History

IVAN VREMAN (°Split 1583 — † Nanchang 1620) A CROATIAN AMONG THE JESUIT MISSIONARIES IN JAPAN AND CHINA1

Juan Ruiz-de-Medina*

INTRODUCTION

In 1968, the following lines on Ivan Vreman appeared in print in Macao: "Father Ivan Vreman, from Dalmatia (Yugoslavia), went by the surname Wu 2 and entered the Mission in the year 1620. Bound for Nanjing, he died there shortly after his arrival and was buried outside the [city] walls, at the foot of Yo hoatay [sic?] mountain. Nothing is known to posterity about this most novice [missionary]."3

Fortunately for us, over the last twenty three years it has become clear that the missionary was not such a novice and that there is a good deal to be said about him. 4 In this brief article, I present some facts that might be of interest in both Croatia as well as in the countries of East Asia, facts, I believe, unknown until now.

At this time, there is little to be added about Ivan Vreman's childhood: he was born in Split (Spalato) on the 6th of April 1583. That is the date given by him when he began his novitiate at San Andrea on the Quirinal in Rome, two months before his seventeenth birthday. I have uncovered nothing new about his family or his transfer from Dalmatia to Rome.

It is certain that in Split or Rome, or perhaps Loreto, he became acquainted with the Jesuits and that before entering the Society of Jesus he studied Latin grammar and began to study humanities; but it is only probable that these studies were undertaken at the Collegio Romano della Propagande Fide (Roman College).

§ 1. IN THE NOVITIATE AT SAN ANDREA IN ROME

The 1st of February 1600 is usually given as the date of his entry into the Order, and this is repeated in the official catalogues. However, the earliest record of his legal inscription as a novice, which includes his own signature, is dated the twenty-sixth:

"202. 26 feb° 1600. Gioanni Vremano di Dalmatia, di Spalato di anni 16 compiti. Venne a S. Andrea il p° di feb° 1600. "

This intriguing document enumerates the possessions which Ivan brought with him to the novitiate and suggests that he belonged to a reasonably wealthy family. 5

After two years in the novitiate, he went to the Roman College. From 1602 to 1604 he studied Rhetoric, 6 and subsequently Philosophy until 1606. 7 By then, he had taught Grammar for six or seven months and had been a prefect at the Seminary for eleven months. 8

All this information is widely applicable to any Jesuit student of 1606, but from that year on, Ivan distances himself from the crowd. The Roman College was an outstanding institution owing to the presence of eminent figures in the field of science, and the superiors noted that Ivan was gifted in mathematics and astronomy. Under the tutelage of Clavio, Grienberger, Odon van Maelcote and others, he was able to excel in these fields, and the knowledge he acquired occasioned his correspondence with lay scientists and led him to establish friendships with them. 9

Dated the 13th of January 1609, a letter has been preserved, composed in Italian by Vreman and sent from the Roman College; it is one of several he appears to have written to the famous astronomer Giovanni Antonio Magini. In this letter, Vreman relates the observations he noted down in Rome with regard to the January 1609 lunar eclipse. 10

It is a delightful letter from a mature twenty-five-year old man for whom immersion in science did not imply forgetting human feelings in the face of a friend's grief upon the death of his small son. 11

Through another letter, we know that the last period of Vreman's stay in Rome was decisive for the new direction his life took: the passage from science to the apostolic life. 12

§2. SWEPT BY TIDAL WAVES

At that time, heartening tidings of the Japan mission were reaching the Roman College. 13 Many young Jesuits at the College offered themselves as volunteers, 14 and the directors and professors encouraged these noble desires. A case in point was Muzio Vitelleschi, who had left his academic chair to direct first the powerful Jesuit province of Naples and from 1606 that of Italy, until in 1608 he was appointed assistant to General Aquaviva. 15

It is impossible to ascertain whether Vreman was one of those volunteers or whether his move to the East was prompted by an initiative of the General instituted by Vitelleschi. Perhaps the truth rests with the latter, since the 1617 letter to which I am referring states "[...] your Vreman swept by tidal waves in Europe, [...]" a storm whose seeming effect on his scientific work was none other than that of sacrificing a life immersed in study to a great apostolic enterprise. 16 The fact is that on the 20th of September 1609, Aquaviva sent him the grant that dispatched him to the Japan mission, 17 and Vreman left the Roman College en route to Lisbon, the port of embarkation for the East.

The following five years, lacking in precise chronology, are characterized by several events: his trip to Portugal, king Filipe I of Portugal (Felipe II of Spain) rejecting his passage to the Indies "[...] on account of his being foreign, [...]" his trip to the College at Oropesa in the province of Toledo, Spain where he spent "[...] two or three years, [...]"18 a year teaching humanities and two studying theology and the Iberian languages. 19 During these years he was ordained a priest.

Once the royal grant was finally obtained on his behalf and that of other missionaries, Vreman returned to Lisbon and embarked on the 5th of April 1615, with six Portuguese Jesuits and five Italian Jesuits. 20 He stopped in India for almost nine months, possibly to complete his theological studies in Goa, and in May 1616, he departed in the company of the Visitor Francisco Vieira, bound for Macao, where they arrived on the 13th of July 1616. 21

§3. LATIN IMPAIRED BY HASTE

His first impressions of the Portuguese colony must have been disheartening. In January 1615, the ranks of the thirty seven residents at the San Pablo College, founded a few years earlier, were swollen by the arrival of sixty two Jesuits and fifty three dojuku22 who had been expelled from Japan by Tokugawa Ieyasu. When Vreman arrived, there were more than ninety five Jesuits.

From his very first moments in Macao, he realized that the Japan mission was closed to him and that he should set his sights on China and make the effort of learning a new language. The languages he already knew (Croatian, Italian, Latin, Spanish and Portuguese) were clearly no barrier, because scarcely had he settled in Macao, in the year of his arrival, than he was given the duty of translating from Portuguese to Latin the 1616 Carta Annua (Annual Letter,) which had been received from Japan shortly before. 23 The reason Vreman was selected for this duty is apparent from the words of the Visitor Francisco Vieira to the Assistant of the East Indies:

"Our Father has ordered that the Annual Letters of this Province and its Christian kingdoms leave here in good Latin in order that they circulate Italy and other provinces of Europe. And should we have no-one to write them in Latin, at least they must be in Italian so that in Rome they can be translated into Latin and sent to other provinces.

This year, because the Italian Fathers have forgotten their tongue and style and we do not have a good Latinist, they were composed in Latin only to be improved on in Rome; thus we have a need here in Macao for a good Latin Father, who is not a wandering spirit, to establish himself here in this college and to serve this and other purposes. And Your Reverence will kindly please present all this to our Father, excusing the Annual Letters if they are not as well written as we would hope and seeking for us someone who can write them better, which would bring comfort and peace of mind to us here and to Your Reverences there in Rome."24

On the 13th of December 1616, Vreman signed his Latin translation in Macao. If the Visitor was not altogether satisfied with Vreman's rendering, the translator himself, an old professor of Latin Grammar, was conscious of his own defects. Celso Confaloniero, member of the provincial, excused him before the secretary of the Society of Jesus:

"Per ordine del P. Provinciale, al quale servo di compagno bem che assai indigno, aviso alla R. V. che non voglia far conto dell' annua dal Giappone ultimamente mandata (se la mandarno tuttavia) per via delle Filippine, perche anchor non era revista dal detto P. Provinciale che quivi nella China assai la riformò, e fu fatta in latino dal P. Giovanni Vremano, ben che non a suo gosto per la brevità del tempo non dar luogo a stilo più limato como lo desiderava e poteva."25

Haste impaired Vreman's Latin style, but at least his superiors were relieved to have found someone who could undertake work that no-one else was qualified to do.

§4. SAD TIDINGS FROM JAPAN AND CHINA

In addition to the content of the Annual Letter, far from cheerful owing to the tragic tidings of persecution in Japan, 26 there came the news that Vreman and his companions received about the persecution of Emperor Wanli and the exile of the missionaries, attacks provoked by the Beijing and Nanjing mandarins in August 1616. 27

The Visitor Francisco Vieira alluded in January 1618 to what had occurred two years before upon stating:

"Each day we await the four Fathers from the China mission who have been in Guangzhou for months hoping to leave China and embark for India, in accordance with the King's edict, and we are most sad because of this. But we will not countenance going to India. There are still 14 of ours hidden in China, and may Our Lord keep them under his divine providence."28

According to the Breve relaçam do estado da Christandade da China no anno de 1618, there were fourteen Jesuits in China: eight European fathers and six Macanese brothers. Four were expelled from Beijing and Nanjing, and those that remained in China "[...] live in the city of Hangzhou, a metropolis in the province of Zhejiang, under the wing of Doctor Miguel, who has almost all of them in his home."29

In spite of being legally exiled, in 1618 one Jesuit went from Hangzhou to Beijing, where a Chinese brother was in hiding, to visit the Christian community. Two fathers and two brothers went to the province of Shanxi, but upon finding difficulties they divided up in the province of Henan. · Two fathers and a brother visited the province of Hukuan [Huguang?]· and the cities of Nanjing and Guangzhou. The Christian community of Shanghai also received two visits and two fathers and a brother, hidden in the province of Jiangxi, · attended to the faithful in the cities of Nanchang· and Qianshan· and neighboring areas. 30

§5. "THE LAST DAY I SPENT IN EUROPE"

Vreman's impressions and reaction to these adverse circumstances are captured several months later. On the 25th of May 1617, he wrote his first letter in Italian and in a familiar tone to Muzio Vitelleschi, after the latter had been elected general. 31 It is, I believe, an unknown work in the author's hand. In the letter, Vreman congratulates him on his election and wishes him a long period of service in office. Following that, he subtly recalls (as cited above) the hard times spent by "[...] your Vreman swept across Europe by tidal waves in the past, [...]" and he compares those days to the present fears that beset him in Macao with regard to his future, "[...] without knowing anything at all about where I will go, where I will find myself. China is closed, Japan is nothing less, between us and Europe a great Chaos."32

In a tentative but clear-cut manner, he then tells him of the patience recommended him by his companions in Macao and of his poor health and low spirits: "They tell me: trust in the Lord, act like a man. 33 Trust I can, but I do not know how I can act. On the other hand, from suffering I have no recourse, in body much, 34 in spirit no less so."

Vreman has several paragraphs commenting to Vitelleschi on what without doubt the former had written to him during the years of his stay in Portugal and Spain. They are recollections of the letters that Aquaviva had sent him confirming his mission in the East, the acceptance of which was, without doubt, an heroic gesture on Vreman's part: "I have one consolation: the last day I spent in Europe, 35 torn by human feelings and abundant tears, as I read the letters of our Father with my soul36 and hearing in them the divine voice that said to me: Get thee hither from that Europe of yours, etc. I say that to have emerged on that day, to be of God, that I should leave Europe was clearly declared to me through my superiors."37

The realism of his viewpoint led him to abandon the idea of entering Japan "[...] because neither is there a dearth of those who go there, 38 and nor is it the time for many to do so. "Going to China did not strike him either as a viable option, a possibility. [...] I despair of for a few years at least." He saw only the missionary road open to him in Cochin-China which for a year had seemed like a favorable possibility, but six months later he realized that things were not going smoothly there. 39

He concludes the letter with an enigmatic phrase which reflects the difficulties that assailed the Jesuit community of Macao: "Neither are all the Fathers and Brothers remiss in their duty: their charity is truly great and it is well known to me and in me. And certainly at times the plaintive voices of some of them have not seemed to me justified."

§6. AN ILL-CONCEIVED DECISION

It is admirable that in May 1617, Vreman excuses the harsh complaints he hears others voice with regard to the Provincial Valentim Carvalho, but more notable is the fact that he makes not the slightest allusion to his status as an almost forcibly unemployed scientist owing to Carvalho himself. On this count, the previous January the Rector of the College, Jerónimo Rodrigues, 40 had written to General Vitelleschi that"[...] in this province [...] we do not have anyone who studies European sciences."41

In reality, this was not the outcome of a dearth of students but rather of the Provincial's lack of understanding. Vreman largely excused everything whilst many others put their complaints in writing in a good number of letters bound for Rome.

One of the points of friction had its origin in Niccolo Longobardo's opposition to the apostolic approach of his compatriot Mateo Ricci, by then dead, which he branded timid and fruitless as regards winning the friendship of the mandarins through mathematics, astronomy and cartography.

Valentim Carvalho, Provincial of Japan and China, allowed himself to be influenced by Longbardo to such a degree that he prohibited his subordinates from following Ricci's path, reasoning that present circumstances were more suited to preachers proceeding in public with apostolic liberty in their ministry. Mathematics, ethics and other natural sciences were therefore more an impediment than an aid in an erstwhile firmly established Church.

Carvalho had not experienced China from within nor was he acquainted with the idiosyncrasies of the Chinese, but he firmly prohibited the Nanjing Jesuits and others from dedicating themselves to the apostolate through science, even at the cost of losing the friendship of the mandarins. Further, even if the Emperor should call upon them to intervene in the composing of the official calendar they were to refuse to collaborate.

The Polish historian Dunin Szpot said in 1700: "This ill-conceived decision by Carvalho profoundly upset the rest of the Jesuits, in particular those that lived in Beijing, as well as the Christian doctors Paul, Leo and Michael, because it undermined the foundations of the China mission, foundations that were laid on efforts to correct the Chinese calendar. 42 Those eminent and most far-sighted gentlemen recognized that the China mission of a handful of foreigners had no chance of surviving in China save by the enduring, stable and unified presence of the Jesuits in the King's court. And the correction of the calendar alone could open the way, as in effect it did during the reign of Tienkio, and later during that of Sunchinio. 43 In spite of everything, what the indiscreet zeal of the Superior had ordered was put into effect."44

Valentim Carvalho remained in Macao until in 1625, at which point he was summoned to the Indies, but his term as Provincial of Japan ended in May 1617, 45 just when Vreman might have called on Vitelleschi to insist in the role of science in the China mission, and, therefore, in the College of Macao. But Vreman held his tongue, forgave and forgot, and continued his undervalued teaching efforts with a smattering of students. 46

§7. ONCE AGAIN AN URGENT ITALIAN TRANSLATION

In spite of the defects of the 1616 Latin translation, the superiors called upon Vreman again, and with the same urgency. The new task for the Croatian Jesuit was Breve Relatione delli Martiri [...] dell'anno 1617, which had just arrived from Japan, eleven folios that were "[...] scrisse Girolamo Rodriguez, a fedelmente di Portughese tradusse in Italiano Giovanni Vremano [...]" ("[...] written by Jerónimo Rodrigves and faithfully translated from Portuguese into Italian... Ivan Vreman [...]). 47 The autograph copy ends with a comment that appears to ask for understanding in face of possible defects of the author (his maternal language was neither Italian nor Portuguese): "Di Macao, fatta con pressa, a 28 di Decembro dell'anno 1617" ("From Macao, in haste, on the 28th of December of the year 1617.").

In 1618 and 1619, Vreman continued his muted, one might say forgotten, task of teaching mathematics; so forgotten that Jerónimo Rodrigues does not even mention it among the teaching activities of the College of Macao during Vreman's last year of pedagogy:

"As this College in Macao is like a Seminary for the three Missions in Japan, China and Cochin-China, eighty six members of the Society were resident in it this year: forty seven priests and thirty nine brothers; some exiled from Japan and China, others who were newly arrived from Europe; and others who had previously lived there. Sixteen are professed of the four vows, fifteen spiritual coadjutors and nine secular graduates. Five teachers, one for Cases, one in Philosophy, two in Latin and one in reading and writing."48

The chronicler focused his attention on the serious problem of the persecutions in China and Japan rather than on the world of studies, and Vreman must have shared his sentiments, because later Rodrigues writes a paragraph that alludes to Vreman without specifying his name:

"The exiled are waiting for Our Lord to open the door so that they can enter once again into their Missions, and those who will come again are preparing themselves by learning the language in order to make good their time. Of these latter, two left for inland China a few days ago."49

§8. "AND THUS THIS YEAR OF 1619[...]"

Rodrigues's testimony is crucial to establishing the date of Vreman's penetration of "inland China", which was not 1620 as even old documents say, by a few days before the date of the letter, given as the 28th of December 1619.

This is evident because one of those two mentioned above by Rodnigues was precisely Ivan Vreman, and Jerónimo Rodnigues ought to have been as explicit as Francisco Furtado, who, in addition to giving his name, gave two reasons for which the Croatian, one of "[...] those who will come again, [...]" left before some veterans who remained in Macao:

"Doctors Paul, Leo and Michael, who desire and seek the conversion of this kingdom with all their might, urgently ask for new Fathers to enter in order to learn the language, and thus this year of six hundred and nineteen two fathers entered, one of them Father Ivan Vreman from Dalmatia."51

There was another consideration, humanitarian in scope. According to Furtado, Vreman's health could not withstand the climate of Macao and the superiors sent him surreptitiously to inland China "[...] where the air and food, more similar to those of Europe, promised improved health."

Until they arrived in Guangzhou, they encountered no major difficulties, but once in port they raised suspicions and it was necessary to hide Vreman in the bilge of the ship that was taking them to the interior. Three December days with his feet in the water aggravated his stomach ailment and other problems with the result that they had to stop over with the Jesuits in Nanchang "[...] at Dom Pedro's house [...]" the neophyte mandarin Ma San Chi, Dr. Pedro in the documents. 53

§9. IN THE MIDDLE OF THE ROAD GOD CALLED HIM TO HIS SIDE

Furtado's complete written material is of paramount value to us because he gives a short biography of Vreman in addition to the two minor details on which I have commented. In this piece he inserts the detailed narration of someone who witnessed his death. It is worth concluding our study with the testimony as it appears in the manuscript: 54

Ten members were in Macao awaiting departure, of these, four were past masters and had been exiled during the beginning of the persecution; among this number was the already-deceased Fr. Diego de Pantoja, and later Fr. Sabatino de Ursis also died, as we shall state when it befits, and thus only two of the old ones remained along with Fr. Manuel Dias Junior, who had gone to Macao to describe to the Father Visitor the trip he had made to China at the latter's behest. The other five were new, having come from Europe with the Procurator.

The entry of our men was successful, and on three occasions six arrived safely. Those of that year are Fr. Manuel Dias (Junior), a Portuguese, and Fr. Ivan Vreman Dalmatia, whom God called to his side, crowning his long forbearance in seeking this mission. 55 For this good Father had arrived in Lisbon at a time when the King [of Portugal] prohibited foreigners from traveling to India.

He never doubted however that Our Lord would open the door, and thus he stopped over in Portugal and in Castile at the Oropesa College56 for two or three years until God granted his wishes, although once he arrived in Macao it was necessary for him to cling to them in constancy once again because whilst he was already on the road with a beard and long hair, our exiles arrived, 57 and thus he was forced to wait three or four years more, 58 which he spent reading mathematics at the College and hearing confessions.

The Father was not his most healthy in this land, and thus the first occasion his superiors had, they sent him to inland China, where the air and food, more akin to that of Europe, promised hope of better health.

§10. SEVERAL MONTHS IN THE INTERIOR OF CHINA

The two members left Macao; 59 they arrived without problem in Guangzhou, but there, owing to a certain rumor they heard after being in the boat that was to take them, 60 it was necessary to hide Father Vreman in the far corners of the ship, where he stayed three days with his feet in water; since it was during the month of December and his stomach was upset, his illness and old problems worsened with such discomfort that upon arriving in Nanchang it was necessary for him to stay with our people in that city. 61

Fr. João da Rocha was the Father Superior for the two places in which our people lived at the time in that province. He received the sick man with great charity, and in like manner sought his cure; upon improvement, Rocha left him with a Brother62 because it was necessary for him to depart to begin work on a house in another city at a few days journey by road. But once the Father Superior left, the sick man grew worse and died within a few days. Regarding his death I will transcribe here what was written by the Brother who accompanied him, this being sent to the Superior of the Mission, as follows:

§ ll. AN EYEWITNESS REPORT

"Friday of Holy Week63 I arrived in Nanchang where I found Fr. Ivan Vreman much worn down by the illness, so much that he seemed nothing but skin and bone, needing help even to turn in the bed. In illness, wracked by pains, he was lucid down to his last day. He spent the time in almost continuous colloquies with the image of the crucified Christ which he had with him, and meditating the Passion, he bore his suffering with patience and was consoled; listening to his colloquia and knowing myself to be of hard heart, I was unable to console myself by tears. During the short shift left to him after my arrival, he asked me each day to read or tell him something about the lives of the Saints. I spent most of the day with him in this exercise. He also begged me to slowly read to him the seven penitential Psalms in order for him to have time for his pious meditations and colloquies."

§ 12. THAT 22ND OF APRIL 1620, IN NANCHANG

"Things went on this way until the Wednesday64 after Resurrection Sunday, and because he felt that it would be the last day of his life, he asked me to open the Flos Santorum and read whichever Saint's life I happened upon. I did so very slowly, and he, as he was already wont to do, accompanied my reading with soft colloquies with Christ Our Lord and ordinarily they were full of acts of love and desire to see himself free of his mortal body. He entered then the throes of death, and almost in his last breath stated that he did not fear death but only much regretted not being able to work and suffer for the souls during the advent of the Church in China, as he had always hoped, but since God so wished it, he was very happy to do his most holy will. During these moments, he asked me to open his basket and he took from it a notebook (appearing to deal with spiritual matters) which he did not want to remain extant after his death, and he ordered it to be burned. He asked me then to tie to his right arm a veronica of indulgences of St. Charles. At that moment he was overwhelmed by some stabbing pains between which he repeated three times the beautiful names of Jesus and Mary, and fixing his eyes on the crucifix, he passed away, and his blessed soul took flight to receive the reward for his labours."

§12. AND THE FOLLOWING DAY IN NANJING

"The same day, in line with Chinese custom, I placed the body in a coffin and the next day65 I left with it for Nanjing, where I encountered four of ours who three days earlier had arrived in that city, and at the place that we have for burials of our people, we left the body of Fr. Ivan Vreman in the company of Fr. Feliciano da Silva who was already buried there." This is where the letter ends.

This was the happy end of Father Ivan Vreman, whose death we much regretted because he was lost to us at the very inception of his great works in this Mission.

Vreman appeared set for a distinguished future among the Beijing scientists, but his arrival in Macao fell on bad times, between the arrival of the missionaries expelled from Japan in November 1614 and the outbreak of Chinese persecution under Wanli.

As a figure, like that of many others he was soon forgotten in the wake of his premature death, sixteen days after his thirty-seventh birthday. His silent sacrifice made it possible for such outstanding figures as Johann (Terrenz), Adam Schall, etc., to shine like incomparable stars, figures to whom historians have leant ample attention. **

See: SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY — for the following authors and further titles for authors already mentioned in this article.

ALENI, Giulio, S. J.; ANTOLOVIC, Josip S. J.; BARTOLI, Danielo, S. J.; DADIC, Zarco; DEHERGNE, Joseph; DOI, Tadao - MORITA, Takeo - CHONAN, Minoru, eds.; DUNIN SZPOT, Thomas Ignatius, S. J.; FAVARO, Antonio; KIRCHER, Athanasius; KORADE, Mijo, S. J.; LAMALLE, Edmund, S. J.; PFISTER, Louis; PIRES, Benjamin Videira; POLGÁR, Laszlo; POZZE, Lorenzo delle, ed.; RUIZ-De-MEDINA, Juan, S. J.; SCHUETTE, Josef E, S. J.; VILLOSLADA, Ricardo García, S. J.; Vocabulário da Língoa de Iapan; VREMAN, Ivan, S. J., WICKI, Josef, S. J.

APPENDIX 3(ORIGINAL TRANSCRIPT)

(ARSI, JAP. - SIN., 17, FOL.82 = ARSI, JAP. SIN. 17 82)

"Lettera di Ivan Vreman a Muzio Vitalleschi

Macao, 25 maggio de 1617

†Multo Reverendo in Christo P. N., Pax Christi [etc.].

Paternitas Vestra hanc legat quaeso dum ab aliis vacaverit gravioribus, cum in hac nihil magni est.

Ad maiorem Dei gloriam, Societatis nostrae et Catholicae ecclesiae, atque tuum, mi et nostrorum omnium in Christo Pater, bonum faxit Deus, ut faciet, sit is, ad quem a Domino promotus es, Gradus. Tibi quidem gratulo quia ad virtutem et perfectionem, qua licet multum polleas, tamen nova habes incitamente; nobis vero quia Patrem habemus dulcissimi quondam Patris Claudii non degenerem filium.

Memoria illius in benedictione erit: praesentia tua benedictionem nobis afferet, quae praesentia duret nobis, Deum precor optimum maximum, non minus quam Claudii duravit Patris. 69 Nam etsi remoti hic et in ultimas terras hisce temporibus revera exules filii tui, fruemur tamen, Domino dante, fructu vel navibus istinc ad nos transmisso.

Et tandem tuus ille Vremanus magnis in Europa iactatus fluctibus, portum tenet Macaensem, quonam soluturus in quemve alium appulsurus omnino nesciens. China clausa, Japonia nihilo minus, inter nos et Europam magnum Chaos. 70

Dicunt mihi: expecta Dominum, viriliter age. 71 Expectare possum sed agere non video quid possim. At pati, velim nolim, cogor, corpore plurimum, 72 spiritu non nihil. Unum mihi solatium: illa me die quae ultima fuit in Europa, 73 reclamante summopere carnali homine, et in lacrimas uberes prorumpente, spiritu tamen Patris Nostri74 epistolas identidem considerante, inque illis divinam vocem dicentem: Egredere de Europa tua [etc.], illa inquam me die existimasse Dei fuisse voluntatem per superiores mihi perclare declaratam, ut Europam relinquerem. 75

Et nunc aio mihi constare nihil adhuc fuerit nec ne. Unum scio, me, sive falso, sive vere tunc existimantem, a Domino regi et gubernari, partim immediate, et partim atque ut plurimum, ne dixerim semper, mediate. Quod si cum duo passeres [etc.], Deo est cura de illis, quanto magis cum unus homo, tanti Creatoris non inferior passeribus creatura, pro suo amore (ipso nimirum id dante, quae eius est benignitas: nisi forte quis oculatior dixerit pro meo me amore et deceptrice passionum vi) ad labores se offert, [etc,].

Neque plura. Quare uno verbo concludo. Japoniam non spero, quia neque qui illuc eant desunt, 76 neque tempus eundi multis. China saltem ad aliquot annos despero. Forte ibimus, si superioribus placuerit, Cochichinam unde audimus belle rem procedere Christianam.

Et quoniam haec prima Mutio Generali a filio Vremano est epistola, ideo sit soli, idcirco nimirum ut cognoscas motus illos, quos in Europa passus sum, pro Dei benignitate sedatos, meque in laboribus multis quibus premor interius exteriusque, non solum non desperare, sed Domino dante etiam gaudare: puto enim Deum ita voluisse et velle, idque in meum bonum spirituale.

Neque tamen desunt, omnes Patres, fratresque officio suo: quorum charitas sane est multa, et mihi atque in me satis nota; et certe ineptae mihi visae sunt aliquando querulae quorumdam voces.

Vale mi Pater, et pro tua Paternitate quotidie orantem, aliquando Domino peculiariter commenda.

Macao, Die 25 Maii 1617.

Servus et in Christo filius licet indignus"

APPENDIX 3(TRANSCRIPT TRANSLATION)

(ARSI, JAP. - SIN., 17, FOL.82 = ARSI, JAP. SIN. 17 82)

("Letter from Ivan Vreman to Muzio Vitelleschi

Macao, 25th of May 1617

†Much reverence to You in Christ, Pax Christi, [etc.].

I hope that you, Father, may read this when freed from more serious matters, because there is nothing important in it. Father, your promotion to the highest office is for the Glory of God, our Society, and the Catholic Church, and for you, for me and for all of us in Christ.

Indeed I congratulate you because you are very capable of virtue and perfection, nevertheless you have fresh inducement from us truly because we have a father who is the most sweet, and who was once the high-born son of Father Clavio.

The remembrance of him will be a blessing. Your presence brings us blessings. I beg that you remain with us as long as Clavio did. For even we who now are distant in the farthest lands are grateful, we your exiled sons, God providing, for the fruit and ships sent to us.

And meanwhile your Vreman swept across Europe by tidal waves in the past, holding the Macanese door, without knowing anything at all about where I will go, where I will find myself. China is closed, Japan is nothing less, between us and Europe a great Chaos.

They tell me: trust in the Lord, act like a man. Trust I can, but I do not know how I can act. On the other hand, from suffering I have no recourse, in body much, in spirit no less so. I have one consolation: the last day I spent in Europe, torn by human feelings and abundant tears, as I read the letters of our Father with my soul and hearing in them the divine voice that said to me: Get thee hither from that Europe of yours, [etc.]. I say that to have emerged on that day, to be of God, that I should leave Europe was clearly declared to me through my superiors.

And now I say that nothing that was important to me before remains. I know one person who then exists, me, either falsely or truly, who is ruled and governed by God, in parts near and far. If when two sparrows [etc.], God takes care of them, how much more when one man, the creature of such a Creator no less than sparrows, for His love offers himself (with Him giving it, undoubtedly, which benevolence is His: unless perhaps one more sharpeyed might have said for my love and the deceptive strength of passion) to the work, [etc.].

I have nothing more to say. Therefore I will finish with one word. I do not hope to go to Japan, because neither is there a dearth of those who go there, and nor is it the time for many to do so. China I despair of for a few years at least. Perhaps we will go to Cochin-China, if it pleases our superiors, whence we hear that the Christian work of conversion is proceeding well.

And because this the first letter to General Muzio from his son Vreman, it may be the only one, because you know those sensations which I suffered in Europe, quieted for the benevolence of God. I have many labors by which I am forced internally and externally not only to despair, but even to rejoice in the Lord who gives them: I consider that God wanted and wants it thus, for my spiritual good.

Neither are all the Fathers and Brothers remiss in their duty: their charity is truly great and it is well known to me and in me. And certainly at times the plaintive voices of some of them have not seemed to me justified.

Farewell my Father, I pray for Your Paternity daily, ever commended particularly to the Lord by me.

Macao, 25 May 1617.

Your servant and son in Christ, although unworthy.").

APPENDIX 1 (ORIGINAL TRANSCRIPT)

(FAVARO, ANTONIO, CARTEGGIO INEDITO, P.323)

"Giovanni Vremano

Illustre et Eccelentissimo Signore, Pax Christi.

Quanto contento m'habbía apportato la lettera di V. E. lei stessa può cengetturarlo dalla precedente mia, 66 poiché quello ch'io mai havrei havuto ardiro di desiderare, la benignità di V. E., fattola quasi scordar delle proprie grandezze, l'ha spinta a mostrarsi benigno verso di me con rescriver tanto cortesemente, et in tempo di tanti suoi travagli, alla mia.

Certo che se prima le virtù di V. E. si facevano cognoscer per fama, hora da me sonoconosciute ancor per esperienza, onde ancor molto più amate et riverite. Quanto disgusto poi io habbia sentito della morte del suo fogliolino, 67 ne può esser chiaro indicio l'amor che io porto a V. E., qual in vero mi dispiace non poter mostrar con fatti.

Anzi tenga per cosa certa che se io fussi in potestà mia non già per lettere, ma si bene in persona verrei a visitar et riverir V. E. come pur assai ella merita. Et se bene sarebbe forse debito mio consolar in qualche modo l'afflitto amico, con tutto ciò io so molto bene che la prudenza di V. E. non ha bisogno d'altro consolatore, sapendo lei molto bene che questi sono frutti di questa nostra misera vita, nella quale quanto più viviamo, tante più afflittioni et travagli ci convien sentire, et in un certo modo in loco d'una vita sopportar mille morti.

Certo che se bene dura cosa é la separatione d'un amato figlio dal suo caro padre, nientedimeno a noi come christiani qualche conforto é somministrato dal sapere che li giusti et innocenti hanno, dopo questa, altra vita tanta magliore quanto che la é immortale et beata. Et questo a punto è quello che mi ha consolato, pensando io che l'innocente figliolino per la sua innocenza grato a gl'occhi del suo Signore raptus est ne malitia mutaret cor suum.

Onde ancor mi giova credere ch'hora lui godendo la vita beata nel regno del suo creatore se ne stia tutto allegro, desiderando ch'il suo caro padre, deposto il giusto dolore, insieme con esso lui si rallegri et benedichi il Signore, quale con tanti premi rimunera gl'innocenza.

Molto mi è piacciuto saper che V. E. habbi già facilitate le tavole del Sole et della Luna, et che vada facilitando il modo degl'eclissi, et pensi di far la tavola di moti diurni della (luna), nè mi dispiace punto che V. E. non mi possa comunicar le dette tavole (ancorche io per altro ne habbia gran desiderio) parendomi cosa giusta et conforme ad ogni raggione che lei sia la prima a godersi le sue fatiche, et perciò starò con speranza et desiderio pregandole dal Signore tempo et commodità di poterlo far presto come lei spera. L'indice poi mandato al Mons. Ruino procurarò di vederlo per mezzo del P. Clavio rallegrandomi et con V. E. et meco di poter presto veder qualche sua opera.

Per quanto poi veggo V. E. ha poca speranza che habbiano ad uscir presto gli moti de gl'altri pianeti di Tichone, il che certo mi dispiace, però se la potesse (come credo che la desidera) per qualche via persuader agl'heredi di Tichone che li mandassero fuori, overo in qualche modo li communicassero a V. E: sarebbe cosa di molto utile; ma se non si potrà far altro come teme che sarà, converrà haver pacienza.

Ringratio poi ancora molto V. E. per la fatica non solo di scrivermi, ma ancora per haverlo fatto cosi alla longa con mettervi il methodo del Calculo di più, però me le confesso di nuovo obbligatissimo et la prego che se in alcuna cosa posso la mi commandi che la mi trovarà ricordevole de'beneficii.

Il P. Clavio le manda affettuosi saluti, condolendosi molto delli travagli di V. E. con ricordarle che si ricorda che V. E. gl'è caro amico. Et per fine le pregho dal Signore ogni contento

Da Roma li 31 Genaro 1609.

Di Vostra Eccellenza servo in Christo affezionatissimo

    Giovanni Vremano 
                  della Compagnia di Gesù"

APPENDIX 1 (TRANSCRIPT TRANSLATION)

(FAVARO, ANTONIO, CARTEGGIO INEDITO, p.323)

("Giovanni Vremann

Illustrious and Most Excellent Sir, Pax Christi

What contentment I was granted when I received the letter from Your Excellency in response to the one I wrote, the letter itself can conjecture, because that which I did not ever dare to wish, that is, that the benignity of Your Excellency, which in all its greatness makes me almost forget my letter, has led you to treat me with such kindness by replying to my letter so courteously and in these times of your many travails.

If before it was true that I only knew of Your Excellency's virtues by your renown, now I know them by experience as well, and thus they are much more loved and revered. The great distress that I felt upon hearing of the death of your young son can be a clear illustration of the love which I feel for Your Excellency, which I am truly sorry I cannot demonstrate with deeds.

Thus, please know that if I had the authority I would not merely write but rather visit and pay my respects to Your Excellency in person, as you very much deserve. And although it is perhaps my duty to console my dear friend in any way, with all that, I know very well that Your Excellency's prudence need not another consoler, knowing yourself very well that these are the fruits of our miserable life, in which however many afflictions and travails we live through, there are always more, and in a certain way, in the span of one life, we live through a thousand deaths.

Although certainly the separation of a loved son from his dear father is a very hard thing, actually we as Christians are granted some comfort from knowing that the just and the innocent have another life after this one, one that is so much better for it is immortal and blissful. And this is a point that has consoled me, thinking that your innocent little son, for his innocence, pleasing to the eyes of our Lord, raptus est ne malitia mutaret cor suum.

For which, once more it does me good to believe that he now enjoys the blessed life in the Kingdom of his Creator and is completely merry, wishing that his dear father, after the proper pain, will, together with him, rejoice and praise the Lord, who rewards innocence with such great prizes.

I am very pleased to know that Your Excellency has already facilitated the tables of the Sun and the Moon, and that you are facilitating the manner of the eclipses, and that you are thinking of making a table of the diurnal motions of the moon. I am not sorry in the least that Your Excellency cannot forward the said tables to me (although I had a great desire to have them) because it only seems fair and conforming to all reason that you be the first to enjoy the fruits of your labor, and thus I will wait hopefully and I pray to our Lord the time and the possibility to see them as soon as you wish. With the index sent to Monsignor Ruino, I will try to see it by means of Father Clavio; I will be pleased to soon see any of your works.

I notice that Your Excellency has little hope that the motions of the other planets by Tycho Brahe will soon come out, and certainly I am very sorry about that, but if there were any way to persuade the heirs of Tycho Brahe (as I am sure you wish) that they send them to you, or in any event, that at least they tell Your Excellency about them, that would be most useful; but if cannot be this way, as I fear, then it will be good to have patience.

I thank Your Excellency deeply once more for the labor not only of having written me, but also for having done so as extensively as you did, including the method of the Calculus on top of everything. I am much obliged and I beg you that if in any way I can do anything, order me to do so and you will be rewarded.

Father Clavio sends you warm regards and condolences for Your Excellency's woes, reminding Your Excellency that you are a dear friend. And finally I pray to the Lord for all happiness.

Rome, January 31, 1609.

For Your Excellency I serve, in the name of Christ, with great affection,

Giovanni Vremano, society of Jesus")

APPENDIX 2 (ORIGINAL TRANSCRIPT)

(FAVARO, ANTONIO, CARTEGGIO INEDITO, P.325)

"Osservatione fatta in Roma sopra l'Eclisse della Luna

nel mese di Genaro del 1609

Primeramente tutta quasi la notte che sequita li 19 di Genaro del 1609, nella quale doveva farsi l'Eclisse fu il Ciel coperto continuamente di spesse nuvole, talmente che non si poteva veder ne pur in che parte fosse la ____. Finalmente a hor. ital. 8 3/4 in circa cominciò di quando in quando comparir la ___ fra le nuvole, le quali si andavano rarefacendo, et quando la prima volta la viddi pareva che già fussero ecclissate quasi due dita et cosi hor comparendo hor essendo coperta dalle nuvole la __ avanti che arrivasse alla vera __, apparve fra alcune nuvole la stella del can. minor. in altezza sopra l'horizzonte di P.29. Poco dipoi quando pareva che fusse circa la vera ___ vidi per un quasi buco di nuvole il cor di ___ in alt. di P.54, 40'. Alquanto di poi essendosi già schiarito il cielo, et apparendo rarissime nuvole, et vedendosi la ___ et le stelle benissimo (come ancora seguitò fino al fine) vidi il can. min. in alt. di P.21, 25'. Un pezzo di poi quando parea restassero da 3 dita ecclissate il cor di ___ haveva d'alt. P.44.

Nel fine o vanti esse immediatamente l'alt. del cor di __ P. 39, 30'.

Nel fine, o pure immediatamente dopo l'alt. del cor di __ P. 38, 40'.

Ho posto queste due ultime osservationi con quel modo di parlar, perchè in vero mi pare molto difficile con gl'occhi poter veder precisamente il fine dell'ecclisse, massime che per maggior sicurezza si potrà pigliar il mezzo fra ambedua. Sicchè pigliando la prima delle precedenti dua ultime observationi, la dà nel calculo l'hora dopo mezzodi 16, 52' 17". Ma la 2a osservatione dà hore 16, 57' 1". Et il calculo dell'eclisse dava il fine di essa a 16, 54' 57".

Donde ne risulta una differenza di nessun momento.

Et acciò qualch'uno poco amico dell'Astronomia, o poco fautore di Tichone, non pensi ch'io mi habbi finto le sudette osservationi, sappi V. E. che a tutte vi è stato presente il professor della Mathematica in questo nostro Collegio, 68 et un altro discepolo del P. Clavio, ma alle ultime due delle quali io fo conto, et quali quasi sole importano, vi si è trovato presente l'istesso P. Clavio, il quale pure per varii rispetti è poco amico di Tichone.

Questo è quello che si è potuto osservar intorno a quest'Eclisse, perchè nè il principio, nè il mezzo, come ho detto, si è potuto veder bene, ma solo il fine.

All'Illustre et Eccellentissimo Signore

Il Sig. Gio Antonio Magino, mio in Cristo osservandissimo Bologna."

APPENDIX 2 (TRANSCRIPT TRANSLATION)

(FAVARO, ANTONIO, CARTEGGIO INEDITO, P.325)

("Observation Made in Rome about the Eclipse of the Moon

in the month of January, 1609

First of all, during almost the entire night that followed the 19th of January, 1609, the night of the Eclipse, the Sky was continually covered with dense clouds, such that one could not even see where the ___ was. Finally at about quarter to nine (8 3/4) Italian time the ____ began to appear from time to time among the clouds which were thinning, and when I saw it for the first time it seemed that two fingers had already eclipsed and in this way, at times appearing and at times being covered by clouds, before the real arrived, the star of Can. Minor. appeared among a few clouds high above the horizon at P. 29. Soon afterwards, when it seemed that the real was near, I saw, through a sort of hole in the clouds, the heart of the ___ at an altitude of P.54, 40'. A little later, the sky now cleared up, with very few clouds, now seeing the ___ and the stars very well (from here on to the end it was this way) I saw the Can. Min. at an altitude of P.21, 25'. It was a little later, when the heart of the _____ seemed to remain eclipsed about three fingers, that it was at an altitude of P.44.

At the end, or immediately just before, the altitude of the heart of the ____ was P.39, 30'.

At the end, or immediately after, the altitude of the heart of the ___ was P.38, 40'.

I have put these last two observations in this way because, in truth, it seems very hard that one can precisely guage the end of the eclipse with the eyes, and thus for greater security I'll follow the maxim and take the average of the two. Thus, the first of the two preceding observations yields the calculation of the time as afternoon 16, 52' 17". But the second observation yields the hour 16, 54' l". And the calculation of the eclipse gave the end of it at 16, 54' 57".

From where there is a not a little difference in time.

And whoever be a bad friend of Astronomy or a poor supporter of Tycho Brahe, let him not think that I have falsified the aforementioned observations. Let Your Excellency be aware that the professor of Mathematics of our College, another disciple of Father Clavio, was present for all observations. And for the last two observations that I have retold, and these are the ones that are really important, Father Clavio himself was present, who in various respects is not fond of Tycho Brahe.

This is what could be observed in regard to this Eclipse, because neither the beginning nor the middle, but only the end (as I have already said) could be seen well.

To the Illustrious and Excellent Sir

Sir Giovanni Antonio Magino, very observant of Christ,

Bologna.")

** Revised and expanded version of a paper originally delivered at the INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC MEETING ON THE JESUITS IN THE DOMAIN OF RELIGION, SCIENCE AND CULTURE IN CROATIA, Zagreb / Yugoslavia, 8-10 November 1990 — [Oral communication in English — published in Croatian: See: SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY: RUIZ-de-MEDINA, 1992].

NOTES

Refer to SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY/MANUSCRIPTSOURCES/ARSI: / Editor's note.

1 RUIZ-DE-MEDINA, Juan, S. J., Ivan Vreman, Split 1583 - Nanchang 1620. A Croatian among the Jesuit Missionaries of Japan, at the International Scientific Meeting on THE JESUITS IN THE DOMAIN OF RELIGION, SCIENCE AND CULTURE IN CROATIA, Zagreb / Yugoslavia, 8-10 November 1990 — [Oral communication in English — published in Croatian: See: RUIZ-de-MEDINA, 1992]. RUIZ-DE-MEDINA, Juan, S. J., Ivan Vreman (Split 1583 - Nanchan 1620). Hrvat medu Isusova-ckim Misionarima Japana I Kine, in "Isysovci u Hrrata", Zagreb, 1992, pp.200-219. — Original title of paper.

2 PFISTER, Louis, Notices biographiques et bibliographiques sur les Jésuites de l'ancienne Mission de Chine, 1552-1773, in "Notices Sinologiques", 2 vols., Chang-hai, (59-60), 1932-1934, vol.2, p.149—This author gives a different reading to the text which is not the ideogram wu 吳 proposed by the author, which means 'foreigner' or 'barbarian.'

3 PIRES, Benjamin Videira, TEIXEIRA, Manuel, ed., Catálogo dos Missionários, Extraído dos Livros da Companhia de Jesus Impressos na China, in "Boletim Eclesiástico da Diocese de Macau", Macau, (66) 1968, pp.280-444 [1st edition: "Religião e Pátria", 15 Ago. [August] 1964].

4 KORADE, Mijo, S. J., Podacio Hrvatskim Isusivcima iz XVI. i XVII. st in "Vrela i Prinosi", Zagreb (15) 1985, pp.86-108 — The author has copied abundant primary source material.

5 ARSI, Prov.-Rom., 172, fol.36 vo — Ingressus novitiorum 1594-1630; Prov.-Rom., 54, fol.26 (Triennial Catalogue of 1600) — "Portò seco un capello di feltro, una beretta da prete, un ferraiolo di ciambelloto et sottana dello stesso, una zimarra di panno, giuppone di ciambellotto, calzoni di camocia et un altro di mezzelano, calcette negre di rassa, camice n°3, fazzoletti 4, scarpini pere [pare] uno, un paro di calcette di tela, un paro di sottocalce di bambagina, colari 3, et tre pare di manichini, una saccochia di corame vecchia, un giuppone di bambagina, un libro della dotta Xpa in schiavone. " At the bottom he signs: "Io Gioanni Vremano affermo quanto di sopra."

6 ARSI, Prov.-Rom., 54, fol. 145 (Triennial Catalogue of 1603) — "In coll. Rom. inter rethores. "; ARSI, Prov.-Rom., 79, fol. 149vo (Short Catalogue of 1603 [Catalogo breve]) —"In coll. Rom. inter rethores. "; ARSI, Prov.-Rom., 79, fol. 189, (Short Catalogue of 1604 [Catalogo breve]) — names him among the second year rhetoricians.

7 ARSI, Prov.-Rom., 54, fol. 193 vo, no 127 (Triennial Catalogue of 1606) — "Ioannes Urmaneus, Spalatensis in Dalmatia, natus 1583, 6 aprilis, vires robustae, adm. Romae l Feb. 1600. Studuit intra [Societatem Jesu] phil. ann 2."; ARSI, Prov.-Rom., 79, fol.217 (Short Catalogue of 1604[Catalogo breve], December 1605 [ sic ]) — places him among the students of Logic.

8 ARSI, Prov.-Rom., 54, op. cit., (Triennial Catalogue of 1606) "Docuit gramm. mens. 6.7, fuit praefectus in Seminario mens. 11"

9 VILLOSLADA, Ricardo García, S. J. Storia del Collegio Romano dal suo inizio alla soppressione della Compagnia di Gesù (1551-1773), in "Anacleta Gregoriana", Romæ (apud aedes Universitatis Gregoriana), (66) 1954, p. 194. — This work mentions that the students of Mathematics and Astronomy were called "[…] the academicians of P. Clavio."

In 1587, twenty third year old Galileo Galilei began a friendship with the veteran Cristóforo Clavio and main tained a constant relationship with the Roman College.

On the 18th of May 1611, after Vreman had already left for Spain, the College organized an academic festival in honor of Galileo.

10 FAVARO, Antonio, Carteggio inedito di Ticone Brahe, Giovanni Keplero e di altri celebri astronomi e matematici dei secoli XVI e XVII, con Giovanni Antonio Magini, Bologna, Nicola Zanichelli, 1886, p.323.

11 Idem.

See: Appendix 1— for Vreman's letters; Appendix 2— for Vreman's scientific notes.

12 See: Appendix 3 — Vreman's letter to Vitelleschi.

13 From 1603, Tokugawa leyasu governed Japan. Initially he showed certain sympathy towards the Catholic church mixed with some suspicions, which finally led him to the 1614 nationwide persecutions.

14 In the Archivum Romanum Societatis lesu there is a collection of signatures of the so-called "Indípetas" requesting to be sent on missions of the Order, many of whom indicate their preference for Japan and China.

15 Vitelleschi was elected General of the Order in 1615 after the death of Claudio Aquaviva.

16 There is no letter from Vreman among the letters of the "Indípetas" requesting missions to the Orient. Addition ally, Vreman himself wrote to Vitelleschi that on the last day he spent in Europe, he reflected on Aquaviva's "[…] our father [… letters and he felt as if a divine voice had said to him…] Leave Europe […]."

See: Appendix 3.

17 ARSI, Hist.-Soc., 62, fol.73vo — Litterae patentes 1599 - 1642.

18 ARSI, Jap.-Sin., 114, fol.241.

19 FAVARO, Antonio, op. cit., p. 108, note 1; apud "Mémoires de l'Académie Royale des Sciences depuis 1666 jusqu'à 1699", Paris, 1 (7) 1729, p. 706 — the text attributes to Vreman, in collaboration with Giulio Aleni, an observation about the lunar eclipse of the 8th of No vember 1612. One cannot assume an in situ collaboration because in 1612 Aleni was in India and Vreman ar rived there with eleven companions in 1615, probably in September (ARSI, Jap.-Sin., 68, fol.43). The "Mémoires" also indicate that the scientist later martyr Carlos Spinola observed the same eclipse in Nagasaki.

20 WICKI, Josef, S. J., Liste der Jesuiten-Indienfahrer 1541 - 1758, in "Aufsätze zur Portugiesischen Kulturgeschichte". Minster, (7)1967), p.252-450, n.618.

21 SCHUETTE, Josef Franz, S. J., ed., intro. and comm., Monumenta historica Japoniae I: textus catalogorum Japoniœ aliöeque de personis domibusque S. J. in Japonia infoprmationes et relationes 1549-1654, in "Monumenta Historica Societatis lesu", Romae, (26) 1975. p.424; BA, JA, 49-IV-66, fols.56-56 vo.

22 Vocabulario da Lingoa de Japam, Nagasaki, 1603 — "Dojucu (Dojuku). Boys or beardless people who serve the Bonze on the land." The - accent mark only indicates the lengthening of the vowel. In spite of the horrible connotation that this word carried owing to the behaviour of the Bonze, the Jesuits adopted it to speak about adolescents or celibate adults accepted by the order with apostolic purposes.

Their work exceeded that of the mere catechist. Dôjuku implied a state of life, although it was not perpetual, while catechist was a job. Women could be catechists but they were never accepted as a dôjuku.

See: RUIZ-DE-MEDINA, Juan, S. J., Documentos del Japón 1547-1557, Roma, Institutum Historicum Societatis lesu, 1990, pp.750-753, [App.] 3, "Dojuku. Kanbo. Komono".

23 ARSI, Jap.-Sin., 485-520 vo, "Annual letter of 1616" — Latin translation by Ivan Vreman (João Uremano) commissioned by the provincial Valentim Carvalho, "Macao. idibus die 13 die 1616."

Also see: VREMAN, Ivan, S. J., "Annual letter of 1616" — Autographed Latin translation by Ivan Vreman (Joao Uremano) commissioned by the provincial Valentim Carvalho, in POZZE, Lorenzo delle, ed., Lettere annue del Giappone, China, Goa et Ethiopia. Scritte al M. R. P. Generale della Compagnia di Giesù da Padri dell'Istessa Compagnia ne gli anni 1615, 1616, 1617, 1618, 1619. Volgarizati dal P. Lorenzo delle Pozze della medesima Compagnia, in Napoli, per Lazaro Scoriggio, 1621 pp.3-93 [Italian translation].

24 ARSI, Jap.-Sin., 17, fol.63, "Francisco Vieira (from Macao) to the Assistent Nuno Mascarenhas, 29 December 1616"—With a post scriptum of five lines dated "8 January 1617".

25 ARSI, Jap.-Sin., 17, fol.65, "Celso Confaloniero (from Macao), to Bernardo de Angelis, 10 January 1617" — The author recognizes Vreman's classical training, capable of "[…] a more polished style as he wished and was able." The objections to the Annual Letter refer principally to the original sent to Japan and corrected by the Father Provincial Valentim Carvalho.

26 Christianity in Japan had martyrs since 1558, but on a national scale and in a definitive form, the expulsion of the missionaries and the subsequent persecution was decreed in February 1614 and put into practice in the first week of November. Twenty eight missionaries remained hidden and many of those expelled, both Japanese and foreigners, returned incognito as of 1515. The last missionary was martyred in 1644, followed only by Giovanni B. Sidotti, who was arrested upon his arrival in 1708 and died in prison in 1715.

27 ARSI, Jap.-Sin., 17, fol.41, "[The Visitor] Francisco Vieira (from Macao), 28 December 1616" — The author blames the persecution on "[...] certain great mandarins very dedicated to the pagodas and to their false cult, who, encouraged by the Bonze, [...] gave petitions to the king against the Fathers and the Christians alleging that the Fathers, as foreigners, were preaching a new law in China which was against the pagodas and customs, and they had already made many Christians [...] who would little by little begin to revolt against the king [...]. And these were two principal mandarins living in each of the king's courts [Beijing and Nanjing].

28 ARSI, Jap.-Sin., 17, fol.128"[The Visitor] Francisco Vieira (from Macao), to Nuno Mascarenhas, 10 January 1618".

29 ARSI, Jap.-Sin., 114, fols.197-198 — "Dos 4 que forão desterrados de Pekim e Nankim [...]." ("Of the 4 expelled from Beijing and Nanjing [...].").

DEHERGNE, Joseph, Répertoire des Jésuites de Chine de 1552 à 1800, Roma - Paris, Institutum Historicum Societatis Iesu - Letouzey & Ané, 1973, p.346 — The author confuses this "Relaçam" ["Relatione"] ("Report") with the "Carta Annua" ("Annual Letter") and mentions four Fathers having been expelled from Beijing and two from Nanjing.

30 ARSI, Jap.-Sin., 114, 197 vo. DEHERGNE, Joseph, op. cit., p.346 — "Il n'y a plus que 2 résidences: celle du Kiangsi [...] et celle de Hangchow." ("There are no more than 2 missions: that of Kiangxi [...] and that of Hangzhou."). We note that the author qualifies the Kiangxi hidding place as a "mission".

31 See: Appendix 3.

32 VREMAN, Ivan, S. J., "Quonam soluturus in quemve alium appulsurus omnino nesciens. China clausa, Japonia nihilo minus, inter nos et Europa magnum Chaos." — The author uses the classical metaphor of "Chaos" to emphasise a great physical and sentimental distance.

33 Psalm 26, 14.

34 Vreman badly suffered from a stomach infection.

35 Vreman sailed from Lisbon on the 5th of April 1615.

36 Making reference to Claudio Acquaviva (†31st January 1615), the General of the Society of Jesus.

37 "[...] Europa tua [...]" ([...] your Europe [...]"). Well ahead of their times, both Ivan Vreman and Muzio Vitteleschi were already claiming for a united Europe, a great motherland embracing all its smaller constituencies.

38 According to numerous documents, almost all the Fathers who had been expelled from Japan wished to return to that land.

39 ARSI, Jap.-Sin., 17, fol.126, "Rodrigues Giram (from Macao) to Nuno Mascarenhas, 10 January 1618"— "Os padres que estavam na Conchinchina [sic] foram tambem desterrados della pollo mesmo rey que os chamou, dizendo que os povos se amotinavam, e clamavam que os lançasse fora do reino porque por amor delles não chovia nas terras; que for agora se fossem della. E que dahi a três annos os tornaria a chamar." ("The same king which had called the Fathers. expelled them from Cochin-China, saying that the natives were about to mutiny and [that they] demanded their [the Fathers] expulsion from the kingdom claiming that because of their deeds there had been no rain in the region. And that they had to go now, but he would call them back in three years time."

40 Father Jerónimo Rodrigues was a consultant of the Father Provincial Valentim Carvalho and the Father Visitor Francisco Vieira, who left for Japan in July or early August 1618.

41 ARSI, Jap.-Sin., 17, fol.55, "Jerónimo Rodrigues (from Macao) to [The General] Muzio Vitelleschi, 5 January 1617".

42 The Christian mandarins were aware that the opening of the Evangelical dialogue in China depended in degree of interest its themes for the cultural elite of the Empire. In fact, this was also the opinion of Ignatius of Loyola, the founder of the Society of Jesus.

43 "Tienkio" (Tianqi, r. 1621 -†1627); "Sunchinio" (Chongzhen, r.1928-+1644).

44 ARSI, Jap.-Sin., 102, fol.189vo; DUNIN SZPOT, Thomas Ignatius, S. J., Historiae Sinarum Imperii (1580-1640), Roma, 1700, part [Pars] 2, bk. [Liber] 2.

45 ARSI, Jap.-Sin., 17, fol.89, "Alfonso de Lucerna (from Macao) to Nuno Mascarenhas, 2 October 1617". The order came from Muzio Vitelleschi, but its execution was delayed a few months until news of his successor's taking possession reached Macao from Japan.

46 ARSI, Jap.-Sin., 114, fol.221, "Francisco Furtado (from Macao) to Muzio Vitelleschi, 1 November 1620" — Annuas da China e Cochinchina de 1619, pera o muito Rdo en Xto P. N. o Pe. Mutio Vitelleschi, Geral da Compa de Jesu. 1a via pollas Phillipinas — The author mentioning the obituary of Vreman.

47 ARSI, Jap.-Sin., 29, I fols.75-86 vo —Breve Relatione delli Martiri che furono uccisi in Giappone per la fede di N. Sor. Jesu Xpo dal mese di Marzo dell'anno 1617 fin' all'Ottobre del medesimo Anno [author's copy].

48 ARSI, Jap.-Sin., 114, fol.201, "Annual letter of Rodrigues Giram (from Macao and Cochin China), 28 December 1619" [third copy] — Carta Annua from China for the year 1619. The manuscript reads: "Ler, e ú screver [...]." ("Reading, and/or writing [...]."). Giram forgets Vreman, professor of mathematics in Macao, as is stated in the obituary written by Francisco Furtado.

See: Note 46.

49 Idem.

See: Note 42.

51 ARSI, Jap.-Sin., 114, fol.221, op. cit. — According to the author, they entered a few days before.

Also see: SCHUETTE, Josef Franz, S. J., op. cit., p.779, n.15 apud PFISTER, Louis, S. J., op. cit., and in index p.1316 — These authors' statement that Vreman died in 1621, is contradicted by the previous document.

53 See: ARSI, Jap.-Sin., 114, fol.241, "Annual Letter by Francisco Furtado, (from Hancheu) 23 August 1621" — Carta Annua from China for the year 1620.

54 See: Note 52.

55 Furtado does not mention the doubts that Vreman had in Rome between 1606 and 1609.

56 New Castile is a region formed by five provinces, one of which is Toledo to which Oropesa belongs. The ruins of the College where Vreman studied can still be seen.

57 The Jesuits from Beijing and Nanjing arrived in Macao in 1618.

58 Exactly from September 1616 to December 1619, a little more than three years.

59 Manuel Dias (Junior) and Ivan Vreman.

60 BARTOLI, Danielo, S. J., 18 vols., Della China, Torino, Giacinto Marietti, 1825, vol.3, p.288[1 st edition: Rome, 1663] — The author exaggerates when he writes: "[...] en un piccolissimo legno che perciò l'attendeva." ("[...] in a very small boat which waited for him.").

61 ARSI, Jap.-Sin., 114, fol.97 vo —In reality there was only one "mission" in Hangzhou and a hide-out in Kiangxi. See: Note 31.

62 In 1620, João da Rocha was Superior in Nanchang with a non-identified Brother. I am inclined to believe that it was Chon Ming Yen, born in Macao of Chinese parents, always called Sebastião Fernandes; but there also exists the possibility of João Fernandes, of Guangdong. Two other Chinese Brothers were Passoal Mendes and Manuel Pereira. The four were in China in 1620.

63 It was the 17th of April 1620 because it appears in the Carta Annua of 1619 (1619-1620), although dated 1621. BARTOLI, Danielo, S. J., op. cit., vol.3., p.288 — The author incorrectly states: "[...] che fu nè giorni, in che l'anno 1621, cadde la Settimana Santa." ("[...] Which happened during the days of the Holy Week of the year 1621.").

Also see: Note 64.

64 Wednesday of the Easter week, the 22nd of 1620.

ARSI, Jap.-Sin., 114, fol.221, op. cit. — The author mentions the death of Vreman already on the 1st of November of 1620. ARSI, Jap.-Sin., 114. fol.234-261 vo, "Annual letter by Francisco Furtado, (from Hancheu), 24 August 1621" — Carta Annua from China for the year 1620.

Many authors following Bartoli, Pfister and other classical writers who based themselves on the give the wrong dates for 1621 because they did not notice that the Carta Annua refers to facts in 1620.

Also see: ARSI, Jap.-Sin., Catalogus Patrum Societatis Jesu [...] (1581-1681) in Imperium Sinarum Jesu Christi fidem propagarunt, 187, fol.18, no22 — "P. Joannes Vreman Dalmata, Van lie Imp. Anno 48 [1620], venit in Nankim Metropolim ubi non diu post obiit et sepultus [est] extra muros ad pedem collis Yo hoa tai dicti." The Catalogue ignores that Vreman entered Nanchang in December 1619, which is the city where he died, and confuses it with Nanjing, the city where he was buried.

65 23rd of April 1620.

66 FAVARO, Antonio, op. cit., p.323, Note from the author: "Manca nel codice qualsiasi traccia di altre corrispondenze del Vremann con Magini." ("The codice does not contain any other vestiges of correspondence between Vreman and Magini.").

67 Idem: "E questo il figliuolo del Magini del quale manca qualsiasi notizia." ("There are no further news about this son of Magini.").

68 FAVARO, Antonio, op. cit., p.325 — added the following footnote: "Sembrando dal contesto doversi escludere che si accenni qui al P. Cristoforo Clavio, il quale viene in appresso espressamente nominato, parrebbe che nel personaggio quivi indicato dovesse ravvisarsi il P. Cristoforo Guiemberger del quale leggiamo: "Christoforus Griembergerus, natione Germanus, patria Oeno-Halensis in Tiroli, dignus Clavio praeceptore discipulus, cuius etiam locum Romae multis annis docendo implevit. Admissus in Societatem est in Provincia Austriae anno Christi 1580, aetatis suae 19, ubi etiam desciplinas mansuetiores explicuit, Mathe-maticas vero partim in illa, partim Romae, ubi 4 votorum professionem emisit, duodetriginta annorum spatio explanavit. Obiit Romae die 11 Martii anno 1636, magno nostris lucto relicto lagrimis, qui viri summum candorem, humilitatem, animi lenitatem, obsequendi studium adamaverant. (Bibliotheca Scriptorum Societatis Iesu)" etc. "

Author's note: The Bibliotheca Scriptorum Societatis Jesu, was compiled, from 1608 to 1642, by Philippus Alegambe (Antwerp, 1643) and continued, from 1643 to 1675, by Nathanael Southwell (Roma, 1676).

Also see: POLGÁR, Laszlo, Biography of the History of the Society of Jesus, Roma, Institutum Historicum Societatis Iesu, 1967, pp.147-148, nos 654-657.

69. The generalship of Aquaviva lasted from 1581 to 1615, and that of Vitelleschi from 1615 to 1645.

70 See: Note 32.

71 See: Note 33.

72 As Furtado wrote, Vreman suffered from a serious stomach illness.

73 See: Note 35.

74 See: Note 36.

75 See: Note 37.

76 See: Note 38.

* Historian and researcher on matter concerning the Japanese Jesuitic Mission and Japanese affairs. Author of numerous articles and papers on related topics. Lived in Japan for twenty seven years. Since December 1981, he has been a member of the Historical Institute of the Society of Jesus, in Rome.

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