Poetry / China


Zhang Wenqin*


PREVIOUS PAGE: QIAO GU 喬古 “瘦马馱詩天一涯,倦鳥呼愁村數家。” "Lean horse loaded with poetry roaming in remote lands / exhausted bird jailed to sadness flying over scattered houses." UNG VAI MENG覃維勛 WU WEIMING 1995. Assemblage.

Amongst the innumerable documents bearing testament to China's past, there have survived a great number which offer historical information about China's relationship with other parts of the world. Another important part of China's cultural heritage is poetry, which can provide similar information.

China's first direct contact with the Western world began with the arrival of Portuguese in the East. Macao was established as the settlement of the Portuguese in China between Jiajing· years 32-36 (1553-1557) and inevitably went on to become an important window through which China's contact and cultural interaction with the Western world was conducted.

Since 1989, with the support of the Departamento de Cultura do Governo de Macau (Department of Culture of the Government of Macao) — subsequently renamed as the Instituto Cultural de Macau (Cultural Institute of Macao) —, the author carried out research on the classical metrical poetry of Macao. Taking verses about Macao composed by Chinese poets who lived in or came to Macao during the Ming and Qing dynasties and using them for scholarly purposes as one aspect of Macanese history, the research was written up in 1992 as Aomen shici jianzhu: Ming Qing juan· (Notes and comments on the metrical verse of Macao: volumes from the Ming and Qing eras) — unpublished. The main body of the research comprised material from Ming and Qing poetry of Macao relating to cultural contacts between China and the West. The intention was to base a brief discussion on a comparison of this with other documents.


Language is the primary tool of human communication, and is also a prerequisite for cultural interaction between different nationalities. The first Chinese poets to come to Macao consistently displayed a distinct lack of mutual understanding with regard to Western languages. In the words of Chen Yanyu, · a poet from Haiyang· (now Chaozhou·) in Guangdong· province who came to Macao, "[...] the visitors speak with the twittering of birds." The poet priest Shi Jishan, · from Lingnan, · who first went to Macao in Kangxi· year 32 (1692), gave a similar description: "When following the Shark People as they hurry about the town, one hears the sound of shrike calls mixed with Chinese speech." The reference to the call of the shrike is a variation on the "[...] twittering of birds." In feudal times there was considerable prejudice amongst local officials, who regarded foreign languages with contempt, considering them inferior to Chinese language, hence the comparison to the call of the shrike.

This prejudice actually constituted a major barrier obstructing the exchange between the Chinese and Western languages. The lack of understanding between speakers of the two languages also made the work of scholars difficult. Wu Yushan, · the Chinese painter and poet who studied at the St. Paul's College [Sanba Jingyuan·] in Macao from Kangxi years 19-21 (1680-1682) described the perplexing time he had learning Latin thus: "Words in Eastern and Western tongues spoken by the gatepost lanterns. Incomprehension resolved by means of pen and ink. My script is in strings like birds' claws; these straight horizontal lines are complex indeed." After Wu Yushan had finished his evening lessons at the College, he would discuss and study Latin by the light of lanterns with the Western priests. When meaning could not be conveyed successfully in words, they would resort to writing things down. Yet, however hard he tried to write, the matter was apparently complicated considerably by the fact that Western writing runs in horizontal lines from left to right and not in vertical lines from top to bottom, like Chinese. Astonishingly, Wu Yushan eventually overcame these difficulties by dint of willpower and stamina to complete his studies to become a Chinese Jesuit of unshakeable faith and advanced scholarship, who did indeed master the Latin language in his waning years.

In Qianlong year 52 1788, the young poet Li Xialing· travelled to Macao from Xiangshan in Guangdong province. While out on a stroll in the fresh air, he came across a charming young Western child who ran across to talk to him. He, however "[...] was ashamed that he did not resemble Hao Long, · but was ignorant of all those exotic tongues. He had not mastered the savage languages; when he tried to open his mouth, his tongue tied in knots. Nearby there was a seaman who interpreted for me." Manyu· (lit.: 'languages of the savages') was originally a contemptuous term applied to the ethnic minorities in the far southern border regions by local officials in central China. It is traditionally held that the word was first used in poetry in the Eastern Jin dynasty by Hao Long who served in Huan Wen's· Nan Man· (lit.: 'Southern Savages') army. This is another demonstration of the contemptuous attitude towards Western languages held by Chinese officialdom. This poet is consciously ashamed that he does not have Hao Long's talent and he has no conception of the alien and incomprehensible Western languages, and is clearly embarrassed by his ignorance. Fortunately, there is a Chinese sailor who understands Western languages and can act as interpreter, and this is the only way the conversation can continue. After this encounter, the poet wrote a poem entitled Fanchu· (A Proliferation of Fledglings), and although the poem is at times tinted with prejudice, the description of the adorable Western child is delicately vivid, cleverly informed and modestly courteous. The story remains brief a anecdote of friendly relations between ordinary Chinese and Portuguese people.

Li Xialing's poem A Proliferation of Fledglings was probably written not long after people of his father's generation had first gone to Macao at a time when the Chinese language was not known well. In Kangxi year 36 (1697), Shi Jishan went to Macao. There is a line in his poem Yu Puji Chanyuan ji Donglin zhuzi· (Staying at Pujichan Temple, reminiscing about various people from Donglin) which reads: "Foreign children who had lived there for a long time knew the Chinese language." In Daoguang year 7 (1827), the poet Cai Xianyuan· from Xiangshan went to Macao. His piece Ting Xiyang yinü cao yangqin· (On Hearing a Western Lady Speak in Foreign Tones) contains the following: "The interpreter took me to the house of a foreign woman, where we were received as guests upstairs. There were five or six girls and boys there, who were impeccably behaved and could speak Chinese." This shows that by the time of the Qing dynasty in Macao there were already a number of children who had been born and brought up in the territory or who had lived there for a relatively long time who could speak Chinese proficiently. It would seem that learning a foreign language in childhood is much easier than learning during ones adult years.

Li Xialing's "seaman" had acquired a knowledge of Western languages from his long years at sea, but interpreted the conversation between the Chinese person and the Westerner in a non-professional capacity. But in Ming and Qing dynasty Macao there were still officially-sanctioned professional trade mediators who interpreted trade talks between Chinese and Europeans, known as tongshi· or tongyi. · Amongst the poems inspired by a journey to Macao by the great Ming dynasty opera performer and poet Tang Xianzu· are two pieces entitled Ting Xianshan yizhe· (On hearing an Interpreter at Xiangshan). The Xiangshan interpreter of these poems and the interpreter mentioned in Cai Xianyuan's poem above are trade mediators of this kind. These interpreters and the hybrid language they used for communication, known as 'Guangdong Puyu'· ('Guangdongnese-Portuguese'), are topics which would merit further research.


Some of the Western musical cultural tradition spread into China by way of Macao. Additionally, Western music teachers were employed in the Imperial Palace in Beijing. Cultural contact through music constitutes an important part of the cultural exchange between China and the Western world in the Ming and Qing periods. In the fifth volume of his book Zhongxi jiaotong shi· (A History of Chinese Contact with the Western World), Professor Fang Hao· has researched a compilation of Chinese and Western documents on this subject. More recently, Professor Yin Falu· of Beijing University has written a monograph on the topic. Material from Qing dynasty poetry helps to fill in the gaps left by Chinese and Western documents.

Liangguang Zongdu (Governor-General) Wu Xingzuo· came to Macao for the first time in approximately Kangxi year 21 (1682). He writes in his poem Sanbantang· (St. Paul's): "Remaining seated without thought of returning, listening to the sound of the organ I feel like Yu Boya. ·" The story of the friendship of Zhong Ziqi· and Yu Boya inspired by the sound of the qin· has been a familiar tale in China for a long time. But the music which has captivated the poet here is the sound of the church organ (classified as a kind of qin in Chinese) mingled with the sound of chanting, preaching and singing, emanating from St. Paul's Church. In Kangxi year 57 (1718), Liang Di, · a poet native of Xinhui, · described this organ in his long poem Xiyang fengqin·(The Western Organ): "The sound of the organ playing in St. Paul's Church can be heard by all for miles around." The poet's friend fu jianglang· called his other friend xunbian· and together they so much enjoyed hearing an organ recital in Macao that on returning home they built a replica capable of producing an even finer sound. Their instrument was intended as an offering to the Imperial Court. The poet considered the sound of the organ an example of truly exquisite music, in keeping with classical Chinese refined taste. Events and opinions such as these deserve to be written into the history of the cultural exchange between China and the Western world.

Chinese officials who came to Macao in the Kangxi period heard the organ played in churches by Western preachers. By the Jiaqing· and Daoguang· years, they were also able to hear performances by young ladies in other venues. In Jiaqing year 21 (1816) another poet from the same group Zhong Qishao· came travelling to Macao. The eighth poem in his series of Aomen zashi· (Selected Poems of Macao) reads: "Glimpsing them dancing, bedecked with garlands, whirling to the sounds of the organ." It is almost as if we can actually see the elegant dresses and astounding beauty of the young Western ladies as they dance trippingly to the accompanying rhythm of one of their sisters' organ playing.

At that time, the organ was gradually becoming more common in the private homes of Western residents rather than exclusively in the Catholic churches. On the order of Ruan Yuan, · Tang Yifen· came to Lingnan to arrest an escaped criminal Zhu Maoli· and came to Macao in the same year as Zhong Qishao. A note to the seventy-eighth line of Tang Yifen's poem Qishi gangjiu· (Seventy Impressions of the Past) reads: "The organ is constructed by concealing metal strings in a wooden box, which is furthermore adorned on top with ivory keys. Sounds are made by pressing the keys. The keys spring up again and again after they have been pressed. I hunted around for the source of the sound, and found that whenever I visited the homes of foreigners, the ladies entertained me by playing a tune on the organ." In Daoguang year 7 (1827), Cai Xianyuan came on an investigative visit to Macao with others to compile the Xiangshan county records. In the course of their duties they visited the homes of some Westerners. In the foreword to Ting Xiyang yinü cao qin· (On Hearing a Western Lady Playing the Organ) he writes: "The foreign lady [...] finally asked the mistress of the house to come out and play the organ to entertain us. Delicately beautiful, graceful and restrained, some pleasant moments were spent listening to her. She was wearing a white dress made of silk as fine as cicada's wings. She finished playing and stood up, as she had made a few mistakes. One tune followed another like a string of pearls. She stopped playing when the guests had left." At the end of the poem he says: "Listening to Westerners' music oddly lifts one's spirits. Far from being unpleasant, this music is staunchly raw yet with placid elegance. Although the ivory horn and golden adornment of the foreign instruments produces sound of great magnitude, it drowns the soul and confuses the spirit. The "Ming Tang"· ("Ming Temple") and "Qing Miao"· (Qing Shrine") are acceptable forms of music, in which the different notes of the scale interact as intimately as the Emperor with his Ministers. Chinese singers and musicians should have respect for elegant music, rather than allowing these weird and lascivious practices to corrupt our people." On one hand, Cai is praising the ingenuity of the construction of the Western church organ, and the incomparable beauty of the instrument's sound; on the other, he considers the instrument convoluted and over-complicated, and the solemn sound stifling and overbearing, decidedly inferior to classical "Ming Tang" and "Qing Miao" tunes. His opinions contrasted considerably with the appraisal of the organ by Liang Di in the Kangxi period. Liang Di thought that organ music matched the boldness of those classical works. This can be explained to a certain extent by the fact that during the culturally derelict period prior to the Opium Wars, local feudal officials had already lost the motivation to study the finer points of Western culture.

The fifth volume of Professor Fang Hao's A History of Chinese Contact with the Western World comprises an in-depth study into the Western paintings which found their way to China. In his treatment of the historical materials which relate to poetry appear two poems in the collection Ti Xiyanghua· (On Western Painting) by the renowned Kangxi period poet Chen Gongyi· which can be considered one of the earliest writings on this topic. The first poem reads: "Western painting is quite unusual, generally quite unclear like wisps of smoke or mist. It bears a strong resemblance to the indistinct image of Madame Li seen through the veil, in the story of Shao Weng· entertaining the Hanwu· Emperor." In the second poem, he writes about Western calligraphy: "The lines weave together to form script, with gaps between words placed next to one another. As in the Jin and Tang dynasty calligraphy copybooks, there is a vivid touch in even in the spaces between the writing." The reaction to Western styles of art is indicated by the feeling of some poets that it was like wisps of mist and smoke and impenetrably obscure. Others held it in high esteem, assessing it according to the accepted critieria applied to Chinese calligraphy. It was the object of censure and praise in equal measures.

By the Jiaqing period, when Li Xialing wrote a piece entitled Guan Huang zongrong suo cang Xiyang jinghua· (On seeing General Huang's collection of Western mirror pictures), understanding of Western art had reached a new level. He wrote: "The General's collection of ten Western mirror paintings contains vague depictions of journeys of long ago; clusters of white houses next to tangerine groves; a path through the lotus to a green patch of land; an open air feast surrounded by Chinese vines and grass, a boat putting to sea by the light of the setting moon, the realistic detail in the shapes of the trees and the reflections in the water. All these have been engraved in my memory for twenty years." Mirror pictures were also known as 'boli hua'· ('glass pictures'). Yin Guangren· and Zhang Rulin· wrote: "There were also Western works: [...] on paper, on vellum, on leather fans, on glass and various other materials. One could see the buildings, rooms and characters. Even viewed from ten paces, one could see the space behind the open doors, the depth of view into the mansion was like looking into a pool. It was truly amazing." This was written in Jiaqing year 9 (1804). General Huang's given name was Biao. His duties ranged from official to military leader. He was an acclaimed commander in the Qing navy. Living in his native Xiangshan, · he had consistent dealings with the poets. General Huang's collection of ten Western pictures all deal with subjects relating to Macao. It is from these pictures that we can glimpse the following images: the small dwellings of black slaves by the sea in Macao; the Western ladies in their fine clothes walking across the lawn to their spring picnic; the people stepping onto the pleasure boats by the river in the light breeze at sunset. Huang Biao's· mirror pictures are evidence of the fashion among local Lingnan officials at the time for collecting Western pictures. But from comparing Chen Gongyin's "[...] quite unclear like wisps of smoke or mist [...]" with Li Xialing's "[...] realistic distortion of the shadows of trees and the reflections in the water [...]" we can see that the Chinese local officials' appraisal of Western art changed from initial incomprehensibility to growing acceptance.


Two things mentioned rather frequently in poetry from Macao are the chiming of bells to tell the time, and telescopes.

Chiming bells were first heard of in China at the end of the Ming dynasty in connection with Jesuits such as Matteo Ricci. The belltower of the Jesuit St. Paul's Church had a large clock of a kind which had seldom been seen before in the Far East, and aroused interest, much as did the sound of the organ inside. In Kangxi year 30 (1691) the clock attracted the attention of Guangdong customs inspector Gong Xianglin, · causing him to remark in his Zhujiang fengshi ji· (Pearl River Historical Notes): "The bells of one clock turn over and suddenly an unusual banging emanates from all corners of the clocktower. These sounds are caused by machinery and are made in accordance with the time of day. The number of chimes increases from one after midday to twelve at midnight, then again from one after midnight to twelve at midday. This cycle continues day and night without the slightest deviation." The poet monk Shi Jishan's piece Yu Puji Changyuan ji donglin zhuzi· (Staying at Pujichan Temple, reminiscing about various people from Donglin) contains the sentence "[...] the six hour bell music mixed with the organ." The "[...] six hour bell music [...]" is actually the chiming of the clock to indicate the time of day according to a twelve-hourly cycle, equivalent to the six traditional Chinese time measurements of two hours., with which the poet would have been familiar.

The Swedish scholar Anders Ljungstedt, who lived in Macao at the beginning of the nineteenth century said that "[...] judging from the inscription on the main gearwheel [of the great clock], it was a gift to the Jesuit College of Theology from Louis XIV." The French King Louis XIV sent five French Jesuits to China in Guangxi year 26 (1687), among them Joachim Bouvet and Jean François Gerbillon. This would suggest that the clock was brought to Macao in that year by these men when they came.

This clock was perhaps the standard timekeeper for Qing dynasty in Macao. Yin Guangren, the tongzhi· (Commissioner) in charge of Macao, who held office for a long time, found the sound of the clock pleasant. Later in Qianlong year 1 (1737), he wrote down his ponderings in a collection of eight-line wulü· poems entitled Sanba xiaozhong· (The Morning Bells of St. Paul's), one of which reads: "Sparse chimes come from a far-off temple, soft and detached. Moonlight borne seaward, clouds to the mountains. The dim dawn illuminates the creation of a million things. Priests, how is this done?" During the fifth geng, · a Chinese time measurement indicating the early morning, the poet hears snatches of the chimes from St. Paul's Church resounding in the distance. In the absolute silence, the sound seems detached and free. Carrying with it the clarity of moonlight, the sound sinks into the sea in the west. With the cold winter clouds, the sound vanishes far away into the mountains. On the cusp of the transition from the black of night to the white of day, a myriad entities seem to be suspended between illumination and extinguishment, between presence and absence. Prompted into profound reflection, the poet is bound to ask the foreign priests to confide the secret behind the source of the sound. The Morning Bells of St. Paul's is a truly wonderful illustration of Macao at that time. Yin Guangren, a respected and powerful imperial figure, who had a full understanding of foreign ways, was clearly quite enchanted by them.

Of the telescope, Zhang Qu, · anchashi· (Security Envoy) in Guangdong from Yongzheng· years 10 to 13 (1732-1735) said that "[...] with a telescope, one can see a few thousand li · or more. The bell on top of a pagoda is quite distinct and the individual brushstrokes of a character can be seen in perfect detail."

Qu Dajun wrote six eight-line wulü poems in Guangxi year 28 (1689) called Aomen (Macao). The opening and second couplets of the sixth poem read: "Sailing out to sea in June, the sand ceremony and food offerings are made. A telescope looks ahead and a compass guides the way." The seaboat sailing from Macao out into the ocean on the east wind in early summer, first bidding farewell to the sands on the shore as a way of honouring the ancestors and dipping meat and rice into the sea as a sacrifice to the spirits is clearly a Chinese vessel. What sets it apart from other Chinese boats is that it is equipped not only with a compass to point the way but also with a telescope for observation. This was probably a peculiarity for a Chinese ship of the time.

When Chinese poets travelled to Macao, they also enjoyed the opportunity to try scanning the the distant horizon through a telescope. In the Yongzheng period the eminent Lingnan painter Wang Houlai· wrote Aomen jishi tong Cai Jinghou· (Events in Macao with Cai Jinghou), a set of six jueju· poems, of which the third reads: "The waves come crashing in from the southern bay at the stragtegic point of Cross Gate. Through a Western telescope, sail shapes stretch as far as the horizon." The poet is standing by the seaside near the southern bay. Through a telescope he has borrowed from a Westerner, he is looking out at the outlines of the sails at Cross Gate. As far as the horizon he can see the white specks of sails in the distance. The telescope is an oft-admired possession of the Westerners. Apparently Wang Houlai went around in the company of Westerners most of the time.

The telescope is also hallowed in the in the jueju poems Aomen zayong· (Various Macanese Odes) written by Li Xialing in the Qianlong period: "The bells ring as the moon rises above St. Paul's, the wind stirs up waves at shizimen· (Cross Gate). Up on the roof with the telescope, this single instrument is capable of taking in a whole panoramic view." The poet is living in a Western house in Macao. He is standing up on the rooftop with a telescope, looking out at the view of the sea and the mountains. Another instance of writing on this topic is found in the Jiaqing period set of wulü verses by Zhong Qishao, Aomen zashi· (Selected Poems of Macao). The opening and second couplets of the third poem read: "The balustrade at Cross Gate and the wall near Lingding· (Lingting Harbour) are both clear through a telescope, even as far away as the ocean at Jiuzhou."·


Religious contacts between China and the Western world during the Ming dynasty were largely concerned with the propagation of the Catholic faith. Once Catholicism had reached China, feudal officials had occasion to describe Western culture as it was represented by Catholicism, through the medium of classical poetry. The small number of local officials who were Catholic believers expressed their understanding of and faith in the religion in the same way. Both are sources of information regarding contact between China and the Western world which deserve detailed study. The author's two previous articles Qingdai Aomen shi zhong guanyu tianzhujiao de miaoshu· (Descriptions of Catholicism in Ming dynasty poetry from Macao) and Wu Yushan tianxue shi yanjiu· (Research on the Astronomy Poems of Wu Yushan) are primarily concerned with Macanese poetry, and present a discussion based on this and other documents, so further details would be superfluous here. This article sets out to supplement this with additional information from a Macanese poem by Tang Xianzu, which dates from the Wanli· period of the Ming dynasty, to offer an analysis of Chinese people's knowledge at that time of the the way Western sailors worshipped God to protect them at sea.

In Wanli year 19 (1591), Tang Xianzu was engaged as an official at the ministry of rites and ceremonies in Nanjing. · Because he had been critical of the dynastic government, he was banished to Xuwen· county in Guangdong to work as a historian. During the journey to Xuwen, he came to Xiangshan at Macao and lyricises in his poetry about the varied colours and contours of the scenery around Macao. The first poem in the set On hearing an Interpreter at Xiangshan, reads: "It takes ten days to reach Jiaolan· from Haiphong [zhangcheng]·, twelve boats putting in to port and then leaving. We gave millet and decided to stay in the country of Sanfoqi· (Three Buddhas). The boats pass close to Jiuzhou Shan· in order to pick up incense."

Jiaolan Mountain was a familiar place to Chinese sailors in the South China sea off the South-East Asian mainland. Fei Xin· followed the explorer Zheng He· on his mission to the Western seas. In the poem Jiaolanshan· (Jiaolan Mountain) in the book Xingcha Shenglan· (Xingcha Shenglan)· he writes "Setting off from Lingshan· at Haiphong, with the wind behind the sails one can reach there in ten days."

However, the boat sailing along the route of Zheng He's fleet in that year had a single mast with multiple sails. The Western boats with more than one mast and a cluster of sails were strikingly different in construction from the typical single-masted, singlesailed Chinese vessels. Like the Chinese boats, the Western boats were fitted with an altar to Jesus, the Virgin Mary and other figures who had powers to protect those at sea. Just like the shrine on Chinese boats dedicated to parents and ancestors, this altar was a source of spiritual support for the whole crew. The term "wosu" ("giving millet") is found in the Shijing: Xiaoya: · Xiaowan· (The Book of Songs), in the line "[..] handing over millet for a fortune-telling, [...]"· which means 'to give a handful of grain to a fortune-teller as payment for their divination'. A largely similar procedure of praying to the shrine or altar was carried out both on Western and Chinese boats to decide the route to be sailed and where to put into port. It was on the basis of such a divination that it was decided to drop anchor in the harbour of the ancient kingdom of Sanfoqi — located in present-day Sumatra, Indonesia — and then to sail to Jiuzhou Shan at the mouth of the Pili· river on the Malay peninsula to buy longxiangxiang· (ambergris) and other varieties of incense. In the words of one of Tang Xianzu's contemporary Chinese colleagues, a translator from Xiangshan who worked in Macao, the realisation that Western boats also used a form of spiritual divination to determine their movements was the first sign that Chinese people understood the way Western sailors sought protection through worship.


The late stages of the feudal society of Ming and Qing dynasty China was a time of isolation and defensiveness, with nothing approaching the openness of modern times. Although China did establish direct links with the Western world, interaction was limited and intermittent in scope. China's feudal rulers were deeply wary and apprehensive of Western colonialist forces who sailed to the East, and chose only places which they felt capable of controlling to open up windows to the outside world through which to maintain contacts with the West. Macao, the place of residence of Portuguese and other Western traders and the Xiyang Tang· (Western Hall) in Beijing, where Western tutors employed in the Imperial Palace lived, were two such windows. Chinese cultural contacts with the West during this period were conducted entirely through these windows, their continued existence consistently precarious.

The Western Hall was sealed off completely not long before China entered the present age, and has thus become a historical topic. Macao, however, exists to this day and still plays a major role in the cultural interchange between China and the West. Macanese poetry of the Ming and Qing dynasties provides a real picture of the exchange conducted through this cultural gateway.

Translated from the Chinese by: Justin Watkins


1 CHEN Yanyu, Lianshan Shiji 《蓮山詩集》 (Collected poems from Lianshan), Daoguang year 19, vol.2, p. 10, [revised edition].

2 SHi Jishan, Xianzhi Tang Shij 《咸陟堂詩集》 (Collected Poetry from Xianzhi Tang), Daoguang year 25, vol.13, p.4, [reprint].

3 FANG Hao, Wu Yushan xiansheng 'Sanba ji' jiaoshi 《吳漁山先生三巴集校釋》 (Annotated edition of Wu Yushan's 'Collected Works from St. Paul's); ZHOU Kangxie, · ed., Wu Yushan (li) yanjiu lunji 《吳漁山(歴)研究論集》 (Collected essays on the works of Wu Yushan), Hong Kong, Chongwen Bookstore, 1971, p.114. —Words in square brackets [...] are found in the original Wu Yushan manuscript Mojing daoren shigao 《墨井道人詩稿》 (Daoist Poetry from the Inkwell). The author points out the differences between this and Li Wenyu's· Xuantong· year 1: Mojing Ji 《墨井集》 (Collected Inkwell Works), [lst edition].

4 LI Xialing, Shaoyuan Shichao 《勺園詩鈔》 (Poems of Shaoyuan), 2 vols., Jiaqing year 17, vol.1, p.7, [lst edition].

5 SHI Jishan, Xianzhi Tang Shiji 《咸陟堂詩集》 (Collection of Xianzhi poetry), vol.14, p.7.

6 CAI Xianyuan, Mingxin Shushi Shichao 《銘心書室詩鈔》 (Poetry of the Mingxin School), Tongzhi year 2, vol.2, p. 15, [1st edition].

7 XU Shuofang· ed., Tang Xianzu Shiwenji 《湯顯祖詩文集》 (Selected poems by Tang Xianzu), Shanghai, Shanghai Antiquarian Book Publishers, 1982, vol.1: Yuming Tang Shiji 《玉茗堂詩集》 (Poems from Yu Ming Tang), vol. 6, p.428.

8 FANG Hao, Zhong-Xi jiaotong shi 《中西交通史》 (A History of the Contacts between China and the West- ern World), Taibei, Huagang Publishing Co. Ltd, 1977, pp. 1-22.

9 YIN Falu, Aomen yu Zhong-wai yinyue wenhua jiaoliu《澳門與中外音樂文化交流》 (Macao and musical exchange between China and abroad), in "Zhongguo lishi wenxian yanjiu hui" 中國歴史文化研究會 ("Chinese Historical Documents Research Society") ed., Lishi wenxian yanjiu 《歴史文獻研究》 (Research on historical documents), Beijing, Beijing Shifan Daxue Chubanshe (Beijing Normal University Publishers), pp.58-62, [5th edition].

10 WU Xingzuo, Wu Liucun Shichao 《吳留村詩鈔》 (Poems by Wu Liucun), Kangxi period, p.37, [1 st edition].

11 See LAING Di, Maoshan Tang Shicao 《茂山堂詩草》 (Poetry of Maoshan Monastery), Kangxi period publication, 2nd collection, p.42.

12 ZHONG Qishao, Ting zhonglou shichao 《聼鐘樓詩鈔》 (Poems written on hearing the bells in the belltower), Daoguang year 10, vol.3, p.20. — There is a note in the original which states: "Upon touching the mechanism of the Musical Cabinet, the sounds of the musical scale are heard. It is also known as the Organ."

13 TANG Yifen, Qinyinyuan Shiji 《琴陰園詩集》 (Collected Poems from a Hidden Qin Garden), Guangxu year 1, vol.32, p.22, [1st edition].

14 CAI Xianyuan, op. cit., vol.2, p. 17; HUANG Shaochang-LIU Xiaofen· Xiangshan Shilue 《香山詩略》 (A selection of poetry from Xiangshan), 1937 stereotype publication, vol.4, pp.209-210 — The authors say that Wei Yuan went to Macao in Daoguang year 29 (1849) and in the gardens of various directors and officials heard organ playing by Western ladies, which inspired him to write seven poems, known as Poems written on hearing the sound of Western ladies playing the organ from gardens in Macao.

See: Wei Yuan Ji 《魏源集》 (Collected works of Wei Yuan), · Zhonghua Publishing House, vol.2, p.739.

15 CHEN Gongyin, Dulu Tang Shi 《獨鹿堂詩》 (Poems from Dulu Temple), Guangzhou, Zhongshan Daxue (Zhongshan University Publishing House), 1988, p.260 — The author says that further to Chen Gongyin's connections with Macao, Wang Yongsou's comments that after the end of the Ming dynasty, accompanied by one He Jiang· who came from his native region, he [...] went to Macao, and then went together to Tonggu Hai in search of former Ming officials who had fled abroad.

See: WANG Yongsou, Aomen Zashi 《澳門雜詩》 (Various poems from Macao), 1918, p.9, [facsimile publication] — Other that this, the author is inclined to cast doubt over the famous sentence in his work Yamen Ye Sanzhongci 《崖門謁三忠祠》 (The Yamen temple honouring three loyal officials) which reads: "The sea has a gate dividing it into two parts; while on Jiangshan the foreigners are not separated from the Chinese" (from Dulu Tang Shi 《獨鹿堂詩》 (Poems from Dulu Temple) p.37) for the reason that there are two Cross Gates in Macao, an upper one and a lower one. After the end of the Ming dynasty, foreigners and Chinese lived interspersed in Macao. The writer mentions Yamen as a way of alluding to his sorrow at the defeat of the old Ming dynasty.

16 LI Xialing, op. cit., vol.2, p.29.

17 YIN Guangren-ZHANG Rulin, Aomen Jilue 《澳門紀略》 (Macao Monograph), 2 vols., Jiaqing year 5 (1800), vol.2 [Aofan Pian 《澳蕃篇》 (Foreigners in Macao)], p. 12, [1st edition].

18 WANG Shizhen, · Chibei Outan 《池北偶談》 (A chance conversation north of the pond), one of a series of notes from the Qing dynasty, vol.21, p. 12.

19 SHI Jishan, Xianzhi Tang Shiji 《咸陟堂詩集》 (Collected poems from Xianzhi Tang), vol. 14, p.7

20 LJUNGSTEDT, Andrew, An Historical Sketch of the Portuguese Settlements in China; and of the Roman Catholic Church and Mission in China, By Sir Andrew Ljungstedt, Knight of the Swedish Royal Order Waza. A suupplementary chapter, Description of the City of Canton, republished from the Chinese Repository, with the editor's permission, Boston, James Monroe & Co., 1836, p. 18.

21 YIN Guangren - ZHANG Rulin, op. cit., vol.2, p.24.

22 ZHANG Qu, · Yuedong Wenjian Lu 《粤東聞見錄》 (A record of encounters in eastern Guangdong), Guangdong People's Publishing House, 1990, vol.2, p. 140, [facsimile edition].

See: YIN Guangren - ZHANG Rulin, op. cit., vol.2, p.44 —The text reads: "[...] with a telescope, one can see more than ten li."

23 QU Dajun, Wengshan Shiwai 《翁山詩外》 (Poetry from Wengshan), early Qing dynasty, vol.9, p.46 [1st edition].

24 WANG Houlai, Lugang Shiji 《錄岡詩集》 (Collected Poems from Deer Ridge), Qing dynasty, vol.4, p.33.

25 ZHANG Qu, op. cit., vol.2, p.141 — A comment on Westerners' equipment reads: "Swords, all of them double-bladed, a compass and a telescope. The equipment in Macao is much respected.

26 LI Xialing, op. cit., vol.1, p.9.

27 ZHONG Qishao, op. cit., vol.3, p.20.

28 See: ZHANG Wenqian, Aomen yu Zhonghua lishi wenhua 《澳門與中華文化歴史》 (Macao and Chinese historical culture), Macau, Fundação Macau, 1995, pp. 178-201,214-247.

29 XU Shuofang ed., Tang Xianzu Shiwenji 《湯顯祖詩文集》 (Selected poems by Tang Xianzu), vol.1; Yuming Tang Shiji 《玉茗堂詩集》 (Poems from Yu Ming Tang), vol. 6, p.428.

* Associate professor at the History Department of the Zhongshan University, in Guangzhou.

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