THE RISE AND FALL OF THE PORTUGUESE LANGUAGE IN SRI LANKA

Sociologists use the term melting pot to describe a mixture of many different ethnic groups and cultures in the formation of a modern nation. In this view a people's strength comes from a combination of the special qualities of different minorities all melted down into a modern culture. Sri Lanka has from time immemorial been at the crossroads of various races seeking fortunes in the Indian Ocean. The Portuguese, who came to the East in the last decade of the fifteenth century, made a larger contribution to Sri Lanka's culture than any other of the many groups that set foot on this island since the arrival of the first Buddhist missionaries from India in the 3rd century B. C. Our attention in this article will be devoted mainly to the use of the Portuguese language in Sri Lanka.

The Portuguese were the dominating political power from about 1505 to 1658 in Sri Lanka. Until about 1530 their involvement in the country was limited to trade. When the two brothers of the Cawed dynasty quarrelled for the throne in 1530s, the Portuguese were able to get more closely involved in the political and cultural life of Sri Lanka. This involvement became vigorous after the death of Bhuvanekabahu Ⅶ in 1551. When the powerful Sitawaka kingdom collapsed after the death of King Rajasinha in 1594 the most prosperous and most populated area of the island came under their control. The Jaffna kingdom also came under Portuguese rule in 1619. Thereafter they ruled a large portion of the country, leaving only the independent Kingdom of Kandy in the hills of Sri Lanka, till they departed for the last time with the fall of Colombo in 1658 to the Dutch.

The Portuguese were the first European nation to rule Sri Lanka. Thereafter the Dutch and the English had their periods of rule in this country. Portuguese rule has made a lasting impression in Sri Lanka. The presence of a large Roman Catholic population today, amounting to about 7 percent of the total population, is a vestige of Portuguese rule. In addition to the religion of the Portuguese, their language also made a lasting impression in the country. Apart from the presence of several words of Portuguese origin in the contemporary Sinhala and Tamil languages, a Portuguese dialect was spoken in Sri Lanka till well into the twentieth century.

During the Portuguese period, the Portuguese language was introduced in several ways to the population of Sri Lanka. Since it was the language of the ruling class it naturally became the language of administration. The Portuguese authorities were not interested in learning local languages. There were no language academies in Portugal to equip their colonial officers with the indigenous languages of colonies. The Portuguese who dominated the affairs of the Estado da India felt superior to the locals and therefore were not willing to condescend to learning the language of the subjects in their colonies. They communicated with the people through interpreters. On the other hand the local people who came into contact with the Portuguese found it profitable to learn their language.

THE CASADOS

Viceroy Afonso de Albuquerque (1508-1515), recognized the problem of a shortage of manpower at an early stage. He sought to overcome this by encouraging the Portuguese to intermarry with the local population. Many Portuguese outposts in Portuguese Asia were inadequately manned. It was expected that the offspring of these marriages would create a population in the colonies loyal to the Portuguese crown. 1

These married settlers were known as casados, and lived in various towns and cities in Sri Lanka. Having married local women, they maintained close contact with the local population. Their neighbours, through intercourse with them, were able to acquire a knowledge of the Portuguese language during the Portuguese period in Sri Lanka. As a result there emerged a group of people in towns who had acquired a smattering of the Portuguese language. This was, however, not a language they had learnt from books or with the help of a teacher. They had only gained familiarity with the spoken language. This colloquial variety was a corrupted form of Portuguese, as among these casados there were Eurasians and mestizos in addition to the settlers from Portugal living in Sri Lanka. The second and third generation of the Portuguese descendents became more and more Ceylonised not only due to mixed marriages but also in their mental attitudes. They continued to use the Portuguese tongue in order to maintain their position as a race separate from the indigenous population and to identify themselves as the ruling class whether they were Portuguese, Dutch or English.

Among these casados the most prominent were the Portuguese soldiers. There were practically no Portuguese women in Sri Lanka. The men who were registered as soldiers moved freely between Portuguese establishments. There were Portuguese traders and merchants. The latter were clearly separated from public officials in Portuguese Asia. They were associated with trade conducted by the state and were allowed to carry a certain weight of commodities free of charge in Portuguese vessels. 2

All these groups lived in the towns, mainly trading centers with very few connections with agriculture in the surrounding area. It is reported that they resorted to fishing in the neighboring sea. They also practiced other crafts such as cobbling, tailoring and other arts and crafts that they were familiar with in their mother country. The later generations continued these trades. They were unable to feed their population without foodstuffs from the interior. In this manner the frontier society also came to use Portuguese language for communication.

The Portuguese did not care to learn about local habits and organization of the society. They have been blamed for their lack of respect towards the 'high castes' in Sri Lanka. They offered duties to other castes which were assigned to high castes. In marriages they cared more about looks and talents than castes. However, it is recorded that even royal princesses, including a queen, had sought conjugal connection with Portuguese men. Therefore it is clear that Portuguese language was not confined just to upper classes but went deep into all classes of the Sri Lankan society.

AFRICAN SLAVES IN THE EAST

The Portuguese also introduced other nationalities as soldiers and servants to Portuguese establishments in Asia. The lingua franca among them was Portuguese. There were Konkani and Malay soldiers. But the most important in their service were the African slaves. They spoke a kind of pidgin Portuguese. They had been brought by the Portuguese from Mozambique for military duties in the island. Long absence from their home countries had led them to have legal and illicit affairs with women in this country. Remnants of their musical and dance traditions are still prevalent in certain villages in the North Western Province of Sri Lanka. Their descendants were found in the military service under the British well into the 19th century. According to Selkirk "the Caffres,... speak the Portuguese language, and are all, or most of them, of the Roman Catholic religion".3

THE ROLE OF THE CHURCH

Christianity was the most crucial element that made it possible for the Portuguese and Sinhalese to live together peacefully in many towns in Sri Lanka. The Roman Catholic Church with its advanced institutions and organization contributed most to the spread of the Portuguese language and culture. The missionaries who were scattered all over the Portuguese territory and in big cities in the other parts of the country also used the Portuguese language. They were very important in the spread of the language through their connection with the local population for the purpose of religious instruction. 4 By the end of Portuguese rule in Sri Lanka the Franciscans were in charge of ninety churches, the Jesuits of 47, the Augustinians of 16, and the Dominicans of 8. 5 When the Dutch captured Colombo in 1658, there were 123 priests belonging to various orders in the country. They were forced to leave the country immediately. 6

These missionaries, who lived in various parts of the island, acted as agents of the Portuguese language. Very few Roman Catholic priests were able to learn the local language. There were no books or lexicons prepared for them to learn the local languages. In fact the early missionaries who served in the sixteenth century in Portuguese settlements were compelled to manage with Portuguese alone. Interpreters were used for teaching the Roman Catholic religion to the local population. 7 According to Robert Knox, "many of the natives became Christians and learnt the Portuguese tongue".8

There was also a group of people who learnt the Portuguese language in schools which were connected to the churches scattered in all parts of the country. The Jesuit and Franciscan colleges in Colombo and Jaffna taught the Portuguese language to the advanced pupils. These were the children of casados and the children of upper class indigenous people who wished to enjoy social prestige and material benefit through the use of the language of the rulers. They learnt the language for employment under the Portuguese, in much the same way that many upper class citizens embraced the Roman Catholic faith during that period.

By the time the Portuguese left the Island in 1658 the Portuguese language was deeply rooted in Sri Lanka. They not only left a group of people who spoke that language but also Sinhala and Tamil languages that had borrowed heavily from Portuguese. As Father Perera indicates "Practically everything introduced by the Portuguese is still denoted in Sinhalese by a word borrowed from Portuguese".9 The same is true of the Tamil language as well. Portuguese loan words in Sinhala and Tamil indicate objects, customs, practices and so on. 10 Words denoting articles of food and stationary, building materials, dress, kitchen and table utensils and household articles as well as music and religious words, agricultural words and words used in administration are among Portuguese loan words in the Sinhala and Tamil Languages. 11 The Portuguese language was easier for the Sri Lankans to speak than the Dutch and English which were introduced to the country later on. The pronunciation of Portuguese words was made easier by indigenizing their sounds to suit the tongues of the Sinhala and Tamil speakers.

PORTUGUESE LANGUAGE IN THE DUTCH PERIOD (1658-1796)

The departure of the Portuguese rulers from Sri Lanka did not bring to an end the use of the Portuguese language. As noticed earlier, Robert Knox noted its' presence even in the Kandyan Kingdom. 12 The Dutch predicant, Phillipus Baldeaus refers to Portuguese as "a language which is understood and familiar to the people".13 He emphasizes its usefulness to the Calvinists working in Sri Lanka at the time. Records left by the Oratorian missionaries who came to the Island from Goa also noted Portuguese as useful in communicating with the people of the island. 14

At the beginning of their administration in Sri Lanka the Dutch government made every attempt to root out the memory of Portuguese rule from Sri Lanka. As soon as they captured Portuguese territories plakkaats were issued to this effect. The instructions for the guidance of Anthony Pavilioen, Commander of Jaffna dated October 31st 1658 states"... according to our principles even the memory of the Portuguese must be rooted out. It has been decided, with the approval of the clergy in Ceylon, that Portuguese will no longer be used as a language for preaching in, and that only for a time the catechism is to be taught in that language". 15

The plakkaat issued by Governor Rycklof Van Goens on November 21st 1659 expresses a decision to "advance and establish the Dutch language" in order to erase even the memory of the enemy in the island. 16This official policy was continued for some time as we see in the ban issued on April 12th, 1675 on which it was decided that "no Portuguese should be taught in the schools or even spoken".17

Although the government policy was to discourage the use of Portuguese there were practical difficulties in respect of this proposal. The language was deeply rooted in Sri Lanka and widely used among the townspeople. Even in Dutch times the language continued to be spoken, as many Dutch settlers had married Portuguese mestizos in Sri Lanka. Some time in 1684 the Batavian clergy put the question to the brethren in Sri Lanka as to whether the Portuguese language was necessary and useful as a medium for religion. The reply was that the language was commonly spoken in the island and therefore its adoption would be of great good. It was also reported that experience demonstrated the impracticability of the resolution of the local civil and ecclesiastical authorities in 1658 and thereafter, to discourage that language. 18

Therefore within about two decades after the capture of the Portuguese territories, the Dutch had to revise their decisions regarding the use of the Portuguese language. They even went to the extent of using the Portuguese language in ecclesiastical and educational establishments. They imported Portuguese translations of the scriptures for use among Portuguese speakers in the island. The New Testament in Portuguese had been published in Holland, by order of the Dutch East India Company, and several copies were distributed in Sri Lanka. They found it difficult to cope with the heavy demand for Holy Scriptures in Portuguese. There was also a document entitled. "A Dialogue between a Pastor and a Farmer", a translation from the Dutch into Portuguese, critical of Roman Catholic practices. 19

One might wonder why the plakkaats prohibiting the use of the Portuguese language failed. As noticed earlier, the use of Portuguese was fairly widespread during the Portuguese period in Sri Lanka. From the Dutch records too, it is very clear that the language was used not only among the descendents of the Portuguese but even in the homes of Dutch colonizers.

The Memoirs of Julius Stein Van Gollenesse, the Dutch governor of Sri Lanka writing in 1751, accepted that "Portuguese was also still in use in some of the urban areas" in Sri Lanka. 20

ORATORIAN MISSIONARIES

The Dutch government prohibited the practice of the Roman Catholic faith in Sri Lanka. Therefore the church had to function secretly in a hostile atmosphere. The underground Roman Catholic Church of the Dutch period received missionaries from the Oratory of Goa. They had their theological education in the Portuguese language, and therefore that language became a link between the Sri Lankans and the missionaries before they learnt Sinhala and Tamil. Jacome Gonçalves (1676-1742) who wrote a large number of books in Sinhala to teach the Roman Catholic faith also wrote four books explaining the Catholic faith in Portuguese for the use of the Portuguese speakers in Sri Lanka. In addition to these four books he composed a Dictionary of Portuguese, Sinhala and Tamils words. 21

THE ARRIVAL OF THE BRITISH

Strangely enough when the British captured the Island from the Dutch in 1796, there were more Portuguese speakers in the country than Dutch speakers. The British government from the beginning realized the value of the Portuguese language spoken at that time in Sri Lanka. Therefore the office of Portuguese Colonial Chaplain was maintained till the second half of the nineteenth century. 22

Robert Percival writing in 1803 says: The language spoken most universally, both by Europeans and Asiatics who resort to Columbo, is the Portuguese of India, a base, corrupt dialect, altogether different from that spoken in Portugal. It may indeed be considered as a barbarous compound of a number of Indian languages combined with several European, among which French is very distinguishable. Though this dialect be considered as the most vulgar of any, yet it is a very useful and even necessary acquisition, as in most of the settlements on the coast, particularly those which have been in the possession of the Dutch, it is common to meet with both Moors and Malabars who speak it. In Ceylon it is particularly useful to be understood, and indeed without it, a person finds it impossible to maintain any conversation with the Dutch ladies, as they seldom address one in any other language. This last circumstance a surprised me good deal, as in every other place I always found everything accounted vulgar the particular abhorrence of the ladies. And yet the Dutch ladies at Colombo hardly ever attempt to speak even in their own families and to their own connections in Dutch, although it is reckoned the polite language. 23

The description of Selkirk shows that "Portuguese was found in this time in all parts of the Island, as well as many small ones. They abound, however, most in Colombo and Jaffna".24Thereby missionaries record Portuguese congregations in Jaffna, Mannar, Puttalam, Negombo, Colombo (Pettah and Kollupitiya), Kalutara, Galle, Matara, Vahakotte, Kurunegala, Kandy and Trincomalee. The largest concentrations of Portuguese speakers were found in Negombo, Colombo and Galle. These were the cities where the early Protestant missionaries set up their mission stations to begin their work in this country. Interaction with those who considered these European missionaries as their own stock, was more cordial than with the Sinhala and Tamil speakers of the island.

The missionaries made a special attempt to uplift these Portuguese speakers by providing them with aids to accept Protestant religion. Many of them learnt the Ceylon Portuguese even before they thought of mastering the Sinhala or Tamil languages. According to their view these were already Christians but with the possibility of going astray. Therefore special attention was given to those 'lost sheep'.

There was a branch of the Bible Society in Pettah which was mainly devoted to the activities of the Portuguese. 25 D. J. Gogerly of the Methodist Mission spoke at the funeral of Siers in 1839. 26 This shows that the gathering at the funeral was a Portuguese speaking one.

The early Protestant missionaries found it essential to learn the Portuguese language for the purpose of preaching the Gospel in Sri Lanka. Therefore we find many early missionaries like James Chater and Ebenezer Daniel of the Baptist Mission, Daniel Gogerly, Spence Hardy, Thomas Kilner, Robert Newstead, Benjamin Clough, William Armour and John Callaway of the Methodist Mission and James Selkirk, John Murdoch and several others of the CMS Mission taking a keen interest in preaching in the Portuguese language.

THE MAIN FEATURES OF THE LANGUAGE

The principal characteristics of this language as we notice from the scripture portions published in Sri Lanka in this language, are the omission of articles, the case suffixes of nouns, inflections of verbs, and most of the expletives which abound in European Portuguese. 27 The various relations of words in a sentence are expressed by the aid of auxiliary particles. They serve in all kinds of inflections. The words of the language are drawn from Portuguese, Dutch, Sinhala and Tamil and some other Indian languages.

A PORTUGUESE VERSION OF THE BIBLE

As noticed earlier, the Dutch authorities introduced, in the latter half of the seventeenth century to the Portuguese speakers in Sri Lanka, a Portuguese translation of the New Testament published in Holland. At the beginning of the nineteenth century the variety of Portuguese spoken in Sri Lanka was not similar to the language spoken in Portugal. Therefore the missionaries' attempt to introduce Portuguese Bibles printed in Europe became a failure as the people in Sri Lanka could not understand them. Therefore a fresh translation of the Bible suitable for speakers of Sri Lankan Portuguese had to be undertaken very early on in the Protestant missionary enterprise in Sri Lanka.

In 1817 Robert Newstead of the Wesleyan Methodist Mission began a translation of the New Testament into Indo-Portuguese. He was working at this time in Negombo, where a large community of Roman Catholics, who spoke that language, lived. The Gospel of John was published in 1818 and the next year the Gospel of Matthew was printed. When the new Testament was completed by Newstead in 1821, the work was carefully revised by a committee under the supervision of the Colombo Auxiliary Bible Society. This edition of the Indo-Portuguese New Testament was printed in London in 1826 under the supervision of Newstead and W. B. Fox, also of the Methodist mission. 28 The second edition was published in Colombo in 1832. In 1833 the British and Foreign Bible Society in London requested the Colombo Auxiliary to proceed with the translation of the whole Bible into Indo-Portuguese. This work could not be carried out due to lack of competent personnel. However, 2,500 copies of the Pentateuch and of the Book of Psalms and 5,000 copies of the New Testament were printed in 1833. 29

In 1850 a new committee was appointed by the Colombo Auxiliary Bible Society to revise the Indo-Portuguese New Testament under the chairmanship of J. D. Palm of the Dutch Reformed Church. This version was printed in 1852. 30

In addition to the scriptures, a Catechism by the Rev. T. Wood and a Hymn Book were also printed during this period. The Baptist missionary society published a Journal for a short time in Indo-Portuguese. W. B. Fox issued in 1819 a Dictionary in Ceylon Portuguese, Sinhalese and English, (99 pages) and in 1823 John Callaway published Doze Sermons ne Ligoa Portuguesa de Ceylon, escruvido de Rev. John Callaway ne Colombo. John Callaway who was the first compiler of English vocables of Portuguese as spoken in Sri Lanka indicated that sometimes Ceylon Portuguese was written with Dutch spelling. According to him this was a low Portuguese. 31

EDUCATION AND THE CATHOLIC CHURCH

Education in Sri Lanka during the early years of British rule was provided by the Protestant missionaries. The Roman Catholic Church entered the field of education in the second half of the nineteenth century. The Protestant missionaries did not take an active role in organizing schools for Indo-Portuguese speakers. The enterprise of the Baptist Missionary Society to teach Portuguese in some of their schools in the 1820s did not last long. 32 A lack of facilities for education in that language made school education in Indo-Portuguese unpopular. Thereafter English became the language of education for the upper class in Sri Lanka. Selkirk states in 1844 that: "Roused by the good example set them by the Sinhalese and Tamils, they have of late begun to pay some attention to the English language".33 Indo-Portuguese speakers, too, gradually resorted to English education.

THE DECLINE OF PORTUGUESE

Selkirk, referring to Portuguese speakers in Sri Lanka in the first quarter of nineteenth century says: Without capital to embark in trade, or to purchase government lands, and too proud to rent and cultivate an estate, even if they had capital to purchase it, and not sufficiently trustworthy to be much employed by government, or in any responsible situation among merchants, they pass their time in idleness and filth and sin. Those who do work are generally tailors, shoemakers, bazaar keepers etc. Learning is at a low ebb among them; and the only books in their language are parts of the Bible, the whole of the Book of Common Prayer, both of which have been translated for them by the missionaries with in the last twenty years. 34

THE LATE NINETEENTH CENTURY

Portuguese continued to be used in Church services in towns and cities in Sri Lanka till the end of the nineteenth century. But the frequency with which it was used gradually diminished towards the end of the century. The Roman Catholic Cathedral at Kotahena had several Portuguese chaplains. They had mass sung regularly. There were similar arrangements in Dehiwela and other densely populated areas.

DISUSE OF THE LANGUAGE

The Roman Catholic clergy in the early part of the nineteenth century came from the Oratory of Goa. Most of them were Konaki priests and not Europeans. They spoke the Portuguese language but they did not know English. Some time after the introduction of Colebroke Cameron Reforms, the Roman Catholics realized the disadvantage of not being able to have English education. The Catholics therefore drew the attention of Rome to this need. They demanded a European Vicar Apostolic and English and Irish priests from about 1838. At the end of the period, Mgr. Vicente Rosario, as Vicar Apostolic, organized a petition signed by about three thousand people, mostly living in the city of Colombo, to express this need to Rome. The need for an English education for Portuguese speaking European descendents was emphasized in these petitions. They realized the value of English for their social and economic benefit and made a conscious attempt to acquire that language even in their religious services. 35

In the twentieth century, the English language became the language of the former Portuguese speaking population in Sri Lanka. They were in this manner able to secure government jobs through education in missionary schools. The educated gradually changed over to the use of English at home. Only a very few people remained users of the Portuguese dialect. Even the last vestiges of Portuguese users in Batticaloa have now begun using either English or the Tamil of their neighboring population. Towards the twentieth century Ceylon Portuguese drifted so far away from modern Portuguese as to be incomprehensible to a Portuguese from Portugal or Brazil. Portuguese users had last used this variety in the seventeenth century. Since then this variety has been separated from the mother language and developed into a Sri Lankan variety with its own characteristics.

NOTES

1C. R. Boxer, Portuguese Seaborne Empire, London, 1966.

2R. J. Barendse,'Traders and Port-cities in the Indian Ocean in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries', Review of

Cultura N. ^os, 13/14,1992, pp. 105-130.

3James Selkirk, Recollections of Ceylon, London, 1844. p. 75.

4W. L. A. Don Peter, Education in Sri Lanka Under the Portuguese, The Colombo Catholic Press, 1978, pp. 203-204.

5S. Thambimuttu, A Profile of Ceylon's Catholic Heritage, New York: Maryknoll, 1961, p. 26.

6Ibid., p. 32.

7W. L. A. Don Peter, Education in Sri Lanka under the Portuguese, p. 104.

8Robert Knox, An Historical Relation of Ceylon, The Ceylon Historical Journal, Vol. VI, Dehiwela: Tisara, 1958, p. 283.

9S. G. Perera An History of Ceylon for Schools: The Portuguese and Dutch Periods, 1505-1796, Colombo, 1849, p. 136.

10W. L. A. Don Peter, Education in Sri Lanka, p. 264.

11S. Sabaratnam, 'Relics of Portuguese Rule in Jaffna' Ceylon Antiquary and Literary Register, [hereafter CALR] Vol. V, pp.

12-15.

S. G. Perera, 'Portuguese influence on Sinhalese Speech', CALR, Vol VIII, pp. 45-60 and 124-144.

D. E. Hettiaratchi, 'Influence of Portuguese on the Sinhalese Language' Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society [Ceylon] New

Series, Vol. IX, 196, pp. 229-238.

M. H. Gunatilleka, 'Ceilão e Portugal--Relações Culturais' Studia, Lisbon, No. 30, 1970, pp. 136-161.

12Op. cit., p. 283.

13Phillipus Balseaus, Description of the Great I sland of Ceylon, Dehiwela: Tisara.1960, p. 346.

14S. G. Perera, tr. Oratorian Mission in Ceylon, Colombo, 1936, p.19.

15V. Perniola, The Catholic Church in Sri Lanka: The Dutch Period, Vol. 1, Dehiwela: Tisara, 1983, pp. 7-8.

16V. Perniola, The Catholic Church in Sri Lanka: the Dutch Period, Vol. 1, Dehiwela: Tisara, 1983, pp. 7-8.

17V. Pernola, The Catholic Church in Sri Lanka, Vol. 1, p.15.

18J. D. Palm, 'An account of the Dutch Church in Ceylon' Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Ceylon Branch [here

after JRASCB] 1846-7, pp. 26-7.

19 Ibid, p.27.

20 Memoirs of Julius Stein Van Gollenesse, tr, by S. Arasaratnam, Colombo, 1974, p. 39.

21Edmund Peiris, Studies: Historical and Cultural, Colombo,1978, p. 90.

22J. D. Palm served for a long time as Colonial Chaplain. Report of the Colombo Auxiliary Bible Society, 1849-51, p. 15

During the early years E. S. Lubendalin served as clerk and catechist to the Portuguese under the British Government.

Ceylon Almanac, 1817, p. 61.

23Robert Percival, An Account of the Island of Ceylon 1803, Dehiwela: Tisara, 1975, p. 90.

24Selkirk, op. cit. p. 69.

25Fifth Report of the Colombo Auxiliary Bible Society, 1817, Colombo 1817, p. 21.

26Baptist Pravrutti, July 1898.

27History of the Colombo Auxiliary Bible Society, London, 1906, p. 20.

28Report of the Colombo Auxiliary Bible Society, 1826, p. 46.

29Report of the Colombo Auxiliary Bible Society, 1833, p. 63.

30Report of the Colombo Auxiliary Bible Society, 1853, p. 102.

31Paranavitana Commemoration Volume, p. 181.

32Ranjit Ruberu, Educational work of Christian Missionary Societies in Ceylon, during the early years of British Rule,

Ceylon Journal of Historical and Social Societies, p. 55.

33Selkirk, op. cit. p. 71.

34Ibid, pp. 74-75.

35Bede Barcatta, A History of the Southern Vicariate of Colombo; Sri Lanka, Kandy: Montefeno Publications, 1991, pp. 191-

196.