History

EUROPEAN BOOKS AND LIBRARIES IN SIXTEENTH CENTURY PORTUGUESE INDIA

Rui Manuel Loureiro*

Portugal's presence in the Orient in the sixteenth century has been systematically explored by modern historiographers, who have described it quite accurately and comprehensively. 1 However, given the intensity and duration of Luso-Asiatic relations, the vast geographic area covered and the abundant written material that resulted, it is still possible to find subject areas that have been insufficiently explored, if at all, and that lend themselves to a new or renewed approach. Such is the case with certain aspects of the history of culture, which have often taken a back seat to political, military or economic subjects, and that today require a return to the old sources in search of answers to new questions.

Among the subjects neglected by historiographers is the history of books and reading. What exactly do we know about the reading habits of the sixteenth-century Portuguese who travelled to the Indies seeking honour and profit? Were they avid readers? What type of works did they read? Did they take significant sets of printed books with them? And once they arrived in the Orient, did they set up important libraries? Did they continue to receive books from Portugal, sent by family members and friends?

Once they left Lisbon, on the ships that set off each year down the Tagus, did our overseas travellers leave behind the familiar European cultural world? Evidently not; daily life changed dramatically during the long trip around the Cape of Good Hope, 2 but the established cultural models, practices and values were exported to Asia, where the rules that governed them were maintained, though they were subject to inevitable acculturative influences. A brief survey of a broad range of coeval sources will certainly yield evidence of an intense cultural life in which books and reading played a fundamental role, not only as normal processes of building and disseminating knowledge, but also as strategies for settlement in remote places.

The first few years of Portugal's presence in the Orient were no doubt marked by urgent material concerns, so that cultural issues became secondary in overseas logic, which gave priority to navigation, conquest and commerce. Notwithstanding this, in addition to men, arms, provisions and ammunition, the armadas also carried customs and institutions, practices and mentalities, invariably introducing an old cultural world and mentality to new lands. In Vasco da Gama's inaugural armada, for example, the sailors, soldiers, captains and factory administrators were accompanied by men of culture responsible for establishing communication with the land of spices and exotic products. Álvaro Velho and João Figueira gave precious accounts of the voyage of discovery, bearing witness to the indispensability of the written word in the process of capturing, appropriating and transmitting new human and geographic realities. 3

It seems logical to conclude that books and, more generally, written materials, were present from the very beginning in the luggage of many men who set off from Lisbon, depending on how cultured they were and on their specific missions while overseas. For professional reasons, many of them needed a more or less extensive set of printed or manuscript works. The pilots who sailed the ships must have had technical literature, from almanacs and registers to charts and logs, which helped them follow routes that were already known and, sometimes, invent new ones.4 Religious men, for their part, took with them the necessary evangelical instruments, such as bibles, missals, psalters and catechisms. And the royal officials would not, in many cases, neglect the books that were indispensable to their work; the judges and magistrates who travelled to the Orient must have taken along a copy of the Ordenações (Statutes) and other legal instruments, while captains, intendants and factory administrators could not do without the regulations that were relevant to their sectors.

Other passengers would have taken printed books in their trunks for more personal reasons. Physicians and apothecaries could not have travelled without manuals, which were often voluminous manuscripts containing knowledge that had been patiently accumulated over several years. 5 Some fidalgos who were more erudite, as well as commoners, would have taken care to include in their luggage literature that was less technical and more appropriate for occupying the many hours of free time. A regular trip between Lisbon and Goa rarely took less than six months, under good weather conditions, so the ship's passengers had to try to fill their time as best they could. 6

As soon as the Portuguese founded the first permanent settlements in Asia, they concerned themselves with consolidating and disseminating their national cultural model. At first, this was done through the teaching of reading, writing and Catholic doctrine at the elementary level. Portuguese men, their Asiatic wives and descendants, and the Orientals who frequented our outposts all benefited from this instruction, which was provided by both lay people and ecclesiastics. The essential educational tool used, at least initially, seems to have been Dom Diego Ortiz de Vilhegas, Bishop of Cute, Cathecismo pequeno (Small Catechism) printed in Lisbon by Valentim Fernandes and João Pedro Buonhomini de Cremona around 1504. 7Years later, more elaborate educational tools were produced, some of which were bilingual, including Fr. Henrique Henriques' Doctrina Cristãa dada em lingua Tamul (Christian Doctrine in the Tamil Language), printed in Coulão in 1578, and the Fr. Marcos Jorge's Doctrina christãa (Christian Doctrine), also in Tamil, published in Cochin the following year. 8

According to a contemporary chronicler, Afonso de Albuquerque, who governed the Portuguese settlements in India from 1509 to 1515, was concerned about the consolidation of the Portuguese presence, so he sent "[...] many young men [...]" from Cochin of Indian origin to public school to learn to read and write. 9In 1517, there were over one hundred and fifty young students because Br. António Louro, who was responsible for their education, received a package with more catechisms from Portugal. 10 And in 1521 the Governor Dom Duarte de Meneses requested that "[...] cymquenta cartylhas e cimquo Fros Samtorum e qautro avamjeliorum [...]" ("[...] fifty catechisms, five Flos Sanctorum and four evangels [...]") be given to the feitor (administrator) of the city, to be used in the education of the young Christian men. 11Ho flos sanctorum em linguajem portugue [sa] (Admonitions of the Saints in Portuguese Language), an extensive compilation of edifying biographies of saints, had been printed in Lisbon in 1513 by Hermão de Campos and Roberto Rabelo.12 In Goa, right after the conquest, the Portuguese took exactly the same approach, encouraging the education of Christian youth. And in 1521, there were reports that two hundred spelling primers had arrived in that metropolis, 13 a clear sign that the Christianized population continued to increase.

The Portuguese Crown also paid particular attention to the reign of Prester John because, in the first few decades of the sixteenth century, it seriously considered the possibility of a strategic alliance with Ethiopia against Islam. With the embassy sent from Lisbon to Ethiopia in 1515, King Dom Manuel I sent about fifteen hundred books, most of them printed. This is a clear indication that the Portuguese authorities were also preparing a cultural dissemination project, although it was to have a strong religious component.

The valuable library sent to Prester John included one thousand catechisms covered in parchment, twelve small catechisms, twenty Flos Sanctorum, thirty copies of the Livro e legenda que fala de todo los feytos e payxoões dos santos martires (Book and Legend on the Accomplishments and Passions of the Holy Martyrs) (Lisbon, João Pedro Buonhomini de Cremona, 1513), 14 and one hundred copies of an account of the destruction of Jerusalem, which has been identified as the Estoria de muy nobre Vespesiano emperador de roma (The Story of the Most Noble Vespasian, Emperor of Rome) (Lisbon, Valentim Fernandes, 1496).15 This shows that the fledgling Portuguese printing houses began working for the foreign markets quite early.

The books destined for Ethiopia may very likely have remained in India, later being distributed throughout the Portuguese settlements. Chronicler Gaspar Correia, who had been in Hindustan since 1512, mentions that the valuable present sent to Prester John — which evidently also contained many valuable objects — was embezzled in Cochin by Governor Lopo Soares de Albergaria.16 It may be worth mentioning here that years later there was a rumour in Italy that the Florentine Andrea Corsali had gone with the Portuguese embassy to Ethiopia, where he had settled and worked as a merchant and printer of works in Chaldee.17

The books that arrived from Portugal were not used only for elementary education. Early on, the religious communities that had settled in India began to set up specialized libraries, which represented other centres for disseminating culture. In January of 1518, for example, Governor Lopo Soares de Albergaria requested that two barrels containing printed volumes be given to the Franciscans in Cochin. 18 The valuable collection consisted of three hundred works, including typographic treasures such as a copy by the Italian Augustine Jacopo Filippo Foresti da Bergamo's Supplementum chronicarum, a voluminous treatise on Oriental wonders, first published in Venice in 1483 and reprinted several times; the monumental four-volume Portuguese version of Ludolfo de Saxónia's (Rudolf of Saxony?) Vita Christi (Lisbon, Nicolau de Saxónia (Nicolas of Saxony) and Valentim Fernandes da Morávia, 1495); 19 three copies of St. Thomas Aquinas' Summa (perhaps a Spanish edition); and four copies of Boosco deleytoso (The Forest of Delights) (Lisbon, Hermão de Campos, 1515). 20 About two years later, the church in Cannanore received "[...] four large books [..]" for religious offices from the Portuguese monarch, all of which were "[...] enenquadernados e de marqua maior [...]" ("[...] bound and of high quality [...]".21

It can be assumed that wherever there were Portuguese communities, and especially in those in which members of the Church resided, there were educational activities that implied the use of a more or less large number of books. A vast Lusophone network was thus formed along the coast of Asia, from Hormuz to the Moluccas, with more or less extensive centres of dissemination of the Portuguese language and culture, depending on the strategic importance of the areas, which implied the establishment of more or less important libraries.

Planta de la Canela. (Cinnamon plant). In: COSTA, Cristóvão da, Tratado de las Drogas y Medecinas de las Indias Orientales, Burgos, Martín de Victoria 1578.

Around 1540, Br. Vicente de Lagos founded a college in Cranganore that offered elementary education along with advanced studies in Latin and Theology. 22 A few years later, he submitted a request to King Dom João III for books for the college, to which he attached a long list that included "[...] small breviaries, diurnals, books of hours, small psalters, a large psalter, a large missal for the choir, half a dozen small missals, all the necessary grammar books [...]" and many others. 23 There is no indication that the request was not granted, given the 'Pious' King's policy of providing support to missions.24 In the mid-sixteenth century, there were similar institutions in Bassein, Chaul, Cochin, Cannanore, Quilon and Ceylon. 25

The most famous college founded by the Portuguese in India was probably St. Paul's, in the city of Goa, which was initially administered by the Fathers of the Ordem da Província da Piedade (Order of the Province of Mercy) but after 1545 was managed by the Society of Jesus. The Jesuit missionaries, who had arrived in the Orient a mere three years before, generally had a more thorough cultural preparation, which gave them an edge in education and missionary work. The Colégio de Santa Fé (College of the Holy Faith), as the Jesuit establishment was commonly called, was subsequently transformed into a school for advanced studies in which the structure and curricula of the major European universities of the time were closely followed. 26

When he arrived in Goa in 1542, Fr. Francisco Xavier, the founder of the Jesuit missions in the Orient, had an important set of books in his luggage, given to him by King Dom João III. 27 The collection consisted only of religious books, but it provides a relevant indication of the importance attached to books and reading, at least among the missionaries.

In 1545, Fr. Nicola Lancilloto sent a request from Goa for books for the Jesuit college, claiming that they merely had "[...] 40 cinque Virgilii et altri tanti Terentii [...]" ("[...] forty five volumes of Virgil and as many of Terence [...]'), all of which were "[...] molto vechii, molto descorretti [...]" ("[...] very old and dissolute [...]"). 28 He was no doubt referring to the short Latin compendiums with texts by Virgil and Terence that would be used in the Society's schools. He also suggested that the Portuguese monarch make a donation to subsidize the purchase of "[...] libri et carta et penne per questa casa [...]" ("[...] books, paper and quills for this house [...]"). 29 At the end of the same year, the Vicar General, Miguel Vaz, also sent a request to King Dom João III for "[...] livros de gramatica pera os ouvymtes [...]" ("[...] grammar books for the auditors [...]"), as well as "[...] alguns boons de limgoajem [...]" ("[...] some good language ones [...]")30 for use by the missionaries.

Another letter from Fr. Nicola Lancilloto, written in 1546, listed the works used to teach Latin, thus divulging some secrets of the library of St. Paul's college. Among the titles mentioned were Terence's comedies Andria and Eunuchus, Virgil's Eclogues, Ovid's Metamorphoses, Cato's Libri minores, St. Jerome's Opera, and even a treatise by Erasmus, De duplici copia verbor [um] ac rerum. 31 All these works came off foreign presses, which shows how intensely the Society of Jesus circulated books, thanks to its international structure. In passing, a copy of the treatise by Damião de Góis' Fides, Religio, Moresque Aethiopum, about "[...] tudo quamto da ffe tern e guardam os do reino do Abexim [...] " ("[...] everything related to faith that those of the kingdom of Abyssinia have and keep [...]"), 32 which was printed in Leuven in 1540, was sent to Goa with the 1543 armada and ended up at the Jesuit college.

Another example of a Jesuit library is found in a missive written in 1550 by Fr. Gaspar Barzeus, who was in Hormuz, to the Jesuits in Coimbra. He informed them that the missionary establishment in that Portuguese outpost in the Persian Gulf had a "[...] large library [...]". 33 Two years later, one of his colleagues announced that the rumes** were expected to attack the island at any moment, so all the Portuguese had taken "[...] their property to the fortress [...]"34 and the Jesuit missionary himself had stored all his books there.

In 1552, the library of the Jesuit college in Goa was already large enough to justify the existence of a librarian and strict rules for the circulation of books among the priests and Brothers who resided there. 35 Two years later, some of the works were entrusted to Fr. Melchior Nunes Barreto, who was to take them to the Jesuit institutions is Japan, where he was headed on an evangelical and diplomatic mission. The quality of the Jesuit library in Goa is illustrated by the extensive list of books sent to Japan, 36which included religious books (bibles, pontificals, breviaries, concordances, etc.) and copies of the following:

— St. Thomas Aquinas' Opusculum, printed in Coimbra by João da Barreira and João Álvares in 1545; 37

— Marko Marulic's Livro insigne (A Book of Eminent People), 38 a famous compilation of biographies of saints (perhaps a Latin edition);

— "[...] the works of Plato [...]";

— "[...] Aristotle's Ethics [...]";

— a book by Ptolemy, perhaps a copy of Geography or a Portuguese translation of it, which was appended to Pedro Nunes' Tratado da sphera (Treaty of the Sphere), printed in Lisbon by Germão Galharde in 1537; 39

— the above-mentioned Vita Christi, by Ludolfo de Saxónia;

— Thomas à Kempis' Contemptus mundi, first printed in Lisbon by Germão Galharde in 1542; 40

Historia de la Iglesia (The History of the Church), printed in Lisbon by Luís Rodrigues in 1541, an anonymous work compiled by Eusébio de Cesareia; 41

— St. Augustine's Confessions;

— Br. Henricus de Herpf's Espelho de perfeyçam (The Mirror of Perfection), printed in Coimbra, at the Santa Cruz monastery, in 1533; 42

— St. Bonaventura's Livro chamado Stimulo de amor divino (A Book Entitled Stimulus of Divine Love), printed in Lisbon by Germão Galharde in 1550. 43

Some of the works had just been published in Portugal, while others arrived from various European countries. This shows how quickly printed books circulated between Portugal and the Oriental establishments and proves that the book exchange that had been established was of a high cultural level.

The Jesuits therefore distinguished themselves by encouraging reading, as long as it was edifying, otherwise the material available to the reading public had to be carefully controlled. There was a growing number of examples of censorship in the correspondence of the Jesuits, especially in letters that mention trips to India. 44 These letters also provide an indication of the type of books the average person with no religious training read to pass the time on the long trip from Lisbon to Goa.

A priest on a Portuguese ship in 1560 complained about the many profane books found aboard, telling his colleagues that he exhorted his fellow passengers to throw such works overboard because they were prejudicial to them. In more serious cases, he went as far as tearing certain works that were "[...] muito roins que espicialmente achava em mãos de mininos [...]" ("[...] really bad and found mainly in the hands of children [...]"). 45 Two years later, another Jesuit had to bite a young man's arm so that he would let go of a "[...] bad book [...]" he was reading "[...] depois de botar no mar o livro ruim, lhe deu tres boons por elle, e assi ficou o mancebo contente [...]" ("[...] after throwing the book overboard, the Jesuit gave the youth three good ones in return, so the young man was happy [...]"). 46 To keep people away from less orthodox works, throughout the trip some priests did public readings from books on "[...] ecclesiastic history and other spiritual books."47 One of the Jesuits who went to the Orient in 1566 even recommended to his Superiors that all missionaries who travelled the same route take with them a number of religious books, so that they could exchange them on board for the many "[...] pernicious books [...]" the Portuguese passengers always took with them. 48

What type of works did the Jesuits ban, considering them profane and inadvisable reading? In addition to the manuscripts and printed works that appeared in expurgatory indexes49 starting in 1547, the Jesuit Fathers must have banned works of fiction and those that people would have read solely for entertainment, which would make the faithful stray from the path of rectitude advocated by the Church. At least that is what a letter written in 1564 by a Jesuit priest aboard a ship leads us to believe. It mentions that many books were thrown overboard during the trip, some of them "[...] forbidden, others anonymous or tales of chivalry [... but all were...] dishonest books."50 Among the tales of chivalry that were so feared by the Jesuits may have been the Giovanni Boccaccio's Libro llamado Fiametta (Fiametta) (Lisbon, Luís Rodrigues, 1541); Las obras de Boscán y alcunas de Garcilasso de la Vega (The Complete Works of Boscán and some by Garcilasso de la Vega) (Lisbon, Luís Rodrigues, 1543); the anonymous Coronica del valiente y esforçado principe dom Florando d'Inglatierra (The Tale of the Valiant and Dedicated Prince Florent of England) (Lisbon, Germão Galharde, 1545); and many others of similar tenor. 51

The situation in Spain, which has been studied more closely than ours, may serve as a comparison here. Through investigations conducted by the Spanish Inquisition on board ships bound for the colonies in the Americas, it was possible to establish with some accuracy the reading habits of the men on board. Rarely did one find ships that were not carrying a large quantity of printed works, and this for a journey that almost never exceeded two months. The literature found on board included mainly religious works — missals, lives of saints, papal histories, accounts of miracles, moral advice, etc. — but many ships also carried tales of adventure and chivalry, in prose or verse, such as Ludovico Ariosto's Orlando Furioso, Amadis of Gaul (Lisbon, 1587), El Caballero de Febo (The Knight of Febo), Palmeirim de Inglaterra (Palmeirin of England) (Lisbon, 1587-1592) or Oliveros de Castilla. Collections of romances, songbooks, epics, tales of heroism (about Julius Cesar, El Cid, Hernán Cortés, Francisco Pizarro, etc.) were to be found aboard other ships. Poets were also represented, although in small number, through classics such as Virgil and Ovid. 52 This would have been more or less what Portuguese readers also enjoyed, especially because cultural goods — and namely books — were intensely circulated throughout the various peninsular kingdoms. 53 Indeed, in 1578, one of the Jesuit missionaries travelling to the Orient stated that many of the works found on Portuguese ships had been published in Spain or Italy. 54

Some people who set off from Lisbon to the Orient took not only books but, in some cases, considerable libraries. The route to India was travelled by numerous men who were highly cultured and could not do without a more or less broad range of texts, depending on their education. Spain can be used for the purposes of comparison once again: we know, for example, the contents of a private library taken by a royal official to the Philippines in 1583, which consisted of fifty-five titles on the most varied subjects. 55

Da redondeza da terra. (On the Roundness of the Earth.). In: NUNES, Pedro, Tratado da Sphera, Lisboa, Germão Galharde, 1537.

In Portugal, for example, Tomé Pires, an illustrious writer of treatises, prepared a Suma Oriental [...] (Oriental Summa or Rutter of a voyage in the Red Sea [...]), the first major descriptive geography of the Orient (which at the time went unpublished in Portuguese). Written in the second decade of the sixteenth century, it was an eminently practical work that communicated new knowledge resulting from a very recent experience of Asia and its peoples. In his work, however, Pires boasts of discreet erudition, referring to works by Aristotle and Ptolemy, and depreciatingly citing the medieval summae or treatises that talk about "[...] maraujilhas nas cousas do mar [...]" ("[...] the wonders of the sea [...]"), when they in fact deal with extremely short trips along the Mediterranean."56

Duarte Resende was another man of letters who went to India. He must have taken with him a considerable collection of books, which, by the looks of it, he was able to develop. We know that around 1525, when he was the royal administrator of the factory in the Moluccas, he received a copy of the tale of chivalry by João de Barros' Crónica do Imperador Clarimundo (The Chronicle of Emperor Clarimundo) (Lisbon, Germão Galharde, 1522).57 Resende probably spent his spare time working on his translation of the works of Cicero, which he entitled Marco Tulio Ciceron de Amicicia, Paradoxos e Sonho de Scipião (Marcus Tullius Cicero's De Amicilia, Scipio's Paradoxes and Dream) (Coimbra, Germão Galharde, 1531). 58 João de Barros himself stated that Resende was Latin and knowledgeable about the sea and geography, and that he had sent him from the Moluccas some papers and books that had belonged to Andrés de San Martin, Ferdinand Magellan's cosmographer, whose ill-fated expedition brought to the Moluccas when the learned humanist was posted there. 59

Tomé Dias Caiado is another Portuguese scholar who lived in India in the sixteenth century. In 1542 he was assigned to the cathedral in Goa, where he taught Latin. He spent many years in that city and in 1557 or 1558 gave a speech there about the death of King Dom João III in which he cited Pliny and Cicero, among others, revealing that he had some classical training. 60 He wrote a Latin epigram that appears in the Goan edition of Garcia de Orta's Coloquios dos simples, e drogas he cousas mediçinais da India [...] (Colloquies on the pures and drugs and medicinal substances of Judia [...] (João de Endem, 1563).61

Gaspar Correia, who lived in the Orient from about 1512 to 1563, may have also had a considerable library of manuscripts and printed works, used in the composition of his Lendas da Índia (Tales from India), an extensive description of the accomplishments of the Portuguese in the Orient that remained unpublished until the nineteenth century. Among the intertextual references in Correia's chronicle, there is evidence of his having read João Figueira's account of Vasco da Gama's first voyage (which has since disappeared); Duarte Barbosa's Livro [das cousas do Oriente] (The Book of Duarte Barbosa /An Account of the Countries Bordering on the Indian Ocean and their Inhabitants [...]), an extensive treatise on Oriental geography that went unpublished at the time; and Fr. Francisco Álvares's Verdadera Informaçam das terras do Preste loam (True Relation of the Lands of Prester John) (Luís Rodrigues, 1540), 62 which he read in manuscript form. 63 He was probably also familiar with some of the books by Fernão Lopes de Castanheda's Historia do descobrimento e conquista da India pelos Portugueses (History of the Discovery and Conquest of India by the Portuguese) (Coimbra, João da Barreira, 1551-1554) and with Joao de Barros' first two Décadas (Decades) of Ásia (Asia) (Lisbon, Germão Galharde, 1552-1553).64

Top: Da redondeza da agoa. (On the Roundness of the Water.). Bottom: Que a terra seja centro do mundo. (The Earth as the Centre of the World [Universe].). In: NUNES, Pedro, Tratado da Sphera, Lisboa, Germão Galharde, 1537.

Many men in the military, who were usually assigned official duties in the administration of overseas settlements, also dedicated themselves rather assiduously to literary pursuits in their spare time. 65 We must bear in mind that, in the sixteenth century, the royal court, where many of these men received their initial training, provided an environment conducive to the development of intellectual interests. 66 Martim Afonso de Sousa, an illustrious fidalgo who spent many years in the Orient and served as Governor of the Portuguese State of India from 1542 to 1545, is a clear paradigm of these men; he spent his spare time reading serious historical works, according to Garcia de Orta. The well-known botanist even identifies one of the fidalgo's favourite works, the famous De vitis pontificum historia, written by the Italian humanist Bartolomeo Sacchi (under the name of Platina) and printed in Venice in 1518. 67

In 1543, Captain Baltasar Jorge de Valdez set off from Lisbon. A man who knew the Orient, he commanded one of the ships of that year's armada. A document produced at a later date mentions that he took with him a valuable collection of books that included, in addition to religious works found in all libraries at the time, copies of Vita Christi, Flos Sanctorum, anonymous work and the Coronica do Condestabre de Purtugal Nuno Alvarez Pereyra (Chronicle of the Constable of Portugal Nuno Álvares Pereira) (Lisbon, Simão Galharde, 1526); 68 an account of the destruction of Rhodes that may have been written by Giacomo Fontano; the story of El Cid; a grammar by Erasmus, perhaps one of the many European editions of the work by Guglielmus Lilius, De octo orationis partium constructione libellus, commented by the great humanist and first printed in Paris in 1534; 69 and a collection of texts by Seneca, Valerius Maximus and Petrarch. Jorge de Valdez was a learned man, but he was also a soldier. He perished in the second siege of Dio. 70

Two years later, in 1545, King Dom João III requested that Dom João de Castro, who was to sail to India to become Viceroy of the [Portuguese] State [of India], provided suitable and separate accommodation on his ship for Master Pêro Fernandes Sardinha, who wanted to "[...] take along his books[...]". 71 This suggests that the future Bishop of Brazil (from 1552 on), who was going to India as Dean of the cathedral of Goa, was travelling with a considerable library consisting mainly of religious books. The fact that shortly after he approached the son of the Governor and offered to write a Latin account of the second siege of Dio proves that he was a good Latinist. 72

We can speculate if Sardinha's library rivalled that of Dom João de Castro, one of the most illustrious fidalgos to go to India in the sixteenth century. The intellectual curiosity of the celebrated Governor of the Portuguese State of India and Viceroy has already been underscored, but the issue of the sources he used in his works has not yet been dealt with systematically. 73 A quick survey of Castro's journals makes it possible to identify various titles that he had access to at some point. And since he wrote his main works during his long months at sea, it would be safe to suggest that he took along a significant set of reference books, with which he maintained an animated intellectual dialogue. In his three journals, written between 1538 and 1541, there are explicit or implicit references to classics such as Pliny's Naturalis Historia, Pomponius Mela's De situ orbis, the tables from Ptolemy's Geography and Marco Vitruvius' De Architectura. The first three works mentioned are present throughout Castro's works, who systematically compared Geography as he observed it with the annotations of the traditional authorities. Among the modern works there are vestiges of the use of Pedro Nunes' Tratado da sphera, which came off the presses in December of 1537, and perhaps of the Verdadera Informaçam das terras do Preste loam. 74

To satisfy the needs of the cultured public, a bookstore opened in Goa on a date that is uncertain; a work printed in that city in 1568 refers to the "[...] casa de Fernão da Castilho, livreiro [...]"("[...] house of Fernão da Castilho, bookseller [...]"), which was located across from the abattoir. 75 This establishment would most certainly have had, among others, books published by João de Endem, including Coloquios dos simples, e drogas [...] (Goa, 1563), one of the very few European books on nonreligious subjects to be printed in India in the sixteenth century. This famous treatise on botany by Garcia de Orta provides good evidence of the intense cultural life in Goa; it contains many intertextual references and allusions to scholarly debates among the Portuguese who lived in the Orient. Indeed, the first and last pages of the work provide a good indication of this cultural cosmopolitanism. They contain a dedication (written by Orta himself) to Martim Afonso de Sousa, one of the most learned fidalgos to go to the Orient; a poem by Luís de Camões (who was living in Goa at the time) dedicated to the Viceroy of the Portuguese State of India, Count Dom Francisco Castinho of Redondo, which was being published for the first time; a eulogy of the author by Valencian physician Dimas Bosque; 76and an epigram signed by Tomás Dias Caiado and dedicated to "Gartiam ab Horto medicum apud Indos".77

Although the count of Ficalho reviewed Garcia de Orta's "[...] ideal library [...],"78 it may be worthwhile to make a few comments, without repeating what has already been said. First, there is the question of his having possessed all the titles cited in Coloquios dos simples e drogas. Like the scholars of his time, Orta takes great pleasure in citing literary authorities to support his own allegations or to criticize the limits of traditional knowledge. Indeed, his motto is well known and often quoted: "Diguo que se sabe mais em hum dia aguora pellos Purtugeses do que se sabia em cien anos pollos Romanos."("We now learn more from the Portuguese in one day than we did from the Romans in one hundred years.")79

Some of the citations Orta used may be quotations of quotations found in other works. And he may have had only a passive knowledge, acquired during his training in Salamanca, of some of the other works mentioned in Coloquios dos simples, e drogas [...]. That is no doubt the case with the works of Theophrastus, Marcellus Empiricus, Maswijak, Hermolaus Barbarus and others. 80 Other books may have belonged to his fellow countrymen living in Goa. That is the case with the works of St. Augustine, Antonio de Lebrija's Dictionarium latinohispanicum and Giovanni Pico della Mirandola's Apologia, which would have been available in the libraries of religious institutions in Goa, and with the copy of Platina's De vitis pontificum historia, which belonged to his friend Martim Afonso de Sousa. 81

Coloquios dos simples, e drogas [...] seems to show that the experienced botanist had a considerable library containing not only specialized works related to the natural world, but also books on other subjects or books of a more general nature. There are numerous exact references in the marginal notes to authors such as Pliny, Dioscorides, Avicenna, Galen, Serapion Junior and Mateus Silvaticus. These references indicate an intimate knowledge of classical medical literature. Orta must certainly have had foreign editions of works by all these authorities, which were repeatedly published in Europe.

The author of Coloquios dos simples, e drogas [...], who displays great learning, also cites numerous contemporary works that he must have had in his personal library, and he does so correctly and informedly. Examples of these are Lodovico de Varthema's Itinerario (Itinerary) (perhaps the 1520 edition printed in Seville); Sumario de la natural y general istoria de las Indias (Summary of the Natural and General History of the Indies) (Toledo, Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo, 1526); and Gaspar Barreiros's Chorographia de alguns logares (Chorography of Some Places), (Coimbra, João Álvares, 1561) published merely two years before Garcia de Orta's book. 82

Br. Gaspar de Leão is another well-known man of letters who lived in India in the second half of the sixteenth century. After prolonged studies in Evora and Salamanca, he became famous as a theologian and was appointed archbishop of Evora in 1540. Twenty years later, he left for the Orient to become the first archbishop of Goa, a position that he apparently accepted with reservation and only upon the insistence of the pope, for he preferred a life of solitude and contemplation, which was not really consentaneous with the Oriental fumos.***83 In 1560, under the patronage of the Archbishop himself, a group of printers left with the armada for the Portuguese State of India to set up a second typographical facility in the capital, a sign that the city's cultural requirements were increasing. 84

The first Archbishop of Goa maintained intense religious activity, which he complemented with the writing of various doctrinal works. In 1561, shortly after his arrival in India, his Compendio spiritual da vida Christãa (Spiritual Compendium of Christian Life) was published by João de Quinquêncio and João de Endem, who were also new arrivals. 85 It was a manual of doctrine and prayer that also contained a history of the life of Jesus Christ. Four years later, on the occasion of the introduction of the Inquisition to the Orient, the Carta do primeiro Arcebispo de Goa ao povo de Israel (Letter From the First Archbishop of Goa to the People of Israel), encouraging the many Jews who lived in the Portuguese settlements in India to convert, became the introduction to the Tratado que fez Mestre Hieronimo (Treatise Made [Written] by Master Hieronimus), (João de Endem, 1565). 86 Finally, in 1573, the same printer published his masterwork, Desengano de perdidos (Disilusion of the Condemned), an extensive theological treatise against the Islamic religion, of which there is only one known copy. 87

A superficial analysis of this treatise immediately reveals the complex intertextual network that supports Br. Gaspar de Leão's prose, which leads us to believe that there was a respectable library behind it, without which the work could not have been written in Goa. A partial survey of the sources used by the Archbishop has already been done, 88 and it showed that he had a wide variety of religious texts at his disposal. In Desengano de perdidos, there are echoes of an enormous variety of works: Alonso de Madrigal's Tostado sobre el Eusebio, a voluminous commentary on Eusébio de Cesareia's Historia eclesiástica (History of the Church), published in Salamanca in the early sixteenth century; Br. Henricus de Herpf's Espelho de perfeiçam (The Mirror of Perfection) (Coimbra, 1533); Johann Tauler's Instituciones o doctrinas (Coimbra, perhaps printed by João da Barreira and João Álvares, 1551); Bernardo Pérez de Chinchón's Libro llamado Antialcorano (A Book Entitled Against the Coran) (Valencia, 1532); and Juan de Vigueras' Ad naturalem et christianam philosophiam institutiones (Paris, 1550).

Br. Gaspar may not have possessed all the works to which he refers either directly or indirectly, since many of them would have been available in the libraries of the religious institutions in Goa. However, his main treatise proves that the capital of the Portuguese State of India had well-stocked libraries, at least with respect to spiritual and doctrinal texts, which were circulated and debated among a learned and interested public.

Jan Huyghen van Linschoten is another scholar who was in the Orient in the sixteenth century. He lived in Goa from 1583 to 1588, serving as Archbishop Dom Vicente da Fonseca's private secretary. Through daily contact with Portuguese people involved in maritime activities, the Dutch traveller carefully gathered a vast amount of information on Asia, covering geography and hydrography, botany and zoology, politics and culture, customs and daily life, trade and navigation. After his return to the Netherlands in 1592, Linschoten devoted himself to systematizing what he had compiled, and in the space of a few years he produced a voluminous set of works. These were quickly printed in his native country, which at the time was taking its first steps in the exploration of the Indian Ocean and certain regions of the Asiatic coast. In 1596, the first edition of Itinerario [...], Voyage ofte Schipvaert van Jan Huygen van Linschoten naer Oost ofte Portugals Indien [...] came off the presses in Amsterdam. An enormously successful work, it gave a detailed description of the coast of Asia, from Bab el Mandeb to the Japanese archipelago, and contained some impressive information that until then was known only to the Portuguese. 89

Apart from the author's experiences in the Orient, the basis of Itinerario [...] was an important bibliography of Portuguese works that Linschoten had acquired, consulted or copied while in Goa. In his spare time, Linschoten had patiently compiled all the geographic and ethnographic material produced by the Portuguese in the sixteenth century, which had been published little by little by Portuguese presses in the second half of the century.

A quick survey of the sources used in the Itinerario [...] reveals vestiges of the use of various Portuguese works, such as Fernão Lopes de Castanheda's Historia do descobrimento e conquista da India pelos Portugueses, an eight-volume work (Coimbra, between 1551 and 1554) a João da Barreira and João Álvares João Barros; Ásia, whose first three Decades were printed in Lisbon between 1552 and 1563 by Germão Galharde; Garcia de Orta's Coloquios dos simples, e drogas [...] (Goa, 1563); Luís de Camões' Os Lusiadas (The Lusiads) (Lisbon, António Gonçalves, 1572);90 Cristovão da Costa's Tratado de las drogas, y medicinas de las Indias Orientales (Treatise on Drugs and Medicines from the Oriental Indies) (Burgos, Martín de Victoria, 1578); 91 and Br. Gaspar da Cruz's Tractado em que se contam muito por estenso as cousas da China (Evora, André de Burgos, 1569-1570).92 Many of these works were probably in the archbishop's private library, where the diligent secretary could easily consult them.

From this brief survey, we can safely conclude that the Portuguese always took books with them when they travelled overseas. The ships that left for India and those that criss-crossed the seas of the Orient always carried a great variety of written materials. And in the cities and fortresses that were founded throughout the coast of Asia more or less important public and private libraries were immediately established. First and foremost, there were religious and educational books, as a result of a mentality and cultural atmosphere that highlighted religious interests. But there were also utilitarian books on technical or scientific subjects that were needed to learn about, appropriate and manage a world full of new geographic, natural and human phenomena. There were also books that people read solely for pleasure in their spare time and those that were used to promote indispensable forms of sociability. The list of the titles available would have been endless.

Frontespiece.

In: CRUZ, Gaspar da, Tractado em que ∫e / cõtam muito por e∫te˜∫o as cou∫as / da China, cõ ∫uas particulri• / dades, e a∫∫i do reyno dormuz / cõpo∫to por el. R. padre frey / Gaspar da Cruz da ord˜e / de ∫am Domingos. / Dirigido ao muito podero∫o Rey dom / Seba∫tiam no∫∫o ∫eñor., Evora, Impre∫∫o om licença / André de Burgos, 1569-1570.

Throughout the Orient, there were avid readers from every level of society and occupational sector. Because of their training, members of religious communities and missionaries would have been the most impenitent readers, but many captains, factory administrators and apothecaries could compete with them in the intensity and enthusiasm with which they dedicated themselves to reading and writing. In terms of the quantity of works in circulation, the balance seems to be positive, and the variety of titles available attests the diversity of the interests of the reading public, which covered practically all areas of knowledge.

The typographic facilities set up by the Portuguese in the Orient produced almost exclusively works of a spiritual nature, with the notable exception of Garcia de Orta's Colóquios dos simples, e drogas [...] .93 The fact that those facilities were patronized by members of religious orders, and especially by the Jesuit Fathers, is reflected in the editorial policy they adopted, which focused mainly on mission interests. The importation of printed books from Portugal, however, made up for the lack of typographic production in other subject areas in the Orient. To illustrate the speed with which books circulated between Portugal and its distant Oriental settlements, one usually cites the example of Gaspar Barreiros' Chorographia de algun lugares, which was printed in Coimbra in 1561 and became available in Goa the following year, in time to be cited in Garcia de Orta's botanical treatise, which came off the presses in April of 1563, after long months of labour by an inexperienced assistant to a printer. 94 The exchange worked in both directions; in November of 1561, Br. Gaspar de Leão sent King Dom Sebastião I a copy of one of his works, the Compêndio espiritual da vida Christãa (Goa, João de Endem, 1561). 95

Besides importing books from Europe, the Portuguese who lived in, or visited, the Orient also contributed to the uninterrupted production of texts in virtually all fields of knowledge. Genres such as poetry, drama and religious literature continued to be cultivated in traditional ways in the overseas settlements; however, contact with new lands and new peoples led to new experiences and the development of an enormous variety of written material — articles, accounts, itineraries, letters, reports — aimed at giving an adequate account of the world's new worlds. 96

Two examples will serve to illustrate the presence of books — the faithful travel companions —among the Portuguese who travelled through the Orient. The first is that of António Correia, who visited Pegu in 1519 on a trade and diplomatic mission, and managed to establish a treaty of friendship and collaboration with the local sovereign. When urged to swear an oath of peace upon the holy book of the Portuguese, he turned to a voluminous copy of "[...] hum Cançeoneiro de trovas emprimidas [...]" ("[...] a songbook with printed ballads [...]") he had taken with him and which had been "nao nã avia outro livro que fizesse mayor pompa por ser de folha de papel inteira [...]" ("[...] the most impressive one [on his ship] because it was printed on whole sheets of paper [...]"). 97 The book in question was the monumental compilation by Garcia de Resende Cancioneiro Geral (The Complete Cancionero) (Lisbon, Hermão de Campos, 1516) in a mere three years earlier. 98

The second example involves someone called Gil Eanes Pereira, who was living in the kingdom of Bengal. At the end of 1578, as he was about to leave on a Portuguese ship bound for the west coast of India, he was called to the camp of a relative of the Viceroy of Chittagong, who was a few leagues from the city and had asked to see "[...] one of our books [...]". Pereira took with him a copy of a ("[...]Vita Christi the size of a missal, with all the events from the Incarnation to the Ascension illuminated [...]"), 99 which was duly appreciated by the Bengali nobleman.

There you have it, a little-known chapter of the history of Portugal's presence in the Orient in the sixteenth century. The documentary evidence, although scattered, clearly shows that the Portuguese attached great importance to reading in their daily lives while they were overseas, books being considered essential and indispensable instruments of culture, even in the most remote and inhospitable regions through which our men travelled. The best way to explore this subject would be to do a detailed analysis of the works of Portuguese writers who travelled to the Orient in the sixteenth century, in an effort to determine the extent of their reading and the contents of the libraries they may have had access to.

Translated from the Portuguese by: Paula Sousa

NOTES

** Translator's note: Turkish or Egyptian soldiers who were taken from their Christian parents when they were children, indoctrinated in Islam and trained for battle.

*** Translator's note: Name given to important people in Kaffraria, governors, etc.

1 SUBRAHMANYAM, Sanjay, O Império Asiático Português, 1500-1700 — Uma História Política e Económica, Lisboa, Difel, 1995 — This recent synthesis includes an extensive bibliography.

2 RUSSELL-WOOD, A. J. R., ALBUQUERQUE, Luís GUERREIRO, Inácio, eds., Men under Stress: The Social Environment of the Carreira da Índia, 1550-1750, in II SEMINÁRIO INTERNACIONAL DE HISTÓRIA INDOPORTUGUESA, [Actas do...], Lisboa, Instituto de Investigação Científica Tropical, 1985, pp.19-35.

3 CORREIA, Gaspar, ALMEIDA, Manuel Lopes de, ed., Lendas da Índia, 2 vols., Porto, Lello & Irmão, 1975, vol. l, p.1.

See: RADULET, Carmen, Vasco da Gama — La prima circumnavigazione dell'Africa 1497-1499, Reggio Emilia, Edizione Diabasis, 1994, pp.31-57 —Concerning the attribution of the known account of Vasco da Gama's first voyage to Álvaro Velho.

4 ALBUQUERQUE, Luís de, Estudos de História, Coimbra, Acta Universitatis Conimbrigensis, 1972-1978, vol. 5, pp. 135-142; PINTO, João Rocha, Houve diários de bordo durante os séculos XV e XVI?, in ALBUQUERQUE, Luís de, ed., VI REUNIÃO INTERNACIONAL DA HISTÓRIA DA NÁUTICA E HIDROGRAFIA, [Actas da...], Lisboa, Comissão Nacional para as Comemorações dos Descobrimentos Portugueses, 1989, pp.383-416 — With respect to this type of literature.

5 MENEZES, José de Vasconcellos e, Armadas Portuguesas — Apoio Sanitário na Época dos Descobrimentos, Lisboa, Academia de Marinha, 1987, p. 113 ff.

6 REGO, António da Silva, Estudos de História Luso-Africana e Oriental, Lisboa, Academia Portuguesa de História, 1994, pp.79-81 —For some observations.

7 SIMÕES, Maria Alzira Proença, Catálogo dos Impressos de Tipografia Portuguesa do Século XVI — A Colecção da Biblioteca Nacional, Lisboa, Biblioteca Nacional, 1990, p.241.

8 SCHURHAMMER, Georg Otto, S. J., Orientalia, Roma, Institutum Historicum Societatis Iesu, 1963, pp.317-327.

9 CASTANHEDA, Fernão Lopes de, ALMEIDA, Manuel Lopes de, ed., História do Descobrimento e Conquista da Índia pelos Portugueses, 2 vols., Porto, Lello & Irmão, 1979, vol. 1, p.689.

See: REGO, António da Silva, ed., Documentação para a História das Missões do Padroado Português do Oriente — Índia, 12 vols., Lisboa, Agência Geral do Ultramar, 1947-1958,1947, vol.1, pp.222-223.

10 Ibidem., vol. 1, p.338.

11 Ibidem., vol. 1, p.419.

12 ANSELMO, António Joaquim, Bibliografia das obras impressas em Portugal no século XVI, Lisboa, Biblioteca Nacional, 1926, pp. 119-120.

13 REGO, António da Silva, ed., 1947-1958, op. cit., vol. 1, pp.419-420.

14 ANSELMO, António Joaquim, op. cit., p.146.

15 DIAS, João José Alves, ed., No Quinto Centenário da "Vita Christi" — Os Primeiros Impressores Alemães em Portugal, Lisboa, Biblioteca Nacional, 1995, p.32.

See: HOOK, David, A Note on the Books Sent to Prester John in 1515 by King Manuel I, in "Studia", Lisboa, (37) 1973, pp.303-315

See: AUBIN, Jean, L'ambassade du Prêtre Jean à D. Manuel, in "Mare Luso-Indicum", Paris, (3) 1976, pp. 1-56 — For information on the embassy.

16 CORREIA, Gaspar, ALMEIDA, Manuel Lopes de, ed., 4 vols., Lendas da Índia, Porto, Lello & Irmão, vol. 2, pp. 464-65.

17 RAMUSIO, Giovanni Battista MILANESI, Marica ed., Navigazioni e viaggi, vol. 1, Torino, Einaudi, 1978-1988, p. 11.

18 REGO, António da Silva, ed., 1947-1958, op. cit., vol. 1, pp.336-39.

19 DIAS, João José Alves, ed., op. cit., pp.45-57.

20 SIMÕES, Maria Alzira Proença, op. cit., p.68.

21 REGO, António da Silva, ed., 1947-1958, op. cit., vol. 1, p.411.

22 Ibidem., vol. 2, p.328.

23 Ibidem., vol. 4, p.206.

24 DIAS, José Sebastião da Silva, A Política Cultural da Época de D. João III, 2 vols. Coimbra, Universidade de Coimbra, 1969.

25 MATOS, Luís de, ed., Imagens do Oriente no século XVI — Códice Casanatense 1889, Lisboa, Imprensa Nacional - Casa da Moeda, 1985, pp.33-34.

26 SCHURHAMMER, Georg Otto, S. J., Francisco Javier — Su vida y su tiempo, 4 vols., Pamplona, Gobierno de Navarra - Compañia de Jesús & Arzobispado de Pamplona, 1992, vol. 3, pp.317-336.

27 REGO, António da Silva, ed., 1947-1958, op. cit., vol. 3, pp.24-25.

28 WICKI, Josef, S. J., ed., Documenta Indica [...], in "Monumenta Historica Societatis Iesu", 19 vols., [to follow], Roma, 1944-1988,1944, vol. 1 p.35 [vols. 1-13 are edited by WICKI alone. [Vols. 14-16 are edited by WICKI and Gomes, John, S. J.].

29 Ibidem., vol. 1, p.36.

30 Ibidem., vol. 1. p.88.

31 Ibidem., vol. 1, p. 136.

32 Ibidem., vol. 1, p.89.

33 Ibidem., vol. 2, p.84.

34 Ibidem., vol. 1, p.335.

35 Ibidem., vol. 1, pp.340-341.

36 Ibidem., vol. 3, pp.201-205.

37 ANSELMO, António Joaquim, op. cit., p.66.

38 The catalogues consulted refer only to an edition published in Lisboa in 1579 (ANSELMO, António Joaquim, op. cit., pp.140-141). Was there an earlier one, as this reference seems to suggest? It seems more likely that it was a Latin edition.

39 ANSELMO, António Joaquim, op. cit., p. 175.

40 Ibidem., p.179.

41 SIMÕES, Maria Alzira Proença, op. cit., p. 127.

42 Ibidem., p.149.

43 Ibidem., p.66.

44 LEÃO, D. Gaspar de, ASENSIO, Eugenio, ed., op. cit., Desengano de perdidos, Coimbra, Acta Universitatis Conimbrigensis, 1958, pp. xxxviii-lx.

45 WICKI, Josef, S. J., ed., op. cit., vol. 4, p.614.

46 Ibidem., vol. 5, p.531.

47 Ibidem., vol. 6, p.295.

48 Ibidem., vol. 6, p.772.

49 SÁ, Artur Moreira de, ed., Índices dos Livros Proibidos em Portugal no Século XVI, Lisboa, Instituto Nacional de Investigação Científica, 1983.

50 WICKI, Josef, S. J., ed., op. cit., vol. 6, p.308.

51 ANSELMO, António Joaquim, op. cit., pp.299, 302, 181 — Respectively.

52 PÉREZ-MALLAÍNA, Pablo Emilio, Los Hombres del Océano — Vida cotidiana de los tripulantes de las flotas de Indias (Siglo XVI), Sevilla, Expo '92 & Diputación Provincial de Sevilla, 1992, pp.162-167.

53 CÁRCEL, Ricardo García, Las Culturas del Siglo de Oro, Madrid, (Historia 16), 1989, p.113 ff.

54 WICKI, Josef, S. J., ed., op. cit., vol. 11, p.350.

55 LEONARD, Irving A., Los Libros del Conquistador, Mexico City, Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1979, pp.218-232.

56 CORTESÃO, Armando, A Suma Oriental de Tomé Pires e o Livro de Francisco Rodrigues, Coimbra, Acta Universitatis Conimbrigensis, 1978, p. 131.

57 BARROS, João de, RÉVAH, I. S., ed., Ropica Pnefma, 2 vols., Lisboa, Instituto Nacional de Investigação Científica, 1983, vol. 2, pp.3-5.

See: BOXER, Charles Ralph, João de Barros, Portuguese Humanist and Historian of Asia, New Delhi, Concept Publishing Company, 1981, p. 146.

58 RESENDE, Duarte de, BUESCU, Maria Leonor Carvalhão, ed. Tratados de Amizade, Paradoxos e Sonho de Cipião, Lisboa, Imprensa Nacional Cad da Moeda, 1982).

59 BARROS, João de, Ásia — Década III, Lisboa, Imprensa Nacional - Casa da Moeda, 1992, bk. 5, chap. 10, fol. 153 vo [facsimile of the 1st edition: Lisboa, 1563].

60 MATOS, Luís de, ed., op. cit., p.37, n.29.

61 ANSELMO, António Joaquim, op. cit., p.151.

62 Ibidem., pp.296-297.

63 CORREIA, Gaspar, op. cit., vol. 1, pp.1, 134; vol. 2, p.833.

64 SIMÕES, Maria Alzira Proença, op. cit., pp.88-90, 60-61 —Respectively.

65 REBELO, Luís de Sousa, A Tradição Clássica na Literatura Portuguesa, Lisboa' Livros Horizonte, 1982, pp.195-240 — Where the topic of 'armas e letras' ('arms and letters') is explored.

66 DIAS, José Sebastião da Silva, op. cit., p.727 ff.

67 ORTA, Garcia de, Coloquios dos simples, e drogas he cousas mediçinais da India, Lisboa, Academia das Ciências de Lisboa, 1963, col. 2, fol. 7 vo [facsimile of the 1st edition: Goa, 1563].

See: FICALHO, Conde de, Garcia de Orta e o Seu Tempo, Lisboa, Imprensa Nacional - Casa da Moeda, 1983, p.65 ff. —Concerning Martim Afonso.

68 SIMÕES, Maria Alzira Proença, op. cit., p.116.

69 MARTINS, José Vitorino de Pina, Au Portugal dans le sillage d'Erasme, Paris, Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian (Centro Cultural de Paris), 1977, pp.93-94.

70 PEREIRA, Gabriel, Espólio de Baltazar Jorge, juiz da alfândega de Diu em 1546, in "Boletim da Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa", Lisboa, 4 (6) 1883, pp.287-292.

71 CORTESÃO, Armando -ALBUQUERQUE, Luís de, ed., Obras Completas de D. João de Castro, 4 vols., Coimbra, Academia Internacional da Cultura Portuguesa, 1968-1981, vol. 3, p.53.

72 SCHURHAMMER, Georg Otto, S. J., 1963, op. cit., p. 150.

73 ASENSIO, Eugenio, Un relato árabe recogido por D. João de Castro, in III COLÓQUIO INTERNACIONAL DE ESTUDOS LUSO-BRASILEIROS, [Actas do...], 2 vols., Lisboa, 1959-1960, vol. 1, pp.395-413.

Also see: CORTESÃO, Armando -ALBUQUERQUE, Luís de, ed., op. cit., vols. 1-2, all Notes.

74 Ibidem., vols. 1, 2.

75 See the frontispiece of O Primeiro Concilio Prouinçial çelebrado em Goa. No anno de 1567 (Goa, João de Endem, 1568), apud BOXER, Charles Ralph, A Tentative Check-List of Indo-Portuguese Imprints, in "Arquivos do Centro Cultural Português", Paris, (9)1975, p.576.

76 ORTA, Garcia de, op. cit., unnumbered fols.

77 Ibidem., fol. 228 vo.

78 FICALHO, Conde de, op. cit., pp.284-300.

79 ORTA, Garcia de, op. cit., col. 15, fol. 60.

80 FICALHO, Conde de, op. cit., pp.288-291.

81 ORTA, Garcia de, op. cit, passim.

82 Idem.

83 REGO, António da Silva, ed., op. cit., vol. 8, p.8.

84 MATOS, Manuel Cadafaz de, Livros e utensilagem tipográfica na carreira da Índia (Séculos XV e XVI), Lisboa, Edições Távola Redonda, 1990.

85 ANSELMO, António Joaquim, op. cit., p. 152.

86 Ibidem., p.151.

87 LEÃO, D. Gaspar de, op. cit.

88 Ibidem., pp. lxvi-ciii.

89 LINSCHOTEN, Jan Huyghen van, BURNELL, Arthur Coke - TIELE, P. A. Tiele, eds. The Voyage of John Huyghen van Linschoten to the East Indies, 2 vols., New Delhi, Asian Educational Services, 1988.

90 SIMÕES, Maria Alzira Proença, op. cit., p.77.

91 COSTA, Cristovão da Costa, WALTER, Jaime, ed., Tratado das drogas e medicinas das Índias Orientals, Lisboa, Junta de Investigações do Ultramar, 1964.

92 SIMÕES, Maria Alzira Proença, op. cit., p.116.

93 BOXER, Charles Ralph, 1975, op,. cit.

94 ORTA, Garcia de, op. cit., fol. 229.

95 WICKI, Josef, S. J., ed., op. cit., vol. 5, p.231.

96 SILVA, Daya de, The Portuguese in Asia— An Annotated Bibliography, Zug/Switzerland, I. D. C., 1987.

97 BARROS, João de, op. cit., bk. 3, chap. 4, fol. 67.

98 SIMÕES, Maria Alzira Proença, op. cit., p.80.

99 WICKI, Josef, S. J., ed., op. cit., vol. 11, p.424.

* Ph. D in History, by the Faculdade de Letras (Faculty of Arts) of the Universidade de Lisboa (University of Lisbon), Lisbon. Director of the Algarve of the Universidade Lusófana, in Lagos. Member of the Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa (Geography Society of Lisbon) and the Academia da Marinha (Naval Academy). Bursar of the Divisáo de Estudos, Investigação e Publicação (Division of Studies, Research and Publications) of the Instituto Cultural de Macau (Cultural Institute of Macau).

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