed description of Macao's walls and its three fortresses (forming a strategic triangle), together with a succint report carefully analysing their fire power. 59 But in this backstage and secret fight Macao was also taking precautions. It had as spies Jesuit priests60 and Chinese merchants like Salvador Dias, 61 who arrived from Taiwan in 1626 with the information that the Dutch intended to press the Government of Guangzhou to make the Portuguese destroy the Macanese fortifications. This led the city not only to hasten the building of the defenses but also to warn the Chinese Emperor, in Beijing, of how the Japanese, his natural enemies, were together with the Dutch planing an assault on the estuary of the Pearl River. This was a very important move, since the Dutch themselves knew and had said in a secret letter to Batavia, on the subject of taking Macao by force, that it should be remembered that the Chinese might well be offended by in inclusion of Japanese assistance in taking the city. 62 But the Captain-Major as well as the Jesuits, the members of the Senate and the merchants felt they would have to defend themselves alone, for the Mandarins were waiting to see what would happen. On the other hand, Goa was far away and its communication routes were closely watched by the enemy.

Then, the Viceroy of the Portuguese State of India determined for Macao a mixed civilian, military, and religious government composed by the vigário-geral (Bishop-General) Fr. António do Rosário, the citizens Pedro Fernandes de Carvalho and Agostinho Gomes and the capitão-general (Captain-Major) Dom Francisco de Mascarenhas, who had arrived in 1623 with two hundred musketeers and the widest powers so far granted to a capitão (Captain) of the city. Although faraway, Lisbon continued to pay attention to its problems. Severim de Faria, the 'father' of Portuguese journalism wrote in the first number of the first national periodical: "General Francisco Mascarenhas had surrounded the city of Macao, fortifying it according to modem practice, introducing the same kind of militia that can be found in Europe. He drove away the Castillians who had come (from Manila) to help against the Dutch, for they were not needed anymore.

The relations with the Chinese were of great friendship because having seen how liberally the Macanese had helped him in the war against the Tartars, sending him artillery, ammunition and men, the Emperor, to show his gratitude, granted (the residents of Macao) the privilege of Chinese nationality and the license to built fortifications against the Dutch, whom he declared his enemies (as enemies of the city)."63 The phrases "granted (the residents of Macao) the privilege of Chinese nationality" and also "declared his enemies (as the enemies of the city)"64 did not stop the Chinese Authorities in 1631, from closing the estuary of the Pearl River to foreign commerce after the Portuguese loss of the voyage to Japan. Fortunately China's internal problems were much bigger than those of the Portuguese, and the Ming dynasty needed them again. On the other had the capture of Zheng Chegkong (Port.: Coxinga, or Guang.: Chin Chon Kong) discouraged the Dutch, so much so that only in 1653 did the VOC's first ships manage to reach Guangzhou. It must have been from one of them—anchored off Macao, that Vingboons drew his Panoramic View of Macao. In 1660 the Dutch organised a squadron which although under the pretext of destroying the pirates that haunted their settlements in Taiwan had the mission of taking over Macao on the way.

Understanding that the Dutch presence would be a great deal more troublesome than the Portuguese, the Guangzhou Authorities now encouraged the military works in the city, although under the condition of keeping the outlying islands' isthmus free. The Chinese knew that the Portuguese were and would always remain patient co-inhabitants of the Pearl River estuary, maintainers of a race-crossing condominium of cultural co-existence; while the Dutch favoured apartheid. It was a well known fact that "[...] os chinas são inimigos de lhe entrarem nações estrangeiras em suas terras [...]" ("[...] the Chinese do not like to have foreign Nations coming into their land [...]"). 65 Besides that, they saw the city already engaged in an expensive work of around one million cruzados exclusively supported by its male and female residents who "[...] para estes excessivos gastos acudiam com suas jóias e peças ricas, por a cidade não ter dinheiro nem rendas de que se valer naquela urgente necessidade." ("[...] helped this excessive expenses with their jewels and riches, for the city had no money or source of income to face that urgent need."). 66

But others were watching. Particularly at this time the British became even more determined to take Macao, by siege if necessary. However, in order to appear reasonable, purporting to have the city's interests at heart, the British arrived with credentials for the Governor, from Goa. The British Ambassador, Captain John Weddel, 67 arrived in Macao on the 27th of June 1637. However the Governor of Macao, Domingos Câmara de Noronha informed Captain Weddel that although appreciating the concern of the British, nevertheless he must negotiate directly with Guangzhou. By September, unable to move the British presence through fair and diplomatic means, the Governor ordered them to leave. Subsequent resistance resulted in the troops of the Viceroy of Guangzhou being called to assist, whereupon the British asked the Governor's protection and finally left in December, taking with them, clandestinely, one hundred and forty Portuguese and their considerable riches. These Portuguese had attempted to break the blockage. In addition, the British had already done a lot of commerce in the city which resulted in a change of prices of goods which was prejudicial to the Portuguese.

In fact Macao had entered some very bad times. After 1638 it became increasingly more difficult to support the city's rapidly increasing population. The little money Macao had was being used in businesses and not always profitably. Thus from 1640 when commerce with Japan, the Philippines and Manila was cut off, the situation became very severe. At that time aroud eight thousand of the inhabitants were involved in navigation and military affairs. 68 Finally, an epidemic of the plague closed Macao's apocalypse with a Biblical logic, claiming thousands of lives.

Macao had truly been an astonishing phenomena, not only in the history of Portugal's empire but also in the history of the world. Macao had known a glorious Golden Age, enjoying fabulous wealth. It had seen Japanese gold come by the tonnes; with it had built the church of St. Paul's and the fortifications of 1612 and 1638. Indeed it is said that had Macao been able to hold strong for another fifty years it would have reached the level of fame of Ofir or King Solomon's Jerusalem. 69 It was to Macao that men from all over the Eastern world went to seek wives for so huge were the dowries offered.

But if the peace of Cromwell (1654) and Portugal's separation from Spain (1640) should have granted a truce with Holland, the truth was that the piracy war continued, so much so on the 1st of November the Câmara (Chamber) subscribed a protest to Batavia and sent the resident António Varela "[...] a person of possessions and importance [...]" to ransom one of the sacks. The city's suffering continued to grow.

In 1647, soldiers who had not received their daily pay for some time, mutinied and robbed. In 1653 the city appealed at the to its religious patroness, the Holy Virgin Mother of God to keep it from misery, and to the Viceroy of Guangzhou to cancel the ground rent. The following year the city was so poor that it was impossible to find anyone willing to be its Captain-Major. In 1662 the prohibition of maritime trade with China and the dangers faced at sea aggravated still more this situation of famine. And, in 1666, complying with the city's requests the Viceroy of the Portuguese State of India, Dom António the Melo de Castro determined that the voyages to China would henceforth be made in convoys, "[...] porque juntas se defendem melhor, e porque se destróio Comércio com chegar umas primeiro, que outras—que como é império tão largo, se vão muitas embarcações, descem muitos mercadores com que se levanta o preço às mercadorias, que levamos, e se abaixa as que compramos, e pelo contrário se vai só uma, ou duas, [...]" ("[...] because together the ships defend themselves better, and because in such a wide Empire the commerce is disrupted when many ships and many merchants arrive at their common destinations at different times, the prices of the sold goods increases and those of the bought goods decreases. If, on the contrary, only one or two ships go [...]"). 70

The fact is, that with all of the trade in South Asia controlled by the Dutch, the connections with Malacca, Solor and India became difficult, rarefying the commerce and making it more expensive: "Quando os portugueses vão de Goa para Macau, caminham ao longo da costa do Malabar até ao Cabo Camorim depois pelo meio-dia de Ceilão, e de todas as ilhas as mais meridionais; e vão passar pelos estreitos, que ficam na vizinhança da ilha de Bale, e navegam ao longo de Macassar e das Manilas até Macau. Este caminho é mui trabalhoso, e todavia são obrigados a dazer estes grandes rodeios, porque os holandeses os impedem de passar pelos estreitos de Malaca e da Sonda; e até muitas vezes os vão esperar nas alturas de Cochim, e da ponta de Gale na costa da Ilha de Ceilão." ("When the Portuguese sail from Goa to Macao, they make their way along the coast of Malabar till Cape Comorin and take the South of Ceylon and of all the most Meridional Islands. Then, through the Straits neighbouring the Island of Bale, sailing all along Makasar and the Philippine Islands to Macao. This is a very hard way but they are nevertheless forced to do it because the Dutch do not allow them to cross the Straits of Malacca and Sunda; in fact they [the Dutch] often wait for them on the latitude of Cochin and or Gale on the coast of Ceylon."). 71 The Secretary of State, Francisco Correia de Lacerda, recommended in 1678 that the Portuguese and Spanish should have good relations, and a friendly agreement on the common defence of commercial affairs. But it was in vain.

All the first half of the eighteenth century was a display of lamentations and poverty. The commerce and foreigners were rare (in 1666 the troops were reduced to one hundred and forty married men born in the city). The native population grew, there was a great food crisis, and the Treasury was exhausted. Since in 1691 the Senate was "[...] em muito desespero [...]"("[...] in great despair [...]) the 'homens bons' ('good men') assembled. On the 27th of November, they decided that the Senate should borrow all the needed money, "[...] que eles, ditos homens bons se obrigavam a tirar a paz e a salvo o dito Senado para não ficar devendo cousa alguma." ("[...] for them, the 'good men', obliged to keep the Senate free of all debts whatsoever."). But the money was quickly spent, the expenses with bread alone constantly increasing as it was each time bigger the number of Chinese mouths to be fed. Everyone agreed on that "[...] os Chineses são em número muito maior que os Portugueses (e estes são quase todos mestiços e nascidos nas Índias ou em Macau [...]" ("[...] the Chinese outnumber the Portuguese (and these are almost all of them mestizos born in the Indies or in Macao) [...]"); 73in 1696 they reached such a number, and the expenses with food became so big that the Senate issued a bando (Bans) to prohibit them. 74

The Governor complained about delayed salaries. Santo António (St. Anthony) himself, the honorary Captain of the city requested for advance pay on all due and future salaries. The Bishop still did not collect the congrûas (Ecclesiastic Tax)—an old pending matter—although the city provided for all his needs. In a letter to the Viceroy, written in the 23th of Octoberl710, he explains that his ruin resulted at the same time from the lack of [Portuguese] residents, from the disunion of the remaining few, from oppression and robbery and from the decadence of trade, upon which even the pirates dare to lay an embargo. The Chinese who controlled the escambo terrrestre (trade of goods between Macao and the mainland), the sole supply for the residents, the took advantage of the poverty of the city's residents by raising the value of money which they only lent at very high interest rates—thirty to forty percent—that, in a last effort the Senate itself created a Monte de Piedade (charitable loaning system). But even the Senate delayed the payment of loans that it had contracted with private entities, who therefore complained to the King of Portugal who through the Viceroy of the Portuguese State of India ordered the ouvidor (Teller) of the Macao Senate to release those sums: "[...]por não ser justo que a título de empréstimo se prejudiquem as partes [...]" ("[...] for it is not fair that the parties are prejudiced on pretence of loaning [...]"). But where did wealth lay? Where to collect money? The Portuguese were loosing everything, while others were preparing to take over. In Bruges, where the Portuguese had traded with privileges since 1411, 75 from 1718 the Crown ships were only allowed to disembark salt from the metropolis and sugar from Brazil; this European emporium having created their own trading company to deal with Eastern commerce. 76 "The miserable state into which the city had fallen was such that many of its inhabitants intended to move out with their families to other lands, for due to its penury it was no longer possible to live in it."

However, in 1719,"[...] as human efforts were useless it was Divine Mercy that inspired the Emperor of China to prohibit Chinese navigation, allowing only Portuguese ships to sail." In view of this the city multiplied its tonnage and prepared fourteen of fifteen ships, dreaming again of "[...] establecer uma Grande Républica com muitos aumentos [...]" ("[...] establishing a Great Republic with many resources [...]."). Willing to do anything, it increased the volume of gifts to the Mandarins and decided to pay the totality of the debt to the King of Siam. 77 But the renewed prosperity did not even last ten years. In 1728 misery returned again and "a necessidade em prata em que se acha para as suas precisas e prementes despesas não tem solução porque embora escogitados todos os meios para se poder adquirir alguma se não descobriu por estarem exaustos assim os moradores todos, como os cofres de onde se costumava valer em semelhantes ocasiões; e que eram a Casa da Misericórdia, o Colégio de S. Paulo, o Cofre dos Órfãos, os depósitos dos defuntos, dos credores falidos." ("[...] although all possible means were given thought to, no solution was found for the purchase of silver needed for the immediate and urgent expenses because the residents's funds78 as well as those of the Misericordy, St. Paul's College, the Orphans Fund, 79 the deposits of the deceased, 80 and the bankrupt creditors81 were all exhausted.").

Credit was sought"[...] wherever it could be found [...]"82 but no results were obtained—neither mortgaging at a ten percent rate the profits of the land and the future rights over the sea, 83 nor among wealthy privates, 84 nor resorting to the missionaries, money. 85 As an economic measure, an end was put to the night rounds, even running the risk of facilitating burglary or unrest between slaves and Chinese, 86 in an occasion in which the troops "[...] sem falta, bisonha, e pouco dada à obediência e à prontidão [...]" ("[...] lack punctuality and readiness and are inexperienced and disobedient [...]"), thus being of little help.

The elected provedores (Purveyors) returned to the Senate the small amount of gold they usually received; 87 the richer, or those with more credit lent some money, 88 which even after being due was not collected. 89 Already before, Ecclesiastic and laymen had subscribed subsidy lists. 90 The residents refused public posts, 91 which must be put to concourse. 92 Starving public workers pawned the Senate's silver objects and the even the standard flag. 93 Misery was so great that the city could not even afford to send a messenger to Lisbon to expose the situation and started looking for "[...] someone willing to perform that great service at his own expense."94 For the first time it could do nothing for the other 'brothers' and when it knewn of the suffering Goa endure, oppressed by the Maharattas, the only thing it was able to do was to send "[...] its feeling of sorrow."95 Conscious that without means and residents the end would come, 96 that "[...] barcos, mulheres, filhos, cabedais, gente e comércio, são as últimas colunas em que se estribará"("[...] ships, women, children, money, people and commerce, are the last pillars [...]"), 97 the only hope of conservation, it did not allow any of these things or persons to leave the city. With the port's commerce declining, the voyages to Japan still suspended; those to Timor half lost since Chinese ships started to transport sandal freely, and the direct commerce between Manila and Guangzhou (the ships being unable to sail for the lack of ports), the Senate decided to 'open the sea' so that ship owners were free to look for profit wherever they saw fit, 98 to ask the Government of Timor to allow only the city's ships to carry sandal (compromising, on its side, to furnish all the cloth they needed), 99 and to ask the King to grant a yearly voyage to Brasil: "[...] because besides having several major ports, those are lands of ours whose residents anxiously desire to have ships sailing from this land to those ports [...]."100 With surprise it found, however, that it was still under the obligation of tax payments to Goa, for which, even after the King's decision, it was hard to stop collecting revenue from Macanese ships, making use of a law already derogated. 101

But in 1732, however, the Senate still owed everyone: 102 the military, the Bishop, the Governor, the civil servants, being for that reason indescribable the astonishment with which ten years after (1742)—still burdened with debts—it received from the King a provisão (provision) not only to pay but also raise the Ecclesiastical Revenue to the Bishop, based on the ships duties, from six thousand taéis to one conto. 103 Lisbon apparently wanted to forget the state the city was in, indebted and frightened with the rumours that the Chinese were about to take advantage of that situation to annihilate it. 104 The vereadores (Council Members) had already been a long time, complaining about "[...] the endless expenditure of money with the Chinese [...]"105 who even in the worst years collected the Land Tax, although sometimes it had to be paid in instalments. Also navigation was becoming each time more expensive due to the piracy increase that forced the ships to sail in convoys. 106 Only between 1731 and 1751, a quarter of a century, did the city expose its situation in Goa twenty seven times. The Senate's sessions became tumultuous. The actas (minutes) are full of quotes like: "[...] the great consternation and misery in which it is in, [...] the decadence of this city and community, [...] the grave decadence in which this Senate is constituted, [... or...] the miserable state to which this city is reduced [...], 107 leasing the Members of the Senate, the Governor and the Bishop to resort once again to their own pockets "[...] to help and remedy in some way the urgent needs of so many thousands of souls which have only enough to live miserably [...]."108

The breaking of the balance caused the settlement to receed, totally abandoning Lapa Island in 1764. But the fear that such weakness could awake the enemy's greed, either Chinese pirates or other European nations, led it to sum up courage and to buy weapons that were distributed to the residents, so they could defend the land and the ships. 109

However the Portuguese still had some prestige—fruit of past glories—so much so that in 1785 the King of Talangana, foreseeing an eminent war with the Dutch (since the Governor of Batavia prohibited the access of its port to the Portuguese, French, Danish, British and Imperial [Russian]) 110 asked Portuguese military help and invited them to build a fortress and a church there.

In the seventeenth century, apart from those in transit to Japan and coastal merchants, there were already living in the city many workers from the metropolis; the ouvidor (since 1580) and later the Governor (after 1623), the vedor da Fazenda (Treasury overseer), escrivães (scriveners) and garrison praças (soldiers). Some were already bringing women, but the majority, and above all young people, were still looking for them in the city and neighbouring lands. Macao was a sexually cosmopolitan world, where crossings were easy, for only in the middle of this century, with the development of the city and the port, more and more "[...] a general port of call for all kinds of merchandise [...]",111 appeared a small bourgeoisie of descendants, with class prejudices, even with the ambition to nobility titles (certainly an influence of Goa) and extensively refusing to cross with Oriental women, either free or slaves. But it was a very short discriminative period, because afterwards some daughter of chengkaus (the name given to Chinese of 'True Faith', i. e., Christians), already almost all of them with Portuguese surnames, joined the Luso-Macanese linhées, and as far as I know, unlike in India and Cape Verde there was never a manifest attitude of "apagamento histórico de antepassados [...]" ("[...] historic erasure of ancestors [...]") in the city, which was detected by René Ribeiro. 112 Today almost no Macanese have a feeling of shame for any of their roots, even not knowing how multiple and pluricontinental they are. Also in 1662 and 1664, the contacts with the natives of the territory suffered new difficulties, because Beijing, now under Tartar Government, to avoid the relations of the South with the pirates of Zheng Chegkong, who from Taiwan and Guandong were trying to restore the Ming dynasty, forced the population to withdraw seventeen kilometres inland, albeit with no effect on the Portuguese general relations because other coastal peoples came from the North, Fukienese and Hakkas, to the neighbouring areas and to the city itself. Nontheless the mandarins took advantage of the Imperial Order by trying to make the Portuguese abandon it (there were still fears of contact with Zheng Chegkong, who had a sister in Macao married to the Portuguese António Rodrigues) and going inland. It would have been a diluting exodus, which with some courage, a few presents and the help of the missionary priests in Beijing, was avoided.

Multiple and pluricontinental roots. Yes, because only the exaltation of the senses remained strong. Every adolescent girl immediately had a groom, every lonely women was in danger, although the Governors used the most exemplary processes (in 1707 one of them ordered to nail the hands of a Euro-Portuguese, accused of raping a Timorese girl, to a block of wood) to protect morals. A great number of documents testify that racial convergence goes on. In the register113of the death of the four Ambassadors that the city sent to Japan is 1640, along with whom at least an other fifty-seven people lost their lives, are mentioned citizens of sixteen nations: sixteen Portuguese, thirteen Chinese from the mainland, eight Bengali, four Macanese, three Africans, three Castillians, one Indian, etc. Apart from two Luso-Chinese mestizos, in a clear example of the Catholicism of the Portuguese Christendom. It is significant to verify the places of birth of the seventeen main figures of this martyrdom, represented in a painting in the Leal Senado: of the four Ambassadors (of which two were widowers) one was from Cochin and the other from Mesão Frio [Northern Portugal], of the other two, one was from Tomar [central Portugal] and the other from Lisbon, having married in Macao. The Captain, a bachelor, was from Lisbon, as well as the pilot although this one had married in Goa; of the eleven sailors, three were from Lisbon, and the remaining from Barcelos [Northern Portugal], Bemposta [central Portugal], Cascais [central Portugal], Ovar [Southern Portugal], Ormuz [Middle East], Porto, Viana do Castelo [Northern Portugal], and Macao, seven of them married in this city and one in Manila. All the others were bachelors—all of them universal.

Forty-five years later the list114 of people sent to Japan to deliver "[...] with no interest other than the love of God and the service of the King [...]" the twelve survivors of a ship that (in the desert Island of Dom João) had run ashore, included officers, soldiers and sailors of several ethnic origins: Metropolitans, Macanese, Kaffirs, Timorese, Goans and Chinese. The high number of Metropolitans indicates the importance given to the mission which in fact was dangerous, as it already had been difficult to protect the shipwrecked from the Mandarins of Guangzhou who in 1688 would end up creating a hebo (Guang.: ho-pu, or trans.: Chinese Customs) in Macao, which under the excuse of keeping ships from going up river was only aiming to increase taxes and to set another foot on Portuguese commerce. The city was a world of biologic and cultural connections: political and military with Goa, commercial with Timor and Batavia (these since 1686, with the exports of tea), of transit and commerce with Malacca (where in 1639 there was still a colony of three hundred Portuguese), and it continued to have men skilled in all professions including Medicine, thus increasing its prestige, so much so that in 1693 the Court of Beijing borrowed two surgeons. 115

In 1719, Kangxi removed all the measures that could hinder the navigation of Macao and the Senate thankfully presented him with wines, sweets, tobacco, etc., which some Chinese understood as a tribute. This resolution provoked an increase of about seventy-five per cent in the movement of ships. However, in 1725 another Emperor, Yongzheng, reduced by twenty-five the number of Portuguese ships, a quota that seemed yet too high in the eyes of Guangzhou. Repairs were allowed to be carried out in Macao's shipyards, but either these, or the ones to substitute them could not increase their tonnage, a regime that was to last until 1849, and only in the case of the fleet becoming smaller would it be possible to complete it with ships from Manila or Portugal.

Also the British and Dutch commercial ability contributed the disorder of Macanese economy. So, in 1728, João Saldanha, Viceroy of the Portuguese State of India, suggested that the city should in its turn establish a corporation similar to the prosperous English East India Company and the Dutch Vereenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie. However, inexplicably, and at the same time that the residents were trying to get the franchise of the commerce with Manila and Batavia, in 1746 the Portuguese Crown determined that foreigners were allowed to have residence in Macao, which was not only difficult but also painful to execute since the foreign trading posts of Guangzhou (French, Spanish, Swedish, Danish) were only allowed periodic stays.

But if the Portuguese experienced great difficulties in marrying in China the fact is that in spite of this, they became part of its flesh very early. Indeed it is likely that the first Luso-Chinese mestizo woman that history registered was Inês de Leiria who, in 1543, in Sampitai, on the banks of the Grand Canal, showed to Fernão Mendes a cross tattooed in one of her arms telling him she was the daughter of Tomé Pires and a Chinese with whom he had married.

"A woman who was there among many others [...] unbuttoned the sleeve of a purple satin doublet she was wearing and showed us a cross she had sculpted on her arm like a Moorish iron mark and very perfect [...] and she spoke to us in the Portuguese language[...] when she heard and understood that we were Christians she wept while saying goodbye to the people gathered there and she said to us: —"Come Christians of the end of the world." [...] and started to walk with us to her house [...] where she hosted us for the five days we spent there treating us always with the utmost care and attention. Here she showed us an oratory with a cross of golden wood, candlesticks and a lamp, both made of silver, and told us that her name was Inês de Leiria and that her father's name had been Tomé Pires, who went from this Kingdom as an Ambassador to the Emperor of China, and that due to an uprising made by one of our [Portuguese] Captains in Guangzhou, who was suspected of being a spy instead of an Ambassador and was hence arrested with twelve other men [...] And that her father's punishment was exile in that land, where he had married her mother, for he still had a few possessions, and made her a Christian, being married to her for the twenty-seven years he lived there, both of them living in a very Catholic way [,.]. 116

If the first Luso-tropical mestizo of China was the daughter of our first Ambassador, then what better a demonstration could ever be asked, of our ability to connect with and love those people? For this reason it is certainly necessary to admit that Tomé Pires did not die in prison (as it is sustained by João de Barros, Lopes de Castanheda and Cristovão Vieira) but that he survived the tragedy (this is the opinion of W. F. Mayers) and stayed in China, by order of the Emperor, until a very old age (according to Gaspar Correia and Fernão Mendes Pinto). Not even the dates of this story match the official dates of his arrest (1521) and death (1524) or the time elapsed, twenty-two instead of twenty-seven years, between 1521 and 1543. As if this could ever contradict Fernão Mendes. The existence of Inês de Leiria was so deeply stamped on his memory that later, in 1582, he confirmed it to the Jesuits G. Maffei, J. Rebelo and G. Gonzalez, who found him in his Almada [Lisbon] retirement to gather information about Chinese Christendom. On that occasion, searching deep in his memory he said that also in the city of Cansi (Guang.: Kuang-si) there was another Portuguese (no other than Vasco Calvo) married to a Chinese and father of two boys and two girls. Albert Kammerer thinks that Fernão Mendes exaggerated his luck by pretending to have found in inner China the only two Portuguese living there; but 'foreign' China was relatively short. Besides, for me, less than the absolute truth of the notice, the important thing is that it underlines how the national consciousness, the historians and the reporters, accepted those mestizos and accepted, without reserve, the condition or colour of those crossing in all social levels. After all, it is a Japanese tradition that Fernão Mendes himself had a son of Wasaka, daughter of the blacksmith to whom he taught how to make Portuguese model muskets?). Paul Pelliot, 118 in a note to one of his last works, already posthumous, stresses that Tomé Pires never lacked feminine company, that it was only later that the Mandarins sold his mulheres (women) and that already among the persons who went with him to Beijing was the senhora comendadeira (lady commander), probably his wife, and probably, he thinks, one Euro-Portuguese; but I think that such a woman only 'politically' was Portuguese; of Malaccan or Indian origin, I would rather say. Leonel de Sousa, founder of the city, had already married in Chaul before he arrived, which was then the most powerful Portuguese naval station and, as I have already said, many merchants and Captains came from Ceylon with wives. [...]

As the eighteenth century began, Macao had more than twenty thousand souls almost all Christianised, for barely only five per cent remained heathen, but the number of Euro-Portuguese became lower each time, therefore the mass of Euro-Asiatic crossings tended to decrease; "Portuguese families are, today, one hundred and fifty; the number of Christian souls [is however] of nineteen thousand five hundred of which sixteen thousand are women. Inside the city there are [still] one thousand gentiles, officials and merchants."119 In 1713, thirteen years later, the number of Chinese was still so disproportionare that Senators were called to the Câmara, "[...] para lhes ser presente o grande dano que tem havido na cidade e o mais que poder seguir de aì em diante por causa da multidão [deles] que vivem derramados por muitas casas, chalés e boticas [...]" ("[..] to be informed of the great damage that is occurring in the city and of the damage that will occur henceforth because of the multitude [of them] living in many houses, lodges and shops [...]"), 120It was then discussed if it would not be better to throw out the prejudicial ones and destroy their houses. But from reading the minutes (where some advise to accept only half, or even less; others to respect the merchants and craftsmen "[...] people of honour and good [...]"; and the rest that the Senate should proceed to simply limit certain commercial or residential zones prohibiting Christians from living there) what is concluded is the degree of intimacy between Chinese and the European residents.

In 1748 the Senate was worried again with the increase of the Chinese population and promiscuity with which the Portuguese live with it. And this increase of tropical people, of Chinese nationality and several other origins, seemed even bigger, as I say, due to the scarce volume of white population which among other reasons was decreasing because of the large number of Macanese girls devoted to religious life. 121 This situation led the Viceroy of the Portuguese State of India to sign on the 7th of May 1718 the measures already mentioned and the Casa da Misericórdia (Misericordy) to open, two years after, in its shelter for orphan girls a service of marriage dowries.

The number of those without occupation and vagabonds also increased, and these were either Euro-Portuguese or Kaffirs or mestizos, so, in 1719 Lisbon authorised that some should be arrested and made soldiers. One century later a 'son of the soil' was to propose this again, 122 because soldiers did not come and the appeal to volunteers was worthless.

Chinese population was still under the control of the Mandarin of the Xiangshan District, who delegated a part of his powers to the Mandarin of Kiun-min-fu (White House). With the increase of that population the problem became more severe although the weapon with which he threatened the Portuguese was to cut-off of supplies which was dangerous for him also, because it meant genocide. Therefore, the Mandarins changed to other means, demanding civilian and military honours when they visited the city; prohibiting construction on sacred soil or near the temples; impeding certain imports (in 1830 of sulphur and nitrate), or not allowing the Chinese to transport Christians on palanquins (1833). On the other hand they became more comprehensive since in 1793 the Portuguese abolished the measures taken in 1711 concerning the right of residence of the Chinese in Macao. They were now free to build and negotiate. It is certain that the Portuguese were also trying to increase the white occupation: thus, once in a while, citizens collectively adopted an orphan, expanded (1783) the asylums for abandoned girls, or accepted merchants from other European Kingdoms. But those demographic manoeuvres worried the Mandarins, who in 1724 determined that the city was not to exceed the number of foreigners it already had, and the Emperor himself, in 1726 prohibited the increase of the total number of residents. But the reasons, on both sides, were always of police-like nature rather than blood, more of economic politics than segregation politics. So if the Crown through the Carta de Lei (Bill of Law) of the 5th of May 1785 formally prohibited all business with foreigners, it explained in another one of 1793 that this principle admitted exceptions like those referring to the cargo inspectors of the Companies. If in 1733 the Senate was seen to be denaturalizing and sending to Manila, Batavia and Madras numerous citizens, and in 1733 the Church was protesting against the progressive traffic of women, the certain thing is that in 1735 the Jesuit Jean-Baptiste du Halde registered that the number of Chinese was each time bigger and that the Portuguese were almost all mestizos. Also in 1749 the Government of Goa established at eighty four the number of Chinese craftsmen (seventy artists, ten butchers, and four blacksmiths) and at one hundred the number of coolies. These orders, however, like other past determinations of Goa or Lisbon, about the volume of foreigners (it happened again in 1773, as a remote consequence of the welcoming of Armenians in 1763, and of a group of Hungarians in 1772) only with great difficulties were fulfilled. That is why on the 6th of May 1808 and on the 7th of March 1810 new legal dispositions were issued by the General-Government of the Portuguese State of India, which respectively established that although the admission and residence of foreigners was still the responsibility of the Senate, it should nonetheless be followed in the general terms of the published instruções (instructions). The same was to happen with Chinese demands, for example, when in 1832 the Mandarin Tche-T'ong issued an edital (Publication) prohibiting Chinese women of living in European houses "[...] traficando femeneidade [...]" ("[...] making traffic of femininity [...]") for the ships which arrived in Guangzhou were immediately boarded by boats loaded with women "[...] para fazerem delas escolha." ("[...] from which to choose."). 123

In 1743 the number of Chinese with permanent residence in Macao was already around three to four thousand, a number which the Portuguese only reached more than thirty years after in 1776, although the number of mestizos was already so high that the Portuguese Crown determined two years earlier that among the almotacéis (Inspectors for weights and measures) of the Senate they should always have at least six places, an order which followed the Portuguese policy of non-discrimination.

On their side, the Authorities of Guangzhou had, since 1736, been reinforcing their presence with their own Mandarinate.

It is certain that the number of Europeans and natives living in communion of uses and habits — since it would always be an illusion to speak, statistically, of Chinese assimilated in the Luso-Christian culture — created a kind of confusion to both communities: "[...] Chinese live mixed with Europeans [...]", lamented a Mandarin in 1743; "[...] the Portuguese spend their money in vain Oriental ostentation [...]", said the Senate in 1744; and on the 31st of December of the very same year the Senate published a bando prohibiting the'sons of the soil' from using sun-shade umbrellas and wigs. But so many were already tied to the Portuguese by marriage, so many of their ancestors had enjoyed those distinctions, so many had behaved like good Portuguese during the city's crisis that the Viceroy immediately cancelled the bando of the Senators. 124

Tanka boat with two boatwomen.

GEORGE CHINNERY (°London, 1774 - †Macao, 1852).

Ca. 1834. Pencil and pen work on paper. 8, 6 cm x 14, 8 cm.

Geography Society of Lisbon Collection [no. 163], Lisbon.

In 1725 the vice-General of the Japan Mission Fr. Jacob Greff, in an answer to the Senate suggested "[...] not to bringing anymore slave women from Timor or other parts to the inhabitants of the city because it should rather be relieved of the excessive feminine population and occupation provided to the women [... adding...] which are so many in the city." On the same occasion Fr. João de São Nicolau wrote about the great number of abandoned orphans. The habit of buying girls began again (Chinese, Timorese, but also Japanese and Goans) and now it was the Macanese themselves who did it, as well as resident Chinese, in spite of the efforts of both the Portuguese and the Chinese Authorities. The "feminine pressure" was taken as one of the causes of disturbances in the city, so that the Franciscan Bishop of Macao, Dom Frei Hilário de Santa Rosa did not hesitate to threaten with excommunication anyone selling women and in 1759, the Crown based on an exposure made four years before by the Bp. Dom Manuel Mendes dos Reis, determined that the Senate should consider "[...] bárbara e nula a referida escravidão [...]" ("[...] barbarian and without effect the mentioned slavery [...]"). But the order remained without effect, for still in the next century (1832-1870) the Mandarins continued complaining that even mouros (Moors) bought women both young and old and "[...] e delas tinham filhos [...]" ([...] had children with them [...]"), 125 as it also could not prevent the slavery of black and Timorese women not living in house-holds which owned dozens of them. Besides that, the Crown always tried to defend at the same time the rights of the buyers, which was the reason why later on King Dom João V determined that the 'Pai dos Cristãos' ('Pastoral Priest', or lit.: Father of Christians — the name given by the Chinese to the Jesuit priest in charge of Chinese converts, enjoying for that reason special privileges and the attention of the Senate) was not allowed to take away from the legitimate owners Chinese girls who had been sold by their parents without the previous authorisation of the Crown ouvidor. It was still tolerated to have at home amuis [or muitsai, i. e., little Chinese girls] for domestic service. But they could not be sold.

"Para bem e conservação desta cidade e evitar careas corn os Chinas, que sempre redundão em perda comum [...]" ("For the good and conservation of this city and to avoid quarrels with the Chinese, which will always result in losses for this community [...]") they decided to issue Banns and Edicts, so that"[...] nenhuma pessoa de qualquer condição pudesse vender atais ou amuis a forasteiro algum, neem mandar para fora da terra, sob pena de perderem os ditos atais ou amuis, ou a valia deles e pagarem cem taéis de pena (e todo que for impossibilitado para a dita satisfação será castigado corporalmente como a este Senado lhe parecer) a qual quantia será aplicada para a reedificação das fortalezas desta cidade." ( "[...] no one could sell atais [i. e., male Chinese who dressed as women] and amuis, under the risk of loosing the mentioned atais or amuis or their worth and paying one-hundred Taels fine (and those who are not able to pay it are to be bodily punished as this Senate will find suitable) the amount of which is to be applied in the rebuilding of the city's fortresses").

Therefore, one may see that in the first three centuries people of all origins continued to arrive, being allowed to stay and build a family once they respected the Kingdom's laws. In the book of the Registo das Ordens (Register of Orders) there is the copy of an ofício (Bill) issued by Manuel de Saldanha de Albuquerque, Count of Ega and Viceroy of the Portuguese State of India, dated the 26th of March 1763, determining that even the Armenians were allowed to stay. Gradually, the land residents were joined by the fluctuating population of the local fishermen mooring alongs the docks and, with the increment of foreign sea trade, by another social class, that of the jurubaças126 which, being for the most part mestizos, were also absorbed into society. All of these graftings continued, it is sure, to raise questions, and so many that in the famous College of St. Paul's the examination of moral or consciousness cases always included sexual problems between Christian and heathen, contracts between men and women who arrived there being already married somewhere else, the validity of previous non-Christian marriages (which were not considered 'true' marriages, thus leaving the persons free for Christian marriages), the buying of women or their abuse. In Portuguese homes the intimacy between the master's sons and the bichas (lit.: animals; or criações, lit.: breading, meaning: young Chinese woman slaves but already 'emancipated' by baptism, being the name given in the city to the muitsai) working as domestic servants, and who "[...] really raised many children theirs or others [...]. 127 It is certain that in the Church's opinion they were but slaves disguised by a religious adoption, and for that very reason the 'Pai dos Cristãos' would release them every time he could. But it is also true that when the King prohibited their existence things became even worse, because they left the houses where they had a family-like life to a prostitution disguised as beggary — begging from house to house and often staying for days or months [...] as if they were married. This led the Bp. Dom Alexandre Pedrosa to propose to the Governor Diogo F. Salema Saldanha to prohibit their begging from door to door, especially women under twenty-five (afterwards he asked for the prohibition to reach any women under forty) and this last to send the exiles to Timor. In the misery crisis, widowhood or abandoned it was possible to see women, Christian or not, white or coloured, submitting even without resistance to the gentiles, showing in that way, how wrong was the concept that only slave women and daughters of slaves prostituted to residents and travellers. Misery led to starvation, to economic exploitation, to the traffic of one's own flesh. The usurers took advantage charging on loans to those women's profits over thirty-five per cent, which would lead this last Governor to propose to the Câmara (Senate) the creation of a Monte de Piedade with a maximum legal interest rate of five per cent.

In 1746 the Qianlong Emperor again prohibited the residence of travellers in the Pearl River estuary's ports, but with its traditional ability in a few months the Senate managed the cancellation of the order, so much so that ten years later it was possible to find living in the city French, Spanish, Danish, Swedish, Dutch and English merchants. In 1795 the Viceroy of Guangzhou again withdrew (as it had been done many times before) the order which prohibited the settlement of Chinese in the territory of Macao.

If in 1750 the Mandarins had managed to fulfil the Imperial Order issued in 1724 which restricted the residence of foreigners [in Macao], in 1776 it was the turn of the Portuguese to say through the Supreme Court of Lisbon "[...] that they [the Chinese] should not be allowed in any way whatsoever to settle in the city." But as usual the Senate only used the general laws which were considered useful to the territory (thus it was its procedure for example, in 1748, when against the dispatches of Lisbon it was decided to hire a foreign surgeon) both the Royal decretos (Decrees) and chapas (Chops) being only respected in an aleatory way. It had learned the Chinese methods. If in 1718, as an answer to the commercial limitations of the Mandarin of Kiunmin-fu, the Senate decided to allow only two-hundred Chinese to reside in the city, not mattering if they were craftsmen or coolies (unqualified workers). The truth is that that Imperial prohibition would never have been respected. Also, if sometimes the Portuguese denied access to foreigners of Macao (i. e., as 'doorways' of China) — as it happened in 1733 when Governor António de Amaral e Meneses, based on the opinion of four Bishops, did not allow the city to shelter those who were expelled from Guangzhou — it was done not for xenophobic or racial prejudice but for fear of affecting Christian customs and creeds. But already in 1777 another Governor, which was on the occasion the Bp. Dom Alexandre da Silva Pedrosa Guimarães, considered that decision of the Senate unfair and withdrew it.

During the eighteenth century the number of European merchants increased and although the rules of the different foreign companies did not allow them to marry Oriental women, it was in Macao that they found them and had children with them. In the nineteenth century the commerce of silkworms, tea and tobacco brought new contingents of foreign residents from India and America which eventually became included in the population patrimony. Besides, the city being the outcome of mercantile trade and therefore a 'free product', always received and even solicited the presence of all foreigners who could render good services. In return for which the Senate (as documented in several contract) gave them access to "[...] o goso dos previlégios e honras permitidas aos Portugueses [...]" ("[...] the use of privileges and honours permitted to the Portuguese [...]").

Also the number of European nationals changed according to military needs, since besides the permanent garrison, the city was a port of call, often for long periods, for the deportees, officials and soldiers, both recruits and volunteers, that went to Solor and Timor. The waits and transfers allowed love affairs and marriages to happen so that more than once (the last on the 20th of April 1872) it was determined that both military and deportees when resuming their journeys "[...] were to take their women with them [...]". In 1776 the historians already mention three-thousand European of several nationalities; the next year (1777) it was the Bishop of Macao himself who stated that the city's population was around six thousand Portuguese Christians, mestizos and Chinese, and twenty two thousand gentiles. In 1780, another census, that one anonymous, talked about a 'free' Christian population composed of exactly one hundred and eight metropolitan Portuguese and five thousand nhons (mestizo youngman or master) and nhonhas (mestizo single girls or young married woman). [...]. In 1785, Goa sent more craftsmen, stone-masons and carpenters; the future founders of new local corporations. Were there any fruits of those new contingents? Always! In the lists of people inoculated in 1806, when the doctors Francisco de Balmis and Domingos José Gomes initiated for the first time in China the antivariola vaccination, 128 were mentioned the names of children of Portuguese, of people born in the city, of native Chinese, of Chinese from neighbouring mainland Provinces, of converts from Insulindia, of soldiers from Goa, of Kaffir slaves, of Timorese, of Malays and of people from other areas of Oceania, not counting the exposed ones. A whole racial world! And this in spite of the difficulties raised by the Chinese Authorities, for regardless of the permanent health and security services offered to them (in 1809 Macao organized an attempt at their request against the pirate Apochá, with such a strong fleet that some historians go as far as to include in it more than six thousand men and one thousand two hundred guns — an exaggerated volume for the city's population and resources). Nevertheless, the same authorities, always moved by security reasons, demanded that the building of new houses be suspended, as well as the rebuilding of the old ones and above all the coming of more black people; and the Viceroy of Guangzhou further prohibited the coming and conversion of more Chinese. This when the commercial limitations had already diminished to such an extent the Macanese contacts with the Southern Asian Countries that, in 1817, it was impossible to find in the city one sole jurubaça able to assist the Cochin-China trade.

The story of the war against Zhang Baozai (Guang.: Kam Pau Sai) is revealing. When in 1805 the great pirate Chong Yee died during a storm, the widow gave his post to a certain Zhang Baozai, against whom the Senate, at Guangzhou's request, armed a brigg commanded by F. V. Pereira Barreto, whose nickname was the Tiger of the Sea. The defeat of Zhang Baozai by Pereira Barreto strongly impressed not only the Chinese but also the European trading companies which by that time had business in Guangzhou. The fact that the British tried to hold this victory to ridicule was already a commercial move. But meanwhile, Zhang Baozai retaliated, acting as high constable of dynastic legitimacy, summoning the people of China and all its pirates against the Tartar Empire. Hostilities began again and he started attacking foreign vessels, including English war ships. Again the Macanese armed with the city's money a strong fleet, and before it sailed, the Senate and the Governments of the Provinces of Guangdong and Guangxi conclued an acordo (Agreement), whose sixth paragraph clearly established that when the expedition was finished, China would show special deference to the Estado de Macau (State of Macao) returning the city to its former privileges. 129

More ships were added to the fleet and afterwards, José Pinto Alcoforado, who was in command, wrote to Zhang Baozai, with whom he was on friendly terms, suggesting that he should surrender and have Portuguese protection. The pirate answered on the 26th of December 1809, proposing the Portuguese a military alliance and great rewards at the end of the campaign. 130

However, loyal to instituted power this proposal was rejected by the Portuguese and another war began. Zhang Baozai was again defeated and, under the promise of being appointed mandarim das forças marítimas (Commander of Maritime Defense), surrendered to the city, although he still had such a big fleet that chronicles mentioned about twelve thousand men and five thousand women, many of whom certainly took shelter in the city, for in 1810 the Senate was worrying about the creation of establishments for dissolute women. Not that they were the only problem, but because they certainly increased its number. Macao kept its word, but the Mandarins not only did not return the old privileges to the Portuguese but, on the contrary, renewed all the restrictions. Worse than this was the suffering of the foreigners in Guangzhou, who in 1830, were still not allowed to have with them women from their countries, or even Portuguese mestizos hired as servants or nannies. 131In 1832 the Mandarins ordered the punishment of some jurubaças who helped foreigners to subvert that restriction. When the difficulties became even worse, numerous families came to Macao.

Thirty seven years later (1867) there were living in the city sixty foreign families: twenty four Spanish, seventeen British, four French, four Peruvian, three American, three Italian, three Prussian, one Chilean, and one Dutch. But if the Mandarins accepted that the foreigners rejected from Guangzhou stayed in Macao, then it was the Church feared that their presence would increase corruption. Along with that, the Chinese were already so many that the city could be considered a Chinese settlement under Portuguese Administration. Its 'yellow root' was the only one that was still growing. The 1784 Providências (Providences) given by Queen Dona Maria I and signed by the Overseas Minister, Martinho de Melo e Castro, are a clear testimony of the solid knowledege of the city's administrative situation in Lisbon. They state that the Macao garrison was small, with some seventy to eighty men, many of them Oriental or mestizos, and that a great number of heathen Chinese families outnumbering three to four times the Christian ones, both Portuguese and Chinese, were living in the city. The increasing arrival and multiplication of the 'mestizo root' descendants contributed, in their turn, to such a political conciousness that the Senate taking advantage of the triumph of Liberalism in the Kingdom requested, in the Constituent Assembly of 1820, not only to end with the subsidies that the city was still giving to the Governments of Goa and Timor, but also that both military and civilian jobs should only be given to native born people.

In 1822 there were four thousand three hundred and fifteen Christian, two thousand seventy one being women of whom four hundred seventy three were under fourteen; five hundred and thirty seven slaves of both sexes; and around eight thousand Chinese. In 1825, a census, undoubtedly counting the Chinese living outside the city walls mentioned twenty two thousand five hundred souls. In 1827 the number of Chinese was already over forty thousand, a number on the increase due to the political- economical evolution.

Only after 1614, when the voyage to Japan became dangerous, voyages of other Europeans to Macao and Guangzhou were established on a regular basis. The British voyages commenced in 1684, the American after 1784, the Dutch after 1729 (after the unsuccessful attempts of 1604) and of the French after 1698. At the end of the seventeenth century the opium route between Bengal and China was established, at first clandestinely but by the following century the opium clippers were officialy accepted and a regular established trade. In less than fifteen years China, defeated by Britain, was compelled by the Treaty of the 29th of August 1842 to open to Western commerce a few coastal cities, like Fuchou (Foochow), Xiamen (Amoy), Ningbo and Shanghai, and the most important for the Portuguese, the port of Guangzhou. 1513, 1554 and 1842 were key years in the history of relations between the Western powers and the Celestial Empire, Hong Kong being founded as a free port in 1843. In response to this, in 1845 Macao was also declared a free port.

Fishing boats on land.

GEORGE CHINNERY (°London, 1774 - †Macao, 1852).

1837. Pencil and pen work on paper. 81.0 cm x 18, 2 cm.

Geography Society of Lisbon Collection [no. 59], Lisbon.

After the British obtained the lease of the New Territories on the mainland opposite Hong Kong Island, Portugal elaborated also a project of 'continental expansion' which was nothing but a dream. The face of Asia now has new features. By the end of the nineteenth century the destiny of China was no longer decided in Beijing, but in London, Paris, Berlin, and Moscow where it was divided in spheres of commercial and military influence. Tokyo was also watching closely. This situation would last almost until Mao Zedong's revolution.

Other source of new genes in Macao resulted from the return of coolie (Guang.: ku-li) families' members who had emigrated, between 1851 and 1875, to the Americas, mainly to Mexico, Chile and Peru, and meanwhile married there with natives. In the period of four years between 1868 and 1872, fifty seven thousand eight hundred and eighty three Chinese people emigrated to the Americas. Between 1850 and 1873 thirty ships alone transported them from the port of Macao. Such emigration resulted from the need to search in another human reservoir for a workforce that the extinction of African slavery had taken away from the Colonial Powers. Britain still had Indian natives and with its permission France and Holland supplied themselves from there. But because they were not enough, an import of Chinese which had started via Singapore, soon began including people from Macao. Even Brazil looked for them (the first time in 1855) in spite of the immediate fears that some politicians had of the breeding between Brazilian and Chinese. 132 Macao, like the ports of Cumsingnoon, Xiamen and Swatow, supplied directly the American coasts of the Pacific, mainly Mexico, Cuba, Peru and Chile, and in the beginning, almost only men. When, however, a more flexible legislation started to permit also the emigration of women which, in the new working areas, were employed in domestic services as servants. Chinese 'creoles' were born.

That market, which was more like an agency of forced contracts and which some theorists even called a form of slavery, was successively the subject of regulations in 1853, 1855, 1859, 1860, 1868, 1871, 1872, 1873 and finally prohibited in 1874, a date from which many families returned to their motherland, already interbread with American Indians (from North, Central and South America) or even with Hispano-American mestizos, to dilute themselves again in the Macanese blood. Just in a first series fifteen thousand one hundred and thirty eight re-emigrants were registered. It is interesting to underline that this trans-Pacific emigration of Chinese human beings raised questions of legal rights, violent campaigns in Hong Kong against Macao, and repeated complaints by the British (in which Eça de Queirós intervened as Portuguese consul (representative)), which stopped only when Britain, alleging protectionist and humanitary purposes, monopolised that traffic, doing with the coolies the same it had done with the Kaffirs.

The problem was not completely new, for the Chinese born in Macao always showed a strong tendency to emigrate, to Oceania, to Singapore, and other destinies. The community of Manila alone, a veritable extension of the province of Fukien, had as early as 1643 three procuradores (Procurators). In 1857 and 1858 a small group was also sent to Mozambique to dive for pearls in Bazaruto, to train elephants and to work in plantations of cinnamon, muscade and cloves. I ignore those Chinese or their progeny returned to Macao and, if so, if they had created a half-blood offspring. Today there still exist some Portuguese communities in the Chinese continent; in 1927 the one of Hong Kong had two thousand two hundred and thirty eight people and the one of Shanghai one thousand eight hundred-and sixty one.

The political emigration of mainland Chinese dates from 1850 (from Guangzhou) and lasted, although for different reasons, until these days. Since then, the arrival of these "[...] men without peace [...]", or looking for another kind of peace, of whom the greatest example is Sun Zhongshan (Guang.: Sun-Yat-Sen), never ended. Also with World War II the contingent of European and African soldiers increased as well as the return of families of descendants living in Guangzhou and Shanghai which broke the last social barriers because they brought with them women of rare beauty. Many of these women went afterwards to the United States of America. However, in only one of the refúgios (shelters) I visited in 1960 were still living three hundred sixteen Luso-descendants, including two hundred and eight adults (ninety eight men and one hundred and ten women) and one hundred and eight children (fifty-two boys and fifty-six girls). In their houses there were no social barriers whatsoever. The conviviality of the young girls with Europeans was very intimate and some were pregnant. Such waves of refugees are still altering the the genetic composition of the city. One last coating his now being added by tourism. Macao goes on being a crossroads of culture and blood. *****

Translated from the Portuguese by: Rui Cascais Parada

*NHENHA or NHONHA = (Port.: rapariga solteira, senhora casada ainda jovem; or: single girl, mademoiselle, miss, young married lady — in Macanese dialect.

**MOGARIM or MUGARIM =Extremely aromatic jasmim (lat.: Jasminum Sambac) with which the lower classes girls and prostitutes wore in the hair.

***TANKARERA =Woman who lives and mans a small Chinese boat commonly with two oars and a sail (tanca), very common in Macao.

****CANARI =Christian native Indian from the Portuguese State of India, usually the Goan region.

*****Revised reprint from: LESSA, Almerindo, A História e os Homens da Primeira República Democrática do Oriente, Biologia e Sociologia de uma Ilha Cívica, Macau, Imprensa Nacional, 1974, chap. 3—Portuguese edition of: L'Histoire et les Hommes de la Première République Democratique de l'Orient. Anthropobiologie et Anthroposociologie de Macao (The History and Men of the First Democratic Republic in the Orient. Anthropobiology and anthroposociology of Macao), 1974, the author's Ph. D dissertation Thesis.

NOTES

1 PINTO, Fernão Mendes, Peregrinaçam, Porto, Portucalense, 1945, chap. 116, p. 143

2 OSÓRIO, Jerónimo, Da Vida e Feitos d' El Rei D. Manuel, XII. Livros Dedicados ao Cardeal D. Henrique seu Filho por Jeronymo Osorio, Bispo de Sylves: Vertidos em Portuguez pelo Padre Francisco Manoel do Nascimento, Lisboa, Na Impressão Régia por Ordem Superior1804, p.215.

3 Fernão Mendes Pinto's references to the sexual habits of the Chinese, make him, along with Duarte Barbosa (Livro em que dá relação do que viu e ouviu no Oriente), Garcia de Resende (Miscelanea) and Dom Francisco Manuel de Melo (Epanáfora Amorosa), one of the founders of comparative sexology.

To psychologise the Chinese Ming dynasty (a work which is still to be done), one must also consult hundreds of drawings scattered all over the world. G. Gulik gives an account of these drawings in Australia (University of Sydney and the King George's Hospital, both in Sydney), in Belgium (University of Louvain, Louvain), in France (the Sorbonne, the National Library, and the Guimet Museum, all in Paris), in Britain (Universities of Cambridge, London, and Oxford; and the British Museum, and the School of Oriental and African Studies, both in London), in Germany (Universities of Bonn, Hamburg, and Munich), in Holland (Universities of Amsterdam, and Utrech; the Royal Library, The Hague; and the Leiden Museum, Leiden), India (International Academy of Indian Culture, and the Central Library of Archeology, both in New Delhi; and the Museum of the State of Baroda, Vadodara), in Italy (Italian Institute for the Middle East, Rome), in Sweden (Museum of Oriental Antiquities, Stockholm), in Switzerland (Anthropos Institute, Fribourg), and in the United States of America (Universities of California/Los Angeles, Chicago, Columbia, Harvard, Michigan, Seattle/Washington, Stanford, and Yale; the Fine Arts Museum, Boston; the Psychoanalysis Institute, Chicago; Institute for Sexual Research of the University of Indiana, Indiana; Metropolitain Museum, New York; and the Library of Congress, and the Arts Gallery, both in Washington). I may add that they can also be found in Portugal at the BNL (Biblioteca Nacional de Lisboa — Secção de Reservados, Lisboa (Lisbon National Library, Lisbon)], and the BSGL [Biblioteca da Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa, Lisboa (Library of the Geography Society of Lisbon, Lisbon)].

4 LINSCHOTEN, Jan Huygen van, Voyage ofte Schipveert van J. H. v. L. naer Cost Oft Portugaels Indien, Amsterdam, 1591 [3rd edition: Amsterdam, Evert Cloppenburgh, 1638].

5 STORCK, Wilhelm, VASCONCELOS, Carolina Michaelis de, annot., Vida e Obras de Luís de Camões, Lisboa, Academia Real das Sciências, 1897, p.583.

6 TEIXEIRA, Manuel, Macau e a sua Diocese, 16 vols, Macau, Tipografia do Orfanato Salesíano & etc., 1940-1979, vol. III, 1937, pp. 221-226 — The number of Luso-Japanese must have been high and some made ecclesiastic studies in Macao, like Pedro Marques S. J. (Nagasaki °1575-†165?), who introduced the Gospel in the island of Hainan and preached in Japan. It is not knows if he apostatized under torture.

7 Personal reference of Fr. Benjamim Videira Pires.

8 TCHEONG-U-Lam - IAM-Kuong-Iam, GOMES, Luís Gonzaga, trans., Ou Mun Kei Leok. Monografia de Macau de Tcheong-U-Lam e Iam-Kuong-Iam, traduzido do chinês para português, Macau, Imprensa Nacional, 1950 [reprint:: TCHEONG-ü-Lam - IAN-Kuong-Iâm, Ou-Mun Kei-Leok: Monografia de Macau, (Edição da Quinzena de Macau [...], Lisboa) Macau, [Leal Senado] Tipografia Martinho, 1979].

9 SODRÉ, N. Wernek, Introdução à Revolução Brasileira, Rio de Janeiro, 1963, p. 157.

10 PEREIRA, João Feliciano Marques, Cancioneiro musical crioulo: Cantilenas macaistas, in "Ta-Ssi-Yang-Kuo: arquivos e Anais do Extremo-Oriente Português", 4 vols., Lisboa, Antiga Casa Bertrand-José Bastos, 1899-1904, vol. I, pp. 239-243 (I Parodia à Bastiana) + vol. II, pp. 703-707 (II Quadras Populares), p.704; BATALHA, Graciete, Estado actual do dialecto macaense, in "Revista Portuguesa de Filologia", Coimbra, Faculdade de Letras da Universidade - Instituto de Estudos Românicos, 9 (1/ 2) 1958, pp. 177-213 —The author found in the 'creole' of Shanghai another version:

"Ramalhete fêito

Na ponta do lenço

Que càzá cõ preto

Te grande sintimento."

11 SOUSA, Francisco de, Oriente Conquistado A Jesu Christo Pelos Padres da Companhia de Je∫u da Provincia de Goa / Primeyra Parte / naqual Be contèm os primeyros vinte, & dous annos de∫ta Província ordenada pelo Padre Francisco de Sousa Religio∫o da me∫ma Companhia de Jesus, and, Oriente Conquistado A Jesu Christo Pelos Padres da Companhia de Je∫u da Provincia de Goa / Segunda Parte / na qual ∫e contèm o que ∫e obrou de∫do anno de 1564 atè o anno de 1584 ordenada Pelo Padre Francisco de Sousa Religio∫o da me∫ma Companhia de Jesus, Lisboa, Na officina de Valentim da Costa Deslandes, 1710 — Such is the author's reference about the Kaffir slave that Fr. Alessandro Valignani had with him in 1579. However this was only a new fact to that generation, for the Chinese Empire had already had black slaves.

Also see: The importation of negro slaves to China under the Tang dynasty (618-907AD), in "Bulletin of the Catholic University of Beijing", Beijing, (59) 1930, pp.7-37.

12 DIEGUES JR. Manuel, Regiões Culturais do Brazil, Rio de Janeiro, 1960, p. 195 —"[...] generally descended from settlers of Neolithic culture, who were primordially associated with Brazilian Indians and displaing mongoloid somatic features and cultural features of the secondary cycles. They knew the use of boats, bows and arrows, and they fished. To these cultural frames was added, juxtoposed or superimposed the Portuguese element."

13 FERREIRA, António Fialho, Relaçam da viagem, que por ordem de S. Mg. e fez A. L. L., deste Reino a cidade de Macau na China: e felicissima aclamação de S. M. El Rei Nosso Senhor Dom João IV, que Deos guarde, na mesma cidade, e parte do Sul, (Lisboa, 1643), in BOXER, Charles Ralph, Macau na Época da Restauração. Macau three hundred years ago, Macau, Imprensa Nacional, 1942, pp. 105-112 — The author mentions the existence in Macao of negroes escaped from Batavia.

14 CORREIA, Gaspar, Lendas da India publicadas de ordem da Classe de Sciencias Moraes, Politicas e Bellas Lettrasda Academia Real das Sciencias de Lisboa, de Rodrigo José de Lima Felner, 8 vols., Lisboa, Typographia da Academia Real das Sciencias, 1856-1866.

15 CASTANHEDA, Fernão Lopes de, AZEVEDO, Pedro de, rev. and annot., História do Descobrimento e Conquista da India pelos Portugueses, 4 vols., Coimbra, Imprensa da Universidade, 1924.

16 BARBOSA, Duarte, op. cit., Livro em que dá relação do que viu e ouviu no Oriente, Lisboa, Agência Geral das Colónias, 1946, p.204.

Born in brother-in-law of Fernão de Magalhães and like him assassinated by the savages (Lisbon, °1480- +Cebu, 1520). His book, first published in Italian included in Giovanni Battista Ramusio, Delle Navigagatione et viagi, Venezia, 1556, pp. 287-323, was first published in Portuguese in Mendo Trigoso, Collecção de Notícias para a História e Geografia das Nações Ultramarinas, 2 vols., Lisboa, Real Academia das Sciencias, 1818, vol. 2, pp. 231-392.

17 WICKI, Josef, S. J., ed., Documenta Indica [...], in "Monumenta Historica Societatis Iesu", 18 vols, Roma, 1948-1988.

18 BATALHA, Graciete, Lingua de Macau: o que foi e o que é, in: "Notícias de Macau", Macau, 11 (221-234), 25 Maio [May], 1-29 Junho [June], 6-27 Julho [July], 3,24 Agosto [August] 1958, pp. 4-5 [reprint: Macau, Centro de Informação e turismo, 1974]; MILNER, J. L. Hart, Gramática prática da lingua portuguesa, Macau, 1883, VASCONCELLOS, Joaquim Leite de, Sur le dialecte portugais à Macao. Exposé d'un mémoire destiné à la 10éme session du Congrès International des Orientalistes, Lisboa, Sociedade de Geografia, 1892.

The influence of Chinese vocabulary seems in general to be weak. So much so, that although China had established early relations with Malay and Javanese people, it left very few words among them. The reasons for this were the difference of race and religion, the close and proud character of the Chinese, the real discrepancies between the 'spirits' of those languages and, above all, the contrast between the complexity of the Chinese language and the simplicity and clarity of the Malay language. See, for this matter MARRE, A., De l'introduction de termes chinois dans le vocabulaire des Malais, in "Mélanges Charles de Halez", Leyden, 1896, pp. 188-193; and Malais et Chinois; coup d'~$oeil sur les relations mutuelles anterieurement à l'arrivée des Portugais dans les Indes Orientales, in "Mélanges Charles de Halez", Leyden, 1896.

Also see: BARBOSA, J. Morais, A Língua Portuguesa de Macau, in "Colóquios sobre as Províncias Portuguesas do Oriente", 2 vols., Lisboa, 1968, vol. 2, pp. 147-157 — the author thinks that the 'construction' of the Macanese dialect suffered a strong influence from that of the Cape Verde Islands, an opinion I do not share considering their scarce demographic presence.

Also, in 1871 J. Adolfo Coelho's research on the Romance and Neo-Lation dialects of Africa, Asia and America, included the Macanese dialect.

19 Information orally supplied by Luís Gonzaga Gomes.

20 VIEGAS, Arthur, Ribeiro Sanches e os Jesuítas. Amigo ou inimigo?, in "Revista de Hist6ria", 9 (36), p.264 — Letter dated 10th of May 1737.

21 BOCARRO, Ant6nio, PEREIRA, B. de Bragança, pub. and annot., Livro das Plantas de Todas as Fortalezas, Cidades e Povoações do Estado da Índia Oriental (1608-1699), in "Arquivo Português Oriental", Lisboa, vol. II, tom. IV. part. 2, 1940, pp. 32-52.

22 MUNDY, Peter, The Travels of Peter Mundy in Europe and Asia (16081667), 5 vols., London, The Hakluyt Society, 1907-1936, vol. 3, part 2, pp. 156-316.

See: BOXER, Charles Ralph, Macau na época da restauração (Macao Three Hundred Years Ago), Imprensa Nacional, 1942, pp. 53-75 [reprint: in "Obras Completas de Charles Ralph Boxer", vol. 2, Odivelas, Charles-Ralph Boxer - Fundação Oriente, 1993] — For a description of Macao in 1637.

Also see: Bodleian Library, Oxford: MS Revol., A. 315 — For Peter Mundy's original manuscript.

23 RIBEIRO, Luciano, Uma geografia quinhentista, in "Studia", Lisboa, (7) 1961, pp. 151-318 — Of an anonymous geography written between 1540 and 1570 in the Archive of the Marquis of Fronteira, Lisbon, which the author supposes to have been used by João de Barros, if not written by himself.

24 BPADE [Biblioteca Pública e Arquivo Distrital de Évora, Évora (Evora Public Library and Regional Archive, Evora)]: MS, CV/2, fol. 75 L.27.

25 SOUSA, Francisco de, op. cit.

26 HAMILTON, Alexander, A New Account of the East Indies, Edinburgh, 1727.

27 SOARES, José Caetano, Macau e a assistência. Panorama médico-social, Lisboa, Agência Geral das Colónias, 1950, p.28.

28 TEIXEIRA, Manuel, Os Macaenses, Macau, Imprensa Nacional, 1965.

29 MUNDY, Peter, op. cit., pp. 51-75.

30 PINTO, Fernão Mendes, op. cit., vol. 7, bk. 221, p.60.

31 CRUZ, Gaspar da, Tratado em que se cõtam muito por extêso as cousas da China, cõ suas particularidades e assi reino dormuz, cõposto por el R. padre frey Gaspar da Cruz da orde de Sam Domingos, Évora, 1569, p. 132. [2nd edition: Tractado em que contam muito por estenso as cousas da China com as suas particularidades e assi do reyno Dormuz composto por el R. Padre Frey Gaspar da Cruz Ordem de Sam Domingos Diri∫gido ao muito poderoso Rey Dom Sebastam nosso Señor impresso com licença 1569 segunda edição Lisboa na Typographia Rollandiana 1829].

32 SEMEDO, Álvaro, GOMES, Luís Gonzaga, trad., Relação da Grande Monarquia da China do Pe. Álvaro Semedo, 2 vols., Macau, Notícias de Macau, 1956, vol. 1, part 5, p.70.

Written ca 1737 and printed for the first time in 1643.

33 PIRES, Tomé, Summa Oriental, London, Hakluyt Society, 1944, p.393.

34 GOMES, Luís Gonzaga, História de Macau, chap. 20 [Unpublished]; PALHA, J. António Filipe de Moraes, De Portugal a Macau atravéz da História, Macau, Typographia Mercantil de N. T. Fernandes e Filhos, 1929, p. 109.

35 Verse collected by Graciete Batalha in 1962.

See: BATALHA, Graciete, Aspectos do Folklore de Macau, in "Boletim do Instituto Luís de Camões, Macau 2 (2) 1968, pp. 5-12 — "[...] four verses and working through three words a whole synthesis of what Macao has been: with the words mogarim and canarim they tell us about the strong presence of Cape Verde and the Portuguese India of long ago and with the hybrid word tancareira they bring us the Macao we know today."

Also see: The comments of the Count of Ficalho to Garcia da Orta's Colóquios mention" mogarim" [or Port.: mogorim] (a kind of Japanese rose) as the name of a flower with which the Indian women adorned thenselves, and "tancaréra" [or Port.: tancareira] (tanca boat woman) as the name for the women working in Chinese boats.

36 IRIA, Alberto, Da Navegação Portuguesa no Índico no século XVII, Lisboa, Centro de Estudos Históricos Ultramarinos, 1963, p.63 — For the reproduction of a Petição (Petition) made by António Fialho Ferreira to the King Dom João IV kept in the AHU [Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino, Lisboa (Overseas Historical Archives, Lisbon)]: MS, India, 1641.

37 BOXER, Charles Ralph, op. cit. — For the reproduction of instructions by the Dutch Governor-General in Batavia, Jan Pieterszoon to Admiral Kornelis Reyerszoon.

38 GRAAF, H. J. de, Le role du "Pasisir" Javanais (Côte Septentrionale) dans les échanges entre l'Europe et les Moluques, in "Studia", Lisboa, (11) 1963, pp. 413-462. Also see: MASSELMAN, George, The Cradle of Colonialism, London, 1963 — On Dutch expansionism in Southeast Asia and the history of the Vereenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie.

39 Nederl. Kolon. Arch., Dan Haag: MS, Macau, 556-567 — "As for commerce, the inhabitants sail during the monsoon season, being most of them Chinese on their way to Manila. However, only the Portuguese sail to Japan, for they know the tides and the currents, taking their manufacturas (goods), raw white silk, cotton and sisal clothes, porcelanas (china) and other fine articles: vermillion, mercury, plumb and tin alloy or tintumago, alum and several other materials. They [the Chinese?] sail to Manila in three or four navetas (small ships) or junks in April, with the Southern monsoon, returning normally in the month of October. Those [the Portuguese?] from Macao sail [to Manila] in five or six small ships around the middle of July, and afterwards to Japan returning in the month of November with the Northern monsoon. They return bringing only silver, and each one of the men brings home some laquer and silver works and other vital articles.

Allowed on this voyage to Japan are only those who are designated by the conselho (Council), whose names are written in lists posted at the comers of the main streets. If someone wishes to give a commission to those designated persons, this is also written announced in the posted lists; a commission of five per cent being paid to the adventurer for salaries and provisions, and when he permanece (stays) in Japan he receives two per cent for the silver. Until the year of 1630, the voyage's concession was not open to private persons, but only by the Members of the Council of the city of Maco, whose benefits or money received in advance were used in the payments of the city's soldiers and in the conservation of its fortifications. A man called Lopez Carmiente Canavallo [sic] having sailed to Goa, requested from the Viceroy the permission to be the only one allowed to make the voyage during three consecutive years, also establishing with the Viceroy that without his order, no one was allowed to sail to Japan or to Manila. This brought him a great profit. And because these matters are now the King's exclusive responsibility, and not of the city of Macao, the profits are not as big as they were in the past — after those three years the Viceroy sent there a Superintendent of the Royal Goods.

In former times, two or three picos (piculs [a measure equivalent to sixty kilograms]) of silk were sent there every year in barcaças grandes (big ships). From the said city [Macao] sailed each year, navetas and junks, frigates and embarcações mais pequenas (smaller vessels) to Tonkin, Quinan, Xompa, Cambodia, Makasar, Solor, Timor and other places from where great profits were made although with great danger. In the year of 1631 a man called Antońio Lobo made this voyage to Makasar, with the King's permission, thinking of making a great amount of money. However, the inhabitants of Macao did not allow him to make that voyage alone, so that the authorization was not fulfilled, having each one of them the freedom to do it without paying any tribute to the King.

The Chinese Mandarin receives a port tax paid by the captain of every ship which berths; nevertheless merchants are exempt from it. Inside Macao, there are no manufactos (manufactures), nor are made articles of any kind, so everything which is needed for that voyage must be brought in junks from Guangzhou. For that purpose there are two annual mercados (trade fairs) there, which is when some merchants from Macao are given the task of buying goods for themselves and others, and placing orders for the next fair of manufactures and products they judge necessary, because sometimes they stay there as long as four or five months. Noone else is allowed here [Guangzhou] except the Comissioners appointed, who embark in large open ships called lanteias of three-hundred to four-hundred lastens ([a measure roughly equivalent to two tons]), which have a walking platform in the middle like the galleys. These ships never sail far from the rivers [onto open sea] and in each holds are stored all kinds of products which are carried covered with straw mats which are made in Guagzhou. The Commissioners prepare their own cabins and berths on board the lanteias for they must remain recolhidos (on board) during their transactions there. They take silver and bring artifacts, earning a two per cent profit. The reason why the Portuguese do not buy or rent houses in Guangzhou is due to the fact that, although the Chinese have a cowardly nature, they are in their own land fearless and ill-disposed, and so, to avoid problems the Portuguese stay in their boats. When they arrive in the neighbourhood of Guangzhou they tie the lanteias to a small island and they anchor in the river, facing the city, in which there is a fine and big pagoda with a high staircase, from where they take a present to the Viceroy, or in his absence to the Governor, as it was established according to an ancient custom; and the amount is not less then four-thousand reais, and sometimes more, only to obtain permission for free commerce. Once obtained, they give their money to the [Chinese] merchants so that the weavers get their looms and tools ready; they negociate the products they want, and following these contracts they ask permission to organize a public market, offering presents again. The purpose of this licence is for every Chinese who has something to sell, be it silk, silk articles or other goods, to be allowed to bring them and trade them freely on that island, trying in that way to fill completely the lanteias, which usually are two. When these are loaded, they [the Portuguese] must ask permission to leave, which is the most difficult and trying of all, because it is not permitted to sail down river without a seal from the Viceroy, who knowing that it is time to sail back to Macao, postpone matters and makes up excuses: now he is sick, and can not receive anyone; then he is away amusing himself at his pleasure house. Thus he forces them to stay until they present him [a present of] an equal amout, which totals eight-thousand reais, besides smaller gifts. In addition, on their way down river, near a place called Antan, their lanteias have to go through [Chinese] customs. They sail constantly in convoy with some Chinese boats of ten oars called choas which have two rowers [per oar] each and around twenty soldiers. There might be between ten and twenty choas and more if there is danger.

There is also a daily traffic of small Chinese boats called berchas (or riscos (lit.: risk), as they sail at their own responsibility) which, if denounced or caught, would have their crew killed without mercy, for it is not allowed to sail without the 'chiap', the imposto régio (royal tax) [sic].

In this city of Macao there are some excellent shops as well as a great number of Chinese that go from house to house with bales of cloth and silk, to sell them; and when they know that a foreigner has arrived with silver they immediately seek him to sell their merchandise in such a number an do so diligently that it is necessary to use force to throw them out of the house, for they are a nation with a greed for money and always looking for profit.

Finally one must say that Macao can be considered the best, the richest sand the strongest city in the area of the Índico (Índies) [sic], due to its trade of gold, fine silver, white raw silk, uncountable artifacts and golden cloth, pearls, rubies, musk, mercury, plumb and tin alloy ortintumago, fine porcelains, Chinese roots, rhubarb, etc."

40 Jan Huygen von Linschoten (Harleem, °1563-†1611) was the one to show the Dutch ways to the Far East, giving them the maps that in Lisbon, in Goa, in Macao and in the Azores he had managed to take from the Portuguese. He was in Seville when unwisely the Archbishop Fonseca took him as his secretary to Goa. There he misappropriated the Government's secrets, maps and other navigation documents. When Linschoten returned to Holland, in 1589, still less than thirty year's old and having had more than twelve adventures he had collected travel observations, true navigation logs with descriptions of native uses and habits, corographies, charts of land and sea, travel guide-books and navigation calculations. These he published in Amsterdam, in 1591 (Voyage ofte Schipveert van Jan Huygen von Linschoten naer Cost Oft Portugaels Indien) and were translated to English and German, in 1599 to Latin (Navigatio ac Itinerarium in Orientalem sive Lusitanorum Indiam), and in 1610 and 1619 to French (Histoire de la Navigation de Jean-Huges de Linschoten Hollandais aux Indes Orientales contenant diverses Descriptions des lieux jusque a present decouverts par les portugais).

After the famous Voyage [...] he published in Holland, in 1596, (Reys-Geschrift van de Navigaten der Portugalosers in Orienten inhoudende de Zeevaert soo van Portugael naer Oost Indien weder naer Portugael), disclosing many more Portuguese maritime secrets. In another edition of 1638 the Portuguese routes were expressely shown.

The interest that Linschoten books aroused in Europe may be measured by the number of editions that followed, both in Holland and in France. His drawings proved so exact, that comparing them with the modern drawings, Albert Kammerer was able to locate many doubtful places mentioned by the Portuguese historians and further complete the history of the Portuguese navigations to China.

See: PARR, MacKew, The Dutch Marco Polo, New York, 1964 — For Linschoten's spirit of adventure.

Also see: BARASSIN, J., Jean Huygen Linschoten, in "Studia", Lisboa, (11) 1963, pp. 251-255; POST, H.. Howens, J. H. van Linshoten administrador da casa do Arcebispo de Goa e espião da Holanda: 1538-1587, in "Ocidente", Lisboa, 58 (263) 1960, pp. 123-130 — Among the Portuguese bibliographies on the author and his Itinerary.

41 Bijdragen tot Taal — Land — en Volkenkunde van het Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal, Land en Volvenkunde, B. K. I., 48:598.

42 DE JONG, Opkounst, II, 243.

43 VALENKYN, Tsjina, IV, 5.

44 GUERREIRO, Fernão, Relaçam annual, Lisboa, 1605 [reprint: Coimbra, 1931, vol. 2, p.9]; BNP [Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris (National Library, Paris]: MS, Collection Dupuy: cod. 39, 1. °, 124,134—Relation de la Victoire réemportée par les Hollandais sur les Portugais aux Indes orientales, prés de Malaca, 1616.

45 CAETANO, Marcelo, Portugal e a Internacionalizaçãodos Problemas Africanos. Da Liberdade dos Mares às Nações Unidas, Lisboa, Ática, 1963, p. l.

46 GROENVELT, W. P., De Nederladers en China: 1601-1621, La Hague, 1898, pp. l 11-19.

47 BPADE: MS Res., 346-367.

48 BOXER, Charles Ralph, Breve Relação da vida e feitos de Lopo e Inácioo Sarmento de Carvalho, grandes capitães que no século XVII honraram Portugal no Oriente, Macau, Imprensa Nacional, 1940.

49 BOXER, Charles Ralph, A derrota dos Holandeses em Macau no am de 1622, Macau, 1838.

50 Acta do Leal Senado (Proceedings of the Senate): Rellação da vitória q' a Cidade de Macao na China teve dos Hollandeses aos 24 de Junho no anno de 1622 e foi tresladado no anno de 1754:

"Twenty-three boats carrying armed men attempted to rout the few Portuguese who were waiting for them: sixty to eighty Portuguese and a meagre one-hundred boys and local men barely protected by a sandy valley, escaped to the city. As two-hundred men carried the artillery ashore. the others marched over the city. It was then that the church bells rang. Father Rho shot a large gun from St. Paul's Hill as well as smaller ones, and they were attacked by ours with such precision that they ran away in disorder to the boats, where one-hundred of them drowned trying to embark. Others killed while fighting with the troops on the beach. Finally were these escaped, leaving three-hundred dead behind, drowned and wounded: and "[...] the number of dead would have been higher if the Kaffirs and servants had not been so occupied beheading ansd striping those who had fallen, as they did in honour of St. John the Baptist, in which day the heretics lay dead on the battlefield". The spoil they left was also big, including artillery, flags, drums and around one-thousand weapons."

51 FREYRE, Roberto, Casa Grande e Senzala, 2 vols., Lisboa, Livros do Brasil, 1958, vol. 2, pp. 478,558 — for a Dutch quotation of 1645: "[..] moradores, mulatten, mamluquen, brazilien, alls negros [...]" ("[...] residents, mulattos, mamelukes, brazilians, all black [...]").

52 The community of St. Paul's did not have fixed staff. However it is possible that there was an average of forty to sixty Jesuits in the College and Seminary of St. Paul's works, besides others in transit to Japan and other "friendly kingdoms".

53 CORTEZÃO, Jaime, PERES, Damião, lit. dir., História de Portugal, 7 vols + 1 suppl., Barcelos, Portucalense Editora, 1928-1954, vol. 3, p.382.

54 "The Chinese Repository", Macau - Canton - Hongkong, (1)1832, p.370.

55 BPADE: Cod. CXVI, 2, fol. 225-5 — Listra de la jente efectiva que ay em esta Cidade assy vesinos como extravagantes, forasteros, e gente de la tierra. Anno 1625.

56 BOCARRO, António, FELNER, Rodrigo José de Lima, dir., Década 13 da História da India. Composta por Antonio Bocarro chronista d'aquelle estado publicada por ordem da Classe de Sciencias Moraes, Politicas e Bellas Letras da Academia Real das Sciencias de Lisboa, 2 vols, Lisboa, Typographia da Academia Real das Sciencias, 1876.

57 BPADE: Cod. CKV, 2, 1 fol. 159-Atlas Bocarros (Bocarro Atlas).

58 BPADE: Cod. CV, 2, 7B.

59 "Surrounded by walls; it has three hills with four forts built on them, as in a triangle. The most important and strongest of these castles is called São Paulo (St. Paul) where General Antońio de Mascarenhas, who was at that time Captain-Major of the city lived. It has thirty-four pieces of artillery, all of metal, the smallest one of which can shoot twenty-four inches of iron. The second fort, called Nossa Senhora da Penha de França (Our Lady of Penha de França) has a small chapel inside it with six pieces of eight inches of iron. The third fort, Nossa Senhora da Guia (Our Lady of Guia), is built on the outside; it offers no special advantage apart from the fact that the hill is taller than the rest; it has four to five artillery pieces. It also has a chapel inside. From these hills and forts the city is allerted with bells whenever a ship is sighted; the same is done when, from do forte ou monte de Nossa Senhora (lit.: Our Lady's fort or mount), any sail is seen. Besides this, the city has four lower forts, three of which are located on the water's edge, and one on land. The first one is called São Tiago da Barra (Santiago), where the ships board; it is solid and beautiful; seen from the distance it looks like another town, because of its buildings and soldiers' barracks; it has a fortification on top, to be used as shelter. Here one finds sixteen heavy pieces, of which five are very large to shoot stones. The rest are of twenty-four inches of iron. Inside this fort there is still another fortification with high walls and six long range pieces. All the ships and junks that want to enter this port must necessarily pass by this fort within a distasnce of sixty feet because the Portuguese closed all other entrances, so as to take them in safety to this place. To the Captain of the main fort is given the command, by the King or in his name, which cannot be taken away by the General, unless in the Captain's absence or for a short period of timer, and for that he must wait for the King's approval. The platform is located on the south side.

The second fort, called Nossa Senhora do Bomparto (Our Lady of Bomparto), located on the southwest, has eight metal pieces and is on the side of the Penha de França hill. At about a distance of half a musket's shot there is a gunpowder factory which supplies this cannon. From this place begins a half circle which serves as a sea dike, with an embankment in the middle on which in time of danger three artillery pieces can be set. It is surrounded on the outside by a wall, however not very tall, which goes as far as another fort called São Francisco (St. Francis). This seaside area between the two forts is full of beautiful and fine buildings. At the nearby beach there is the wood market.

The third fort of São Francisco is bigger than Nossa Senhora do Bomparto and is equipped with twelve pieces. Part of this fort goes far into the sea. In the year 1632 it was built on the basis of this a platform, on which was set a gun which fired forty-eight inches of iron which could reach the end of Kaclean [sic], an island about one-and-a-half miles from there. This fort stretches its walls inland, marking the end of the city on the side of the sea.

The fourth fort, known as São João (St. John) stretches in the direction of the land. There are three pieces near the land gate, called of São Lázaro (St. Lazarus), and this wall goes over the hill until the fort of São Paulo from where it continues to a Jesuit convent [College and Seminary]. Behind it there is a group of decent houses with thick, strong walls, to protect it from the sea, for there is still a tongue of land, with reefs, on which a gun can be set if necessary — but in case of draught this is not necessary because big ships are unable to reach it."

60 BM (British Museum, London): MS 28.461 Eg. 1646,164 - Relação nominal dos Sacerdotes que se encontravam no Império da China em o anno de 1668 a quem os Portugueses devem a sua estabilidade na Península de Macao e por isso de eterna recordação — In total they were thirty men of six different nationalities: eight Italians, six French, five Portuguese, four Dutch, and two Germans.

61 BM: MS 28,461 Eg. 1646, 164 - Relação da Fortaleza, poder e trato com os chinas, que os olandeses tem na Ilha Formosa dada por Salvador Diaz natural de Macao, que lá esteve cativo e fugio em huma soma em Abril do anno de mil e seiscentos e vinte e seis.

62 GLAMANN, Kristoff, Dutch-Asiatic Trade: 1620-1740, The Hague, 1958, pp. 230-231.

63 Relação Universal do que sucedeo em Portugal, e mais Províncias do Occidente e Oriente, desde mes de Março de 625 até todo Setembro de 626, Contém muitas particularidades e curiosidades, Ordenada por Francisco d'Abreu natural da Cidade de Lisboa. Com todas as licenças necessárias, Braga, p.7.

64 GLAMANN, Kristoff, op. cit., pp. 230-231.

65 BPADE: Cod. CXV, 2, 1 fol. 159L. 13.

66 BPADE: Cod. CV, 2, fol. 751.

67 BM: Add. MS, 20.875.

68 ARNAIZ, Eusébio, NEVES, Artur Augusto, trans., Macau Mãe das Missões no Extremo Oriente, Offprint of "Boletim Eclesiástico da Diocese de Macau", Macau, 1957, p.39.

69 Numerous authors mentions its splendour and riches. See: KAEMPFER, Engelbert, History of Japan; NUNES, José da Costa, Conferência sobre o Padroado Português do Oriente, Lisboa, Sociedade Nacional de Tipografia, 1922; SILVA, A. Eduardo da, Ph. D Dissertation form the Instituto Politécnico de Estudos Ultramarinos (Technical Institute of Overseas Studies) — The author mentions COUTO, Diogo de, Diálogo do Soldado Prático, Lisboa, 1970, p. 155: "Podiam-se carregar os navios com pães de ouro [...] " ("The ships could be loaded with loafs of gold [...]).

70 AHU (Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino, Lisboa) (Overseas Historical Archive, Lisbon): MS, India, papeis avulsos (separate papers) - Carta do Vicerei Dom António de Melo e Castro ao Rei Dom Afonso VI, 1666.

71 IRIA, Alberto, op. cit., pp. 175-176 — Where the author mentions the Observations géographiques sur le voyage de François Pyrard, par P. Duval géographe du Roi de France (1666).

DU HALDE, Jean-Baptiste, S. J., Descrition Géographique, Historique, Chronologique, Politique, Et Physique De L'Empire de la Chine et de la Tartarie Chinoise, Enrichie Des Cartes Générales et Particulieres de ces Pays, de la Carte générale & des Cartes particulieres du Thibet, & de la Corée; ornée d'un grand nombre de Figures et de Vigne- / tes gravées en Taille-douce, 4 vols., A La Haye, Chez Henri Scheuleer, 1736, vol. 1, p.234.

73 BNL: MS, Memórias de Macau, II, fol. 157vo.

74 Acta do Leal Senado (Proceedings of the Senate), 24th of September 1773.

75 Inventaire des Archives de la Ville de Bruges, 1876, vol. 4, pp. 407, 508.

76 SEVERIN, L. Gilliodts van, Cartulaire de l'Ancienne Estaple de Bruges, Bruges, 104, vol. 3, pp. 707-708.

77 Actas do Leal Senado (Proceedings of the Senate), 10th of October 1919, and 31st of August 1920.

The Portuguese commerce lost even one of its best supports. Thus, in Bruges, where since 1200 the Portuguese sold skins, honey, wax, leather, grain, olive oil, figs, grapes and since 1387 had the benifice of a Safeconduct (in 1411 the Portuguese merchants loaned to the city, which was at war, large sums of money and received from it a Letter of Privilege with forty-eight Articles; and in 1438 Philip of Bruges granted the Portuguese the right to establish a Consulate) will loose its interest in Portuguese commerce. Bruges still bought from the Portuguese, salt, fruit, sugar and certain products from Brazil, but it was already trying to establish their own Company for the trade with the East.

78 Acta do Leal Senado (Proceedings of the Senate), 26th of February 1728.

79 Acta do Leal Senado (Proceedings of the Senate), 18th of August 1728.

80 Acta do Leal Senado (Proceedings of the Senate), 31 st of January 1773.

81 Acta do Leal Senado (Proceedings of the Senate), 30th of March 1770.

82 Actas do Leal Senado (Proceedings of the Senate), 6th of August 1731, and 9th of December 1733

83 Acta do Leal Senado (Proceedings of the Senate), 24th of March 1733.

84 Acta do Leal Senado (Proceedings of the Senate), 24th of December 1732.

85 Acta do Leal Senado (Proceedings of the Senate), 5th of January 1737.

86 Acta do Leal Senado (Proceedings of the Senate), 24th of September 1773.

87 Acta do Leal Senado (Proceedings of the Senate), 31th of December 1733.

88 Acta do Leal Senado (Proceedings of the Senate), 9th of January 1735.

89 Acta do Leal Senado (Proceedings of the Senate), 19th of October 1735.

90 Acta do Leal Senado (Proceedings of the Senate), 25th of October 1773.

90 Actas do Leal Senado (Proceedings of the Senate), 20th of September 1713, and 24th of September 1713.

91 Acta do Leal Senado (Proceedings of the Senate), 24th of September 1773.

92 Acta do Leal Senado (Proceedings of the Senate), 6th of October 1734.

93 Acta do Leal Senado (Proceedings of the Senate), 6th of September 1741.

94 Acta do Leal Senado (Proceedings of the Senate), 5th of November 1733.

95 Acta do Leal Senado (Proceedings of the Senate), 6th of January 1740.

96 Acta do Leal Senado (Proceedings of the Senate), 3rd of January 1740.

97 Acta do Leal Senado (Proceedings of the Senate), 4th of January 1739.

98 Acta do Leal Senado (Proceedings of the Senate), 28th of December 1727.

99 Acta do Leal Senado (Proceedings of the Senate), 16th of October 1723.

100 Acta do Leal Senado (Proceedings of the Senate), 24th of September 1773.

101 Acta do Leal Senado (Proceedings of the Senate), 23rd of December 1711.

102 Acta do Leal Senado (Proceedings of the Senate), 14th of October 1733.

103 Acta do Leal Senado (Proceedings of the Senate), 19th of December 1742.

104 Acta do Leal Senado (Proceedings of the Senate), 20th of April 1744.

105 Acta do Leal Senado (Proceedings of the Senate), 12th of October 1690.

106 Acta do Leal Senado (Proceedings of the Senate), 21st of May 1713.

107 Actas do Leal Senado (Proceedings of the Senate), 8th of July 1752, 6th of November 1752, and 31st of December 1752.1773.

108 Acta do Leal Senado (Proceedings of the Senate), 6th of April 1752.

109 Acta do Leal Senado (Proceedings of the Senate), 16th of September 1752, and the 12th of November 1767 — If in 1767 the commerce improves a little ("[...] this Republic has today its own funds, something which its ancesters did not managed to do [...]"), it was only for a very brief period.

110 BNL: MS, Memórias de Macau, II, fol. 102vo.

111 SILVEIRA, Luís, Ensaio de Iconografia das Cidades Portuguesas do Ultramar, in "Asia Próxima e Asia Extrema", Lisboa, III (n. d.), p. 459.

112 RIBEIRO, René, On the amaziado. Relationship and other problems of the family in Recife, in "American Society Review", (10) 1945, pp. 44-51.

113 Relacio del ilustre y glorioso martyrio de quatro Embajadores Portugueses de la ciudad de Macau con cinquenta y siéte christianos en la ciudad de Nagasaki del Reyno de Japon a tres de Agosto del ano de mil y seiscientos y quarenta, Manila, 1641 [reprinted in Lisbon in 1643 and 1650].

114 Acta do Leal Senado (Proceedings of the Senate), 10th of April 1685 - Lista de toda a gente q. partio p. a Japão na Fragata São Paulo, a levar os Japões, sem mais interesse q. o aor de Deos, e serviço de Sua Alteza, cabem comum desta Cidade do Nome de Deos de Macao. Partio em 13 de Junho de 1685 — A total of forty-seven people, married, widowers, bachelors, from the Metropolis and from Goa and Macao.

115 One of them, Antonio Baptista Lima, was the first Chinese to be sent with a scholarship to Goa and Batavia, at the expense of the Society of Jesus.

116 PINTO, Fernão Mendes, op. cit., Porto, Portucalense, 1945, chap. 91, pp. 81-83

117 AYRES, Christovam, Fernão Mendes Pinto. Subsídios para a sua biografia e para o estudo da sua obra. Com duas cartas e uma informação, de Fernão Mendes, inéditas; a reprodução de um antigo portulano portuguez representando Macau e mais ilhas do mar de Cantão, e três cartas geographicas originaes portuguesas do seculo XVII; e a indicação do roteiro da última viagem de Fernão Mendes de Goa ao Japão em 1554-1555, Lisboa, Typographia da Academia Real das Sciencias, 1904, pp. 1-10.

118 PELLIOT, Paul, in "T'ong Pao", (38) 1948, pp. 85-86, n.6.

119 SOUSA, Francisco de, op. cit., Part. 2, Conquista IV, p. ll.

120 Acta do Leal Senado (Proceedings of the Senate), 21st of May 1713.

121 The initiative for the first feminine convent belonged to the Captain António Fialho Ferreira, born in the city, which asked Manila to send six Clarist nuns. The convent was opened in 1633 and the first Macanese nun was António F. Ferreira's own daughter, "[..] beautiful and gentle [...]" as it is mentioned by F. Euzébio Arnaiz (Macau Mãe das Missões no Extremo Oriente, Offprint of "Boletim Eclesiástico da Diocese de Macau", Macau, 195).

122 FREITAS, Jose de Aquino Guimarães e, Memórias sobre Macau, Coimbra, Imprensa da Universidade, 1928 — The author occupying in Coimbra the post of Civilian Governor wrote in that opuscule... "[...] the city [of Macao], which is essential mercantile, employs in its maritime commerce a scarce portion of its inhabitants, so there is always a large number of vagabonds, which could be of some use to the Army [...]". It is curious to verify that the idea of a mercenary police is always a part of the city's concerns, for on the 11th of April 1823 there was an order from Goa discouraging the Senate of making a contract with a group of soldiers from Bengal (one-hundred Patacas each) and suggesting that it should rather invite the Macanese youth to join in.

123 On the 23rd of January 1733.

124 Ordens do Governo Superior de Goa (Orders from the High Government of Goa), 13th May 1745 - Sobre não ter lugar as ordens do Senado para que os Cap. dos Navios fossem occupados somente por Portugueses de Nação ou geração, e sobre a proibição d'uzar de cabeleiras e sombreiros aos que não fossem Portugueses, que não foi conforme."

125 GOMES. Luís Gonzaga, ed., Arquivo Histórico de Macau, in "Mosaico" 8 (44-46) Ab.-Jun. [April-June] 1954, pp. 42-68; 8 (47-49) Jul.-Set. [July-September] 1954, pp. 137-144, 9 (53-55) Jan.-Mar. [January-March] 1955, pp. 60-72 — Register of Chinese Documents.

126 JURUBASSA = JURU (expert, master) + BAHASA ( language). The term derives from the Malay-Javanese Juru bahasa.

It is in Cristóvão Vieira and Vasco Calvo that it is possible to find the oldest examples of the term jurubassa or jurubaça. Juribasso, mentioned by others, is an apocrif from, but in the records of the Leal Senado the form jerobaça also appears.

See: PELLIOT, Paul, op. cit., p.114, n.49.

127 In less than a century and a half — in fact, exactly one hundred and sixty one years — there was a conspicuous legislative progress. The Ordenações Flipinas (Philippine Ordinations) of 1553, Bk. 5, tit. 69, clearly forbade, under pain of prison, gypsies and people whose garnments, language and behaviour appeared to be Arab, Armenian, Greek, Persian or of any other nations under Turkish power, to enter the Kingdom.

128 The initiative preceded by half-a-century the national vaccination plans, which only on the 17th of August 1857 was ordered in Lisbon.

129 Governments of the Provinces of Guangdong and Guangxi confirmed part of these dispositions only in April 1910.

130 GOMES. Luís Gonzaga, ed., Arquivo Histórico de Macau, in "Mosaico", Macau, 6 (33-34) Maio-Jun. [May-June] 1953, pp. 83-131; pp. 124-125 — "[...] in your company I will quickly be able to restore the Empire. And when in power I will give you two or three Provinces [...]."

131 GOMES. Luís Gonzaga, ed., Arquivo Histórico de Macau, in "Mosaico", Macau, 7 (37-38) Set.-Out. [September-October] 1953, pp. 25-64 — Chinese Registers.

132 PINHEIRO, J. Xavier, Importação de Trabalhadores Chins. Memória Apresentada ao Governo Brasileiro, Rio de Janeiro, 1869, p.21.

* Graduate in Medicine from the Universidaded do Porto (Oporto University), Oporto. Ph. D in Sciences from the Université de Toulouse (University of Toulouse), Toulouse, with the Thesis dissertation: L'Histoire et les Hommes de la Première République Democratique de I'Orient. Anthropobiologie et Anthroposociologie de Macao (The History and Men of the First Democratic Republic in the Orient. Anthropobiology and anthroposociology of Macao). Bursar of the Instituto para a Alta Cultura (Institute for High Culture). Rector of the Universidade de Macau, Macao. Director, founder and correspondent of a number of Portuguese, Brazilian, French and Spanish periodicals on Medicine. Author of numerous articles and publications om Medicine, Anthropology, Literature and related topics.