SONS AND DAUGHTERS OF THE SOIL
THE FIRST DECADE
OF LUSO CHINESE DIPLOMACY

"PASQUIM DE 2 DE DEZEMBRO

    1°. 
    No tumulo de Dido Miranda
    Exallou um forte ay
    Por cazar seu sobrinho
    Com neta do seu Atay 

    2°. 
    Não esta primeira
    Que orgulho ficou calcado
    Desse Almoxarife Inglez
    Desse nariz bem curvado 

    3°. 
    No Grão Céa dessas Boda
    Não encontrava cordoniz
    Para senão encontrar no Pápo
    A Chinita sem nariz"

    ("LAMPOON OF DECEMBER 2

    1st. 
    From the tomb of Dião Miranda
    There came a loud alas
    For the marriage of his nephew
    To a granddaughter, Atay's lass

    2nd. 
    Not this the first
    Before pride to be disjointed
    Of that English clerk
    Of that nose finely pointed

    3rd. 
    In the Grand Wedding Supper
    Was  to be found not a quail
    Unless finding a Chinese girl
    Without nose in its entrails")

With data culled from the Parish Archives and furnished by various works referring to the genealogy of the main Macanese families, we drew up twenty family trees, the analysis of which can provide a number of conclusions that support our hypothesis about the origin of the Macanese as a polyhybrid and partially isolated group in Macanese society, clearly separated from Chinese society.

It would be interesting to consult more closely the available Parish Archives and quantify in percentages the marriages of filhos da terra to descendants of Chinese families on the one hand, and to individuals from Europe, India and other locations more or less distanced from Macao, on the other. Such was not possible on account of the difficulties in obtaining microfilms of the relevant documents, some much the worse for wear and tear and in a poor state of conservation, for which reason, beyond doubt, they were not made available to us.

However, on the basis of the data we have at our disposal, it is possible to corroborate the ingrained homogamy of the Macanese, and further, to corroborate the authenticity of the saying, habitual among them, that tudo são primo-prima (lit.: all are male cousin-female cousin, or, they are all cousins) in Macao; 75 We can draw further conclusions, such as:

- the restricted rapport with Chinese society, such that when marriage to people of that nation took place, the individuals were Creoles raised in Portuguese family circles; 76

- the richest families by preference married their children off amongst their own kind and their daughters off to Europeans, these being chosen from officials of the Army or Navy, doctors and high-ranking civil servants;

- the widowed regularly remarried, and in the case of widowers, often to their sisters-in-law. Rich widows frequently married European men who had no fortune or position of high rank granted to them. Given the number of women in Macao was disproportionately higher than the number of men, the frequent remarriage of widows is conceivable only on the grounds of immense attractiveness, one of the most esteemed attractions in Macao being, as ever, money.

- the Macanese family was traditionally an extended one, with patrilocal residence. However, in the case of marriage to Europeans, residence was often taken up in the house of the wife or a separate home was established. The latter instance, however, that is, the establishment of a separate home, became a common occurrence only after the 'Victorian revolution'77

- in contrast to what came to pass and continues to do so, marriages after the birth of the first child were rare in Macao;

- the most frequent marrying age was fifteen to nineteen for girls and post-twenty for men, and there was almost always a considerable age difference between husband and wife, which seems to indicate the vestiges of an old Indian influence;

- the Creoles always received the surname of the godmother or the godfather, being thus distinguished from female slaves, who were only attributed a first name;

- among individuals of Chinese descent, the names Inácio/Inácia prevailed, and also Boaventura (given to both sexes), or António. The surname Rosário is also very frequent, which brings to mind the earlier baptism of New Christians under the influence of the missionary Fathers; 78

- evident is the custom of giving the newborn or children of baptized gentiles, under the influence of the Portuguese of Macao, the name of the Saint corresponding to the day of birth or to the day of baptism. When both dates were known, it was even the case that both names were used; 79

- another interesting custom among the Portuguese of Macao was the bestowing of the proper name of the grandfather on the first son of the first born of each generation;

- of late another custom has been adopted, that of giving all sons names that begin with the same letter, that is, the first letter of the father's first name.

In summary: the filhos da terra married amongst their own kind, mainly as far as regards the highest class, in which event it was often a preferential marriage to family members four times removed or even three times removed. In like manner, daughters of the soil were preferentially married to Europeans or foreigners, the same being the case with the nhons, although less frequently. Marriage to Indian or Timorese men, or even Cochin-Chinese when Macao began to trade in that land, was contracted principally by women of more modest means, some of them mestizas directly descended from Chinese or from people of other ethnic origins. Such cross-marriages were even contracted both Portuguese or Macanese men, in which event they married Philippine, Cochin-Chinese and Chinese women who were generally the offspring of rich families.

The data provided by the reverend Fr. Manuel Teixeira in reference to various Macanese ecclesiastics and the marriages of Macanese men to Chinese women, reinforces what has been stated above.80 The said data confirms two things:

1. criaçóes on the spear side and perhaps on the distaff side were often bound for the religious life;

2. in the event of marriage, it was more common for such criações and their descendants to take Chinese girls or the daughters of Chinese women as wives than it was for the descendants of Portuguese of the Crown or of old Macanese families to do so, not unlike the Luso-descendants of Goa.

Another fact not to be overlooked is that if there were no reservations on the part of the highest classes about the remarriage of the widowed, such was not the case, by contrast, for daughters of unknown fathers. In our sample, which covered marriages that took place in Macao across nearly two centuries, we found hardly a single Macanese, son of gentiles, with a Portuguese name, married to a daughter of Macao of unknown father.

In the middle of the eighteenth century, marriages took place between Macanese men and the granddaughters of Chinese women. Such brides were second generation, however, and thus by that point were probably granddaughters of Christians or daughters of Creoles from wealthy families, who not uncommonly received ample dowries, as already stated.

Another point to make refers to the average number of children per married couple: between two and six among the Macanese, twins being very rare. 81Women often died in childbirth or shortly afterwards and there was a considerable number of still-births and a high rate of infant mortality. Judging by the study of the twenty families for whom family trees were drawn up, all of high and midlevel socio-economic status, one can assume that such statistics would probably be far higher for families of lesser economic status. A higher fertility rate is to be found among Chinese Christian couples, Creoles or their descendants, with each couple reaching a statistic as high as sixteen children, the average being seven or eight per couple, which is not uncommon among the Chinese population, however. Some Macanese families of high social standing also had many descendants, reaching ten or twelve children per couple. The fact is, however, that many of these children did not live to reproductive age. In support of our hypothesis comes the following table, published in the "Boletim da Província" ("Bulletin of the Province") of 1887, on page 121. An analysis of this table suggests that even in the closing years of the nineteenth century, the Macanese by preference married amongst themselves or to Europeans, and that lawful unions with persons of other ethnic groups were rare. In Macao, for the years 1881 to 1885, there was a total of seventy-six betrothals amongst the Macanese (51%), fifty-nine between Macanese and Europeans (39.1%) and thirteen between Macanese and individuals of other races (8.7%).

From what has been established above, it easily follows that the Macanese, mainly those in the best economic conditions, maintained traditions that were jealously guarded and kept proudly separate from the customs of the Western adventurers and also from the Chinese gentiles who had been the servants and builders of the City. By the same token, Chinese families of noble lineage would never seek to place their children in unions with the 'barbarians' of the West, and only those who were Christians or very poor would permit such crossings, or even a shared life, in the role of servants. Therein the isolation of the filhos da terra, bearers of a tradition of wealth, of noble lineage and of refined upbringing that was not the patrimony of either the Chinese of lowest social standing or, in their time, of the rough and ready soldiers and sailors of Portugal, Macaístas [lit.: woman ox] and other races.

It was only much later, after the inception of steam ship lines and towards the end of the nineteenth century, that European women began venturing into Macao with greater frequency, accompanying their husbands and relatives when the latter went to take up high Official Posts. It was perhaps at this time that the concept of ngau pó came to the fore, in line with the greater separation of social classes in Macao: the ngau pó, a fat, dark, ugly, big nosed female figure, made a mockery of the pale, small, slim and muffled up Macanese women, as well as the latter's speech patterns or falar da terra, which the former failed to understand. In order to maintain the appearance of social status, the Macanese of the highest social classes attempted to imitate the ngau pó and their European mannerisms; however, women of less wealthy classes grew increasingly isolated from the European group.

The main socio-ecological characteristics of the populace of Macao were always largely influenced by the value judgments and behaviour of the groups dominant there across the centuries. As a result, class stratification, characteristic of this society at the beginning of the twentieth century, represents an important aspect of its ecology.

The notions and value judgments that prevailed in Macao across the centuries were mainly the following:

1. The prerogative of ancient lineage based on family ties (descendants with an ancestor in common), a system perhaps as prevalent in the old Portuguese villages as it was in those of China. As is only natural, in Macao, a center of Christianity and refuge for numerous Chinese, this system based on clan hierarchy necessarily tended to fade away once distanced from populated nuclei, such as the old village of Mong Há, where old traditions held strong. However, amongst the Macanese, the pedigree of the ancestor's name and lineage succeeded in prevailing down the centuries.

2. The other direction of the hierarchical structure of Chinese society was Confucionist in nature, based on distinction in academic levels independent of genetic inheritance.

Nonetheless, the Chinese of Macao belong to families or clans left behind in inland China at a more or less late date. In our day, one must consider those of them who have grown prosperous and who occupy prominent positions in local society, those who occupy positions in the Police Force or in Public Administration and, of more modest means, the large mass of the working populace, in addition to the coastal population, which from both the cultural and biogenetic point of view is a group apart. The ancestral notion of clan that virtually always governed the choice of spouse naturally faded away with the Empire of the Mandarins, whilst the prerogative of financial background came to don importance in Macao among Portuguese and Chinese alike. Thus it was that the system of matrimony came to rest on these two pillars amongst both Chinese and Portuguese. More recently, marriages between filhos da terra and Chinese women increased as the Chinese of Macao gradually lost their links with ancient traditions, always eroded by urban living, sometimes absolutely, and in inverse proportion to the steady decrease in descendants of the oldest families in the Colony, who preserved pride in their lineage.

In our day, it has reached the stage where daughters of the soil marry Chinese men, with little ado even from the elderly ladies.

§3. ANTHROPOBIOLOGICAL DATA

The correspondence between a given geographical area and the biotic communities that populate it is at its most evident among restricted biotypes. The more restrictive the environmental factors are, the more urgent selection becomes and more uniform, the more characteristic and reduced in species is the biocoenosis. Thus in Macao, restrictive factors such as water shortages, the isolated nature of the Colony - almost an island - and the high summer temperatures alternating with the low temperatures of the cold season: all these condition the natural resources in the autochthonous zoocoenosis and phytocoenosis, and further, the acclimatization of many species from the West. The latter was on occasion empirically attempted, obliging the European men who originally settled in the Colony to avail themselves of what they found in the environment and neighbouring lands in order to survive.

With respect to the living world, the human population included, the equilibrium was reached in Macao as previously established. Whereas in the early phases mortality was high among the Europeans, before long their children, Eurasians, encountered improved conditions of adaptation from the morpho-physiological point of view by dint of natural selection at infancy. Further, throughout the centuries they simultaneously developed cultural forms of survival, many of them unique. The biological as well as cultural forms underwent environmental selection and the Macanaese were born, along with their unique culture, vestiges of which survive to this day in Macao.

The group closed in on itself. This phenomenon does not necessarily have a biological basis, although one could point such bases out: the new genomes, for example, hydric, with a new phenotype, parallel to the creation of new psychological patterns and new value judgments. Examples of this are the acumen, parsimony and taste for ostentation inherent to the Eastern world, and further, a new concept of beauty, which in relation to women could be one of the motives behind the choice of spouse and hence provide a selective standard, in the long term, of a local morpho-anthropological type.

With regard to this point, whilst the prototype of beauty in Portugal last century was the fat woman with a waspish waist and pale clear skin, whose ankles were slim and who had light hair across the upper lip, this type of femininity was ridiculed in Macao. Further, fei-pó (pop.: a fat, big nosed, big footed... hairy, moustached and above all, presumptuos woman) was a term used by local elderly ladies to refer to the ngau-pó· (lit.: woman ox; pop.: ox's wife) or a Portuguese woman from Portugal. [...]

With regard to the partial isolation that characterized the Macanese group throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, when group consciousness became more marked in parallel with social stratification and the arrival of the women of the Crown, in Macao, one explanation can be sought in the homogamy that prevailed in the society of the time, at least among the oldest and most powerful families. 82

An analysis of the family constellations we studied allows us to draw conclusions that reach beyond what might immediately strike the eye with regard to this phenomenon.

On the one hand, the Chinese withdrew into their own group; on the other, it was opened by the Macanese only for marriage to Europeans, in the main soldiers of high rank or high level civil servants. 83

As far as homogamy is concerned, there are two fundamental types to consider: positive homogamy that results in phenotypical similarities in descendants, and negative homogamy, corresponding to the systematic formation of dissimilar couples.

The first case corresponds to marriages amongst Macanese themselves, for which reason they are almost all of similar appearance, whilst the second corresponds to the preference of the Macanese for blond women with clear eyes, insofar as marriage outside the group to European or Eurasian women is concerned.

Indeed, there is always a slight tendency towards homogamy in any human population, mainly with respect to quantitative traits, a tendency which did not escape the Macanese group. Such is the case with height, for example. A short man seldom marries a taller woman. Another factor is of a psychosocial nature, particularly sensitive among mestizos. From the qualitative point of view, the genetic consequences resulting from preferential endogamy are the same as those from consanguineous unions. In Macao, the spatial restrictions of the Colony and the fact that only a limited number of families pertained to the highest social class particularly enhanced such consanguinity, a fruit of preferential crossings arising from the isolated sectors (without geographic frontiers, merely psychosocial ones) that developed in the Colony.

As is known, homogamy and endogamy equally tend to reduce the frequency of the heterozygous genotype, which presents little phenotypical expression among polyhybrid populations, unless it leads to the establishment of certain traits. This phenomenon, however, would require many successive generations within a closed group.

A Mendelian population, in which crossings are wrought preferentially among individuals sharing one trait or another, tends towards a stationary state, with genotypical frequencies different from the panmythic values. As far as we know, these frequencies were never calculated for the Macanese group. With regard to the Macanese, no serious study has been undertaken from the anthropobiological, seroanthropological, somatometric and even ostiometric points of view. Some travelers passing through did make brief records of the anthropobiological character of the population of Macao. The following note serves as an example:

"With the exception of certain families whose Lusitanian blood is not mixed, the population is mestizo, Indian from Goa and blacks [...]." (Laplace, op. cit., p.234).

Some recent authors84 have attempted to study the serology of the inhabitants of Macao, but the fact remains that no-one so far has undertaken such research using selective samples or significant markers, nor using Macanese and Chinese with Portuguese names in the same sample. Indeed, it is our own conviction that it would now be rather difficult to create such a sample, since the typical Macanese are no longer numerous enough in the Territory to provide samples of any validity, the typical Macanese having been isolated through homogamy probably since the beginning of the eighteenth century, which was when the names of families settled there began to appear with some degree of continuity.

Indeed, as of the mid nineteenth century, there was a steady flow of successive generations of filhos da terra who married Europeans and in some cases, Chinese. At the same time, heterosis was seen to increase in the wake of the migratory waves of the middle of the nineteenth century, and further, of the post-Great War [First World War] period and thirdly, shortly before the War in the Pacific [Second World War].

Furthermore, the wedding circle (the average number of people whom an individual can marry) is rather limited in Macao among the Portuguese population on account of the disproportionately low number of men, as already stated, compared with the number of women. 85

The evolution of a mestizo group is an historic phenomenon, whilst the return to kin type always constitutes an exception. If the percentage of crossing-over is 1%, one-hundred generations will be required to bring about full genetic integration, whilst six generations may be sufficient, according to Beroist, for integration into a common genetic pool.

Phenotypical homogamy, that is, the preferential choice of spouse, is especially marked among the Macanese.

Although in past centuries such a choice was based on phenotypical similarity, opting for a European or marrying within the group, it nevertheless cannot be denied that on the part of resident Europeans this might often have been a choice founded on economic interests.

Descendants of old families with ingrained homogamy,86 the Macanese manifest anthroposomatic and serological traits that run in accordance with the correlations established by Hulse87 for the descendants of endogamous and consanguineous marriages. Many of them even have pretty blue eyes, although blond hair may be an exception.

Even in a small sample, beyond the tendency for increased brachycephaly, we found the following correlations among the filhos de terra.

It is worth noting that there is a low incidence of twins among Macanese families, both presently and in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, to judge by the sample we used to draw up the family constellations; therein the difficulty in confirming or denying the correspondence of the last of Hulse's correlations.

Regarding the serology of the Macanese, one would expect to find a high incidence of the "O" group in cases of consanguinity, since the phenotypical appearance of recessive traits is its fundamental characteristic.

According to Scheider,88 the prevailing blood group in endogamic populations would be "A" and "O", which would indeed serve as a genetic marker, if not a very significant one.

In the event of there being a prolonged crossing-over among the Portuguese and the children of the Celestial Empire, as some authors maintain, one would expect the most frequent blood group among the Macanese to be "B Rh" and "O Rh", in addition to "AB Rh", since it is known that the first two are those which prevail among the Chinese.

We cannot draw definitive conclusions to support our hypothesis from the studies of Professors Dr. António de Almeida and Dr. Almerindo Lessa, owing to the lack of selectivity in the samples, as previously stated; however, we shall proceed to analyze them since they are the only ones we have at our disposal:

3.1. DATA COLLECTED BY ANTONIO DE ALMEIDA89

A Macanese is described as a Southern Chinese, and thus the traits pertaining are as follows: above average height, light body weight, straight hair, mesocephaly, mesorrhinia, medium thickness of lips, obliqueness of palpebral aperture, with examples of mongoloid folding in some, scarcely outlined in others.

As far as the negative "Rh" factor is concerned, it appears in the group at an insignificant rate:

Rh+99.0%±1.07%

Rh-1.0%±1.07%

which is indeed inherent to Chinese of the South and agrees with studies by other authors.

As far as the blood groups "A", "B" and "O" are concerned, the same author presents us with following data for the Chinese of the South: 90

This data appears to contradict that presented by Alice Brues for the Chinese (dominance of groups "B" and "C"). How is this data to be interpreted? Was the sample made up of Macanese or very hybrid Chinese individuals?

3.2. DATA COLLECTED BY ALMERINDO LESSA.91

This author drew up a bio-anthropological chart of the population of Macao, based on a sample one-thousand-three-hundred-and-fourteen individuals, distributed as follows:

Pure Chinese....................................................................... 1038

Macanese Mestizos (Portuguese/Chinese) 20092

Portuguese from Europe................................................115

Blacks from Mozambique (Landins)...................161

Despite our not knowing how the sample was chosen, the conclusions reached by departing a priori from a simple Portuguese/Chinese mestizo group could never coincide with the conclusions that a differential analysis would be able to determine regarding the demarcation of the Chinese population.

With respect to the "A", "B" and "O" groups, what follows are the statistical findings:

Chinese...................................... 69%

Mestizo.......................................70%

Portuguese................................... 59%

The analysis of the "Gm" system does present more significant frequencies, foregrounding for the mestizo group another hybridization above and beyond the simple crossing-over Portuguese x Chinese. Almerindo Lessa allows for a hypothetical Negroid influence. Our question is: why not Timorese or Indo-Malay?

Finally, after subjecting the results to the "X₂"test, the conclusion reached was that establishing comparisons with data from research by other authors on South-East Asia, Almerindo Lessa reached the conclusion that the Macanese are serologically distanced from the Chinese of the North, but that they are in some way close to certain Vietnamese, Thai and Malay groups. At the same time, he considers the Indo-Malay influence to be felt in the Chinese of the South and in particular, in the population of Macao.

We presume that this genetic similarity between the Chinese of the South and other groups of South Asia has a long history and is particularly marked in areas where a degree of geographical or sociocultural isolation was found.

If so, it is not surprising that, although miscegenated with local Chinese, the genetic pool of the filhos da terra should have remained largely Indo-Malay, rendering it a very stable group.

After 1966, in the wake of the disturbances caused by the Chinese Red Guards, some of the oldest families who had remained resident in the Province abandoned Macao.

In 1977, a new migratory wave of filhos da terra began to be felt in Australia, the United States of America, Canada and Brazil, owing to the blockade of posts in Public Administration, and also, perhaps, to a certain unease about the future of Macao.

In our day, a mere glance at a Pacheco, a Basto, a Estorninho, a Garcia, a Melo, a Nolasco, a Senna, for example, brings to mind Eurasian forebears but not Chinese ones, at least close ones. The anthropobiological traits are very different: absence of accentuated dolichocephaly, average thoracic indices, height medium to tall, tawny skin colouring, sometimes copper; prominent noses, eyes often lacking mongoloid folding, and not infrequently, blue or dark iris. In these traits we meet characteristics pertaining to the Brahmins, Malays, Timorese and Europeans, characteristics that in other families are combined with Chinese characteristics such as prominent cheek-bones, and almond shaped eyes, generally without mongoloid folding.

Observing the Luso-descendants of Portuguese settlement in Malacca, oddly enough what stands out is the gamut of anthroposomatic traits similar to those of the Macanese. At first blush, the most notable difference is a much darker skin colouring, due, no doubt, to frequent renovation of European blood and scant miscegenation with the Chinese, contrary to that which came to pass in Macao. What can be observed in Malacca fully supports the observations by Francisco de Carvalho e Rêgo in 1950:

"Whoever has, like us, traveled through many Eastern lands, will easily reach the conclusion that the Macanese is not in general of Chinese descent. In India, Japan, Siam, Cochin-China, Malacca, Timor, the Philippines and even in Honolulu, types very similar to many of the Macanese we know are to be found. 93

In fact, there must have been a very rich genetic mix in all the locations of the East through which the Portuguese passed. They brought with them the Portuguese-Iberian genetic pool, in itself profoundly hybrid, and with their Luso-Asiatic children, they brought genes from the most farflung corners of the Asiatic continent. Therein demonstrating their astonishing polymorphism and their extraordinary capacity for adaptation.

§4. ETHNOGRAPHIC DATA

The Macanese group retains some cultural patterns clearly differentiated from those of the Chinese and also those of the Metropolis, fruits of an acculturation of the multiple 'ethnic' groups that converged on the diminutive Colony, predominantly via the feminine element, throughout the first centuries of its history. These patterns must originally have had strong links in order to be preserved, which suggests a maternal tradition, and also represented the adaptive measures achieved. If the mothers of the first Macanese were Chinese and miscegenation with women of this 'ethnic' group had prevailed through the centuries, the Indo Malay patterns that characterize the group would never have survived down to our own day. And truth be told, we still encounter some of these patterns alive and well amongst the elderly daughters of the soil that we know from the Macao of the Sixties and Seventies. Amongst those patterns we could cite patoá or papiar· (etim.: papiá), the local idiom (or the former Macaísta [ie.: Macanese Language]), hypocorisms ('pet' names or 'home' names), cuisine, local dress, games and pastimes, and homemade remedies, in addition to a poorly disguised contempt for the Chinese, and further, for Kaffirs, former servants of the most well-off families.

4.1. THE DIALECT OF MACAO

The former senhoras (ladies) of the most important Macanese families and their Creole daughters expressed themselves poorly in Chinese, making something of a virtue of this, and when speaking among themselves used the characteristic patoá· of other times, something that underwent modification when women began to receive an education last century.

Combining old terminology lost to modem Portuguese and words from different groups, mainly Asiatic ones, this speech pattern seems to have been born when the Portuguese Language became the lingua franca94 of the East. In fact, even today, vestiges of an old patoá resembling that of Macao and to a certain extent also the Cape Verdian Creole have been studied by various authors from different parts of Asia. Such is the case in Malacca, Ceylon, Indonesia (Flores) 95and even Nagasaki, where certain Portuguese words survived. As an interesting aside, a traditional specialty could be cited, a type of sponge cake known there as castila and which is very similar to the one made in Macao, 96 bearing the name bolo castelhano (Castilian cake).

An Eastern influence that also characterized Medieval Europe, the traditional seclusion of women, meant that the feminine element did not begin enjoying a degree of freedom and attending school until much later, a 'boys only' privilege hailing from the founding moments of the City, when the Jesuit Fathers established their famous Colégio de S. Paulo do Monte (College of Saint Paul of the Mount).

It was on account of this seclusion that, whilst Macao men later lost their command of old patoá, women retained theirs virtually to this day, especially among the less well-off classes and among those groups who remained most isolated in Shanghai and Hong Kong.

We can confirm the real existence of a wealth of vestiges of cultural convergence by an analysis of the studies made of the Language of Macao by João Feliciano Marques Pereira, 97 Danilo Barreiros,98 José dos Santos Ferreira99 and, most of all, by the philologist Graciete Batalha. 100

According to Graciete Batalha, the idiom left by the Portuguese in various corners of Asia had already become more widespread than the lingua franca by the time the Portuguese settled in Macao, accompanied by indigenous people of various origins. Their means of communication was "an idiom matured to a degree, broadened by vocabulary contingents and having already reached a certain state of phonetic, morphological and syntactical stability that managed to prevail for three-hundred years, [... until it began to wane in the last century]. 101

The founding of the Hong Kong Colony in the middle of the last century must have seen an increased influence of English on the speech patterns of the Portuguese of Macao, as well as on the Chinese population itself. Oddly enough, and most certainly by dint of the insularity of the group, the Macao idiom preserved archaic Portuguese terms which even today frequently find their way into the Language of some elderly ladies. These would be, for example, words such as ade· (Port.: pato salgado; or: salted duck), azinha· or asinha (Port.: depressa; or: quickly), botica· (Port.: loja; or: shop), bredos· (etim.; bredo; Port.: legumes, hortaliça; or: vegatables), dó· (head scarf, female attire), pateca· (etim.: pateca; Port.: melâcia; or: watermelon), persulana· (crockery), sombrelo· or sombreiro (Port.: guarda-sol, guarda-chuva; or: parasol, umbrela), and tai-siu· or talú (etim.: tái-siu; Port. expl.: jogo de dados local; or: a local game of dice), in addition to other less frequent terms.

With regard to words of Indian, Malay and other origins, one might cite, for example: achar· (etim.: achar; Port. expl.: conserva de legumes; or; pickled vegetables) and bazar· (etim.: bazar; Port. expl.: bairro comercial; or: bazar, shopping area) - from the Persian; chamiça (wild reed?) and garbo (adorned?) - from the Hebrew; adufa· (Port.: ventanas, persiana; or: window shutters), afião· (etim.; afium; Port.: ópio; or: opium), chale· (etim.: tçãl; Port.: travessa, beco; or: alleyway) and tufão· (etim.: táifong, or, tuffon, tuffon, touffon; or: typhoon) - from the Arabic; areca· (Port.: ariqueira [sic], foufel [sic]; or: areca palm), baniane· (etim.: baniana; Port. expl.: camisola interior, casaco de pano; or: banyan, home jacket), cacada· (etim.: cacad; Port.: gargalhada; or: laugh), calaím (tin metal?), filaça (cordon?), gargu· (etim.: gargó or gargol; Port. expl.: chaleira em barro; or: clay water kettle, recipient for liquids) and jagra (cane sugar?) - from the Indian or Indo-Portuguese; bétele· (betel), chiripo· (etim.: cherippu; Port.: tamanco; or: clog) and condê (headdress?)-from the Tamil; babá· (etim.: baba; Port.: rapazinho, menino; or: child, young boy) - from the Turkish; cate· (etim.: kati; Port. expl.: medida de peso para sólidos e líquidos; or: catty) - from the Malay-Javanese; caia· or caia nuno (Port.: mosquiteiro; or: mosquito curtain), figo-caque· or caqui (etim.: kaki Port.: dióspiro; or: khaki), miço· or missó (etim.: miso; Port. expl.: pasta de feijão de soja e sal; or 'miso' paste) and nachi (type of dance?) - from the Japanese; agrom· or agrong (Port. expl.: doença infantil; or: children's disease), balechão· or balchão (etim.: balachãn or balichâ; Port. expl.: condimento; or: balachan condiment, spicy sauce), jangom· (etim.: jagong; or Port.: jangão, milho; or: corn), saraça· (etim.: sarásah; Port.: mantilha; or: coloured mantel worn by women over the head) and savan· (Port. expl.: doença 'misteriosa '; or: 'mysterious' disease) and many others - from Malay; some shared by Timorese and even, bebinca· or bebinga (Port. expl.: pudim doce ou salgado; or: a sweet or sower pudin), cincomaz (?) and sarangom· or sarangun (Port.: papagaio de papel; or: paper kite) - maybe from Tagalog. 102.

Of the four-hundred-and-twenty-six words of Portuguese origin studied in her Glossário do dialecto macaense, Graciete Batalha recorded seventy-five of Chinese origin (17.6%), 103eighty-six of Indo-Portuguese and Malay-Portuguese origin (20%), thirty-two of English origin (7.5%), eighty-two of various Languages (19.2%) and one-hundred-and-fifty-one of Malay origin (35.4%), and appears to make a case for Malay as the predominant influence on the speech patterns of the Macanese. It is our opinion that the preservation and even enrichment of Macanese speech patterns with Malay terms, in this probably different from the old lingua franca, results from the predominance of the Timorese and Malay slaves, who in the latter centuries served the Macanese families once Chinese slavery was forbidden.

An interesting point to note: the non-survival of terms from the African Dialects, despite the high number of black and Kaffir slaves in Macao. 104 We presume that the African slaves, who naturally spoke their own Languages and hailed from rudimentary Civilizations, made themselves understood among themselves and to their owners in Portuguese, such that there was no opportunity for words from their Languages entering local speech since their lot was the most lowly tasks, and they never occupied significant positions within Portuguese families. [...]

DISPARATES

    1. 
    "Passarinho verdi (verde)
    riba de (pousado sobre) telhado
    capí, capí, (batendo as) aza
    chomá (chama) por nhum Ado
    (Eduardo) 

    2. 
    Passarinho verdi
    riba de porta
    capí, capí, aza
    choma nhi Carlota 

    3. 
     Passarinho verdi
    riba de janela
    capí, capí, aza
    choma nhi Miquela 

    4. 
     Passarinho verdi
    riba de escada
    capí, capí, aza
    choma nhi Ada (Esmeralda) 

    5. 
     Passarinho verdi
    riba de tanaz (tenaz)
    capí, capí, aza
    choma nhum Braz, 

    6. 
     Passarinho verdi
    riba de cosinha
    capí, capí, aza
    choma nhi Anninha 

    7. 
     Passarinho verdi
    riba de tacho (frigideira)
    capí, capí, aza
    choma nhum Acho (Ignácio) 

    8. 
    Passarinho verdi
    riba de painel (quadro)
    capí, capí, aza
    choma nhi Zabel 

    9. 
    Passarinho verdi
    riba de fugam
    capí, capí, aza
    choma nhum Jamjam (João) 

    10. 
    Passarinho verdi
    riba de sino
    capí, capí, aza
    choma nhum Tino (Faustino) 

    11. 
    Passarinho verdi
    riba de almario
    capí, capí, aza
    choma nhum Januario 

    12. 
    Passarinho verdi
    riba de batente
    capí, capí, aza
    choma nhum Chente (Vicente) 

    13. 
    Passarinho verdi
    riba de maca
    capí, capí, aza
    choma nhi Caca (Clara) 

    14. 
    Passarinho verdi
    riba de coco
    capí, capí, aza
    choma nhum Toco (António) 

    15. 
    Passarinho verdi
    riba de buaiam-bico (bule)
    capí, capí, aza
    choma nhum Jejico (José) 

    16. 
    Passarinho verdi
    riba de bassora (vassoura)
    capí, capí, aza
    choma nhi Dora (Theodora) 

    17. 
    Passarinho verdi
    riba de bassora-pena (espanador)
    capí, capí, aza
    choma nhi Mena (Philomena) 

    18. 
    Passarinho verdi
    riba de palito
    capí, capí, aza
    choma nhum Ito (Evaristo) 

    19. 
    Passarinho verdi
    riba de fula (fior)
    capí, capí, aza
    choma nhum Tula (Boaventura) 

    20. 
    Passarinho verdi
    riba de caneca (caneco)
    capí, capí, aza
    choma nhi Eca (Angélica) 

    21. 
    Passarinho verdi
    riba de lenço
    capí, capí, aza
    choma nhum Encho (Lourenço) 

    22. 
    Passarinho verdi
    riba de bacia
    capí, capí, aza
    choma nhi Ia (Maria) 

    23. 
    Passarinho verdi
    riba de hospital
    capí, capí, aza
    choma nhum Vital 

    24. 
    Passarinho verdi
    riba de campinha (campainha)
    capí, capí, aza
    choma chacha-dinha (avó madrinha) 

    25. 
    Passarinho verdi
    riba de chaminé
    capí, capí, aza
    choma chacha-néné (parteira) 

    26. 
    Passarinho verdi
    riba de gradi (cerca)
    capí, capí, aza
    choma sium padri (sacerdote)"

NONSENSE VERSE

    Remitted  by Emiílio Honorato de
    Aquino, from Hong Kong, in a letter
    dated 20th of October 1900. 

    1. 
    ("Little green bird
    perched by the ladle
    beats, beats its wings
    it sings not for Ado (Eduardo)

    2. 
    Little green bird
    perched by the water
    beats, beats its wings
    it sings not for Carlota

    3. 
    Little green bird
    perched by the cellar
    beats, beats its wings
    it sings not for Miquela

    4. 
    Little green bird
    perched on a ladder
    beats, beats its wings
    it sings not for Ada (Esmeralda)

    5. 
    Little green bird
    perched on a windlass
    beats, beats its wings
    it sings not for Braz

    6. 
    Little green bird
    perched by the linen
    beats, beats its wings
    it sings not for Anninha

    7. 
    Little green bird
    perched on the thatch
    beats, beats its wings
    it sings not for Acho (Ignácio)

    8. 
    Little green bird
    perched on a table
    beats, beats its wings
    it sings not for Zabel

    9. 
    Little green bird
    perched on a door jam
    beats, beats its wings
    it sings not for Jamjam (João)

    10. 
    Little green bird
    perched on a window
    beats, beats its wings
    it sings not for Tino (Faustino)

    11. 
    Little green bird
    perched on a harrow
    beats, beats its wings
    it sings not for Januario

    12. 
    Little green bird
    perched on a bench
    beats, beats its wings
    it sings not for Chente (Vicente)]

    13. 
    Little green bird
    perched on a plaque
    beats, beats its wings
    it sings not for Caca (Clara)

    14. 
    Little green bird
    perched on a loco
    beats, beats its wings
    it sings not for Toco (António)

    15. 
    Little green bird
    perched by the treacle
    beats, beats its wings
    it sings not for Jejico (José)

    16. 
    Little green bird
    perched on the floor
    beats, beats its wings
    it sings not for Dora (Theodora)

    17. 
    Little green bird
    perched on a steamer
    beats, beats its wings
    it sings not for Mena (Philomena)

    18. 
    Little green bird
    perched on a meter
    beats, beats its wings
    it sings not for Ito (Evaristo)

    19. 
    Little green bird
    perched on the stool
    beats, beats its wings
    it sings not for Tula (Boaventura)

    20. 
    Little green bird
    perched on a wicker
    beats, beats its wings
    it sings not for Eca (Angélica)

    21. 
    Little green bird
    perched on a bench
    beats, beats its wings
    it sings not for Encho (Lourenço)

    22. 
    Little green bird
    perched by the weir
    beats, beats its wings
    it sings not for la (Maria)

    23. 
    Little green bird
    perched by  the hospital
    beats, beats its wings
    it sings not for Vital

    24. 
    Little green bird
    perched by the heather
    beats, beats its wings
    it sings for godmother

    25. 
    Little green bird
    perched on a hive
    beats, beats its wings
    it sings for the midwife

    26. 
    Little green bird
    perched on a joist
    beats, beats its wings
    it sings for the priest")**

To emphasize the issue, we have transcribed a series of quatrains [disparates· /nonsense verse], the first line of which corresponds to a composition to be sung, culled from the Papers of the collection of João Feliciano Pereira from Macao. These series of quatrains was sent to him on the 20th of October, 1900, by Emílio Honorato de Aquino, a Macao Portuguese based in Hong Kong, where Creole survived and remained at its purest for the greatest length of time.

"Little green bird" or 'green birdy' (of the present day Macao Christians) seems to be derived from the 'green parrot', a form which appears in the following quatrain from Daman:

"papagaio verde

chamá rapaz solter"

("Green parrot.

seated on the ground

beats, beats his wings

for the single boy his song sounds")

(DELGADO, Mgr. Sebastião, Dialecto Indo-Português de Damão, in: Offprint of "Ta-Ssy-Yang-Kuo", Lisboa, 1903, p. 26).

4.2. HYPOCORISMS

The use of 'home' names, 'pet' names or hypocorisms, is very common in Macao. Hypocorisms are known to have been the names most widely used last century for the filhos da terra, in addition to nicknames that seemed to have been attributed to men only and that sometimes passed from father to son across various generations105 Of an old and eminent Macanese family, Francisco António Pereira da Silveira, in his Diário [do macaense Francisco António Pereira da Silveira] (Diary [of the macanese Francisco António Pereira da Silveira]), always refers to his intimates and other close friends106by their 'home' names. The source of this custom appears to have been the black housekeepers, as was the case in Cape Verde and Brazil, according to Gilberto Freire, 107and in Macao perhaps housekeepers of other ethnic origins also. These affectionate diminutives correspond, moreover, to the form of address current among the Chinese of Macao. According to professor Jin Guó Ping, the form of address that commences with the expletive "Á", such as Á Má, Á Mui, Á Fong, etc., corresponds to the diminutive, i. e. respectively: a mãezinha (lit.: little mother), a irmãzinha mais nova (youngest sister), Fonguesinho (lit.: pequeno Fong; Port. expl.: jovem Fong; or: little Fong, meaning, young Fong) - Fong being in this case the first name.'108

Well documented for the nineteenth century, this usage is rather older in Macao and Bocage brings us tidings of it in the eighteeenth century in his sonnet A Beba (a diminutive of Geneveva). In polite address, ladies of high standing were known at other times109in Macao as siaras· and their respective husbands as sium· whilst individuals of lower social standing were addressed as nhi· Or nhim (Port.: menina; or: little girl) or nhonha· (Port. expl.: rapariga solteira, senhora casada ainda jovem; or: single girl, young married lady, miss, mademoiselle) and nhum· or nhom, or nhon (Port.: mancebo, homem novo; or: young man, young master, sir) in the case of the female or masculine gender respectively. The word nhon appears in various documents of the eighteenth century, and Bocage also employs it; 110 the term nhonha survived in day to day Language until the beginning of the twentieth century. It is interesting to note that the word nona denotes in Javanese the spinster daughter of a European; in the Creole of Malacca, the oldest daughter within the family circle; and in Timor, the indigenous concubine of a European. This term seems to have been spread by the Portuguese, and in Zambesia the name nhanha stands for native woman married to a white man.111 Some authors see in these designations a distant Portuguese etymology: senhora.

HYPOCRISMS

Among the Papers of the Estate of João Feliciano Marques Pereira held at the Biblioteca da Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa (Library of the Geography Society of Lisbon) and as yet uncatalogued, there is a list of hypocorisms used in Macao last century. Combining these with ones we collected in Macao and/or which are frequent in our own day, we drew up the following listing:

Adelaide................................................... Laida

Agostinho................................................. Chinho

Alberto..................................................... Beto

Ana.................................................. Anita, Nita

Angela..................................................... Alica

Angé1ica....................................... Angica, Eca, Lica

Angelina................................................... Achai

Antónia........................................ Ica, Tona, Tonica

António.................. Ico, Toco, Tone, Toninho, Toneco, Tonico

Báirbara........................................... Barbita, Bita

Bartolomeu................................................. Munco

Beatriz.................................................... Betty

Belarmina................................................... Nina

Boaventura.................................................. Tula

Carlos..................................................... Litos

Catarina............................................. Cate, Catty

Clara....................................................... Caca

Cláiudia..................................................... Ada

Cláiudio..................................................... Ado

Conceiçãio.........................................Conchita, São

Deolinda................................................... Linda

Edite....................................................... Didi

Eduarda................................................ Ata, Dado

Eduardo................................................ Ata, Dado

Emerenciana................................................ Chana

Emília..................................................... Milly

Ermelinda.................................................. Linda

Ernestina................................................... Tina

Esmeralda................................................... Dada

Evaristo..................................................... Ito

Faustina.................................................... Tina

Faustino.................................................... Tino

Fernando............................................ .Nando, Nano

Filipe....................................................... Ipi

Filomena............................................ Mena, Menica

Filomeno............................................ Menico, Meno

Florência................................................ Choncha

Florêncio................................................ Chencho

Francisca.................................................. Chica

Francisco........................................... Chico, Quico

Frederico................................................... Dubi

Gabriela.................................................... Gaby

Genoveva.................................................... Beba

Henrique........................................... Quiqui, Riqui

Herculano................................................. Josico

Humberto.................................................... Beto

Inácia.......................... Achinha, Anchinha, Bibi, Parocha

Inácio...................................................... Acho

Isabel................................... Bela, Danda, Isa, Zabel

João..................................................... Janjan

Joaquim..................................................... Quim

Jorge....................................................... Jimi

José....................................... Jejico, Jesico, Zinho

Josefa....................................................... Epa

Josefina.................................................... Fina

Leonel...................................................... Neco

Letícia............................................. Letty, Tícia

Luís.................................................. Ichi, Lulu

Lourença................................................. Chencha

Lourenço................................................. Chencho

Ludovico.................................................... Lulu

Malvina..................................................... Nita

Manuel........................................Mané, Manico, Néné

Mafia......................................... Ia, Mari, Mary Mimi,

Mariana............................................. Nana, Nanina

Matilde..................................................... Tide

Natália..................................................... Tatá

Natércia............................................. Nati, Netty

Olinda..................................................... Linda

Olívia...................................................... Olly

Pascoela.................................................. Pancha

Robertina................................................... Tina

Teodora..................................................... Dora

Vicêincia................................................ Chencha

Vicente.......................................... Chencho, Chente

Comparing modern hypocorisms with older ones and with those frequent in Goa and in Cape Verde, it transpires that in Goa the diminutive ending is the letter "u" - Forçu (Francisco), Salu (Salvador)112 - whilst in Cape Verde the endings are much closer to those used in Macao even though some of them lack total correspondence. Such is the case, for example, with Beba (Genoveva), Beto (Alberto and Roberto), Bina (Etelvina), Chencho (Inocência), Tino (Faustino), Fina (Josefina), la (Maria), Nico (Manuel), Dado (Eduardo), etc. 113

It is not our intention here to make a comparative study of the hypocorisms of the various Creoles of Portuguese. The intention is only to demonstrate that the nominhos· (Port.: 'nomes' de casa hipocorísticos; or: 'home' names, 'pet' names, hypocorisms) cannot have been created by the Chinese amás, as some authors suppose, taking a cue from their disyllabic form; they must have an older origin. [...]

4.3. CUISINE

One of the most characteristic aspects of the culture of Macao is definitely the cuisine. Local custom excels in hospitality, and the chá gordo· (lit.: fat tea, meaning; tea party) is a hybrid product of a very rich repertoire of recipes, 114a vestige of the ancient Portuguese tradition and of the Eastern penchant for a sumptuously spread table.

The Macanese senhoras would take great pride in the preparation of the chá gordo, an afternoon meal, which corresponds in a certain way to our copo d'água (lit.: glass of water, meaning: a wedding banquet). It gave them an opportunity to display their artistic talents and also their mastery of the culinary arts and sweet making, accomplishments that a girl of marriageable age and prospective mistress of the house could not afford to neglect. Twenty or thirty savoury and sweet specialty dishes might appear in the chá gordo, which were beautifully decorated with silk trimmings, some very ornate and all styled according to the degree of creativity of whoever was handling them.

Many recipes for the Macanese specialty dishes varied from family to family on the finer points, constituting in certain cases genuine secrets jealously guarded and passed down from generation to generation. In the recipes we consulted, there are specialities of the most diverse inspiration, interestingly enough less of Chinese origin than of old Portuguese and Indo-Malay traditions.

Considering the most characteristic alone, these specialties can be analyzed under different classifications: those related to certain festivals and those related to the characteristic dish of different ethnic groups.

Let us first analyze the specialties pertaining to the Macanese Christmas period. In this setting, the aluar·, coscorões· and fartes·, respectively considered the mattress, blanket and pillow of the Baby Jesus, could never be overlooked, and nor could the fish pie, perhaps related to the former practice of abstinence, as is the custom in many hamlets of Portugal and among the Chinese on the occasion of their New Year.

Aluar or aluá is a sweet dish based on almonds, and in Macao it is said to be of Indian origin. However, the aluar is a specialty from the Arab world which entered the Iberian Peninsula a very long time ago and gave rise to the Portuguese alféola, a traditional syrup dish mentioned in various ancient documents. The traditional recipe in Macao, used at least until the middle of the last century, is the following:

"Take three kilos of glutinous rice flour, add water and leave to settle until the following day, the excess water being discarded. Take five coconuts, finely grind the flesh, and blanch with boiling water as needed. Keep this infusion and the remaining pulp apart. Take one kilo of sugar, one kilo of fat, a generous amount of sweet almonds, and if desired, a generous amount of nuts. Mix everything except the fat with the liquid of the coconut infusion, and place it in a metal (brass) bowl directly over the flame. Leave to cook a little, folding with a wooden spoon, gradually adding the fat. Cooking is complete when the fat is evenly blended with the dough. Empty it onto a stone surface greased with butter, and using a rolling pin which is also greased with butter, roll it out to an even thickness. When cold, cut into squares or whatever shape desired. In the latter case, an appropriate emporte pièce should be used to make the desired shapes, similar to those used in chemists to cut tablets. Store before long. It keeps for a long time without going off, but it is best eaten fresh. In Macao, it is usual to designate the best aluar by the qualification of the Mascate. 115

It is possible that aluar was imported from India to Macao, although its origin may have been Arabic.

Manta, or lençol, coscorões [the almofada and colchão do Menino Jesus (lit.: bedding of Baby Jesus)], are fritters fried in peanut oil, with the batter being flipped in a frying pan with chopsticks in the middle, which creates an effect similar to the pancakes of the Upper Alentejo, which are made in the same way except the handle of a wooden spoon is used to flip the batter instead of the chopsticks.

Fartes are little cakes of flour, eggs and honey, in Macao replaced with sugar, to which coconut is added, similar (although with a more elaborate recipe) to those used in certain festivities in Portugal since the Middle Ages. 116

4.3.1. SPECIALITIES OF THE CARNIVAL

Made to entice, according to sources, it was Macanese custom in bygone days to make bebinca de nabos, · barba, · and ladu· for the Festa de Quarentoras (Forty Hour Feast). 117

Bebinca de nabos is a pudding made of cooked turnip and glutinous rice, which is prepared in a bain-marie, very similar to the lou pá kou of Chinese cuisine.

Barba is a dessert made of pulled sugar, difficult and time consuming to prepare, and looks like long white beards.

Ladu is also a dessert made with glutinous rice flour, toasted pine nuts118 and toasted ground white beans, which is quickly served sprinkled with bean flour.

Yet to be undertaken is a comparative study of Macanese cuisine establishing the possible origins of certain dishes or the authentic originality of others. There are, however, some fairly valid contributions by sons and daughters of the soil119 on the basis of which some conclusions can be drawn. It was also possible for us to consult, through kind deference, manuscript notebooks of recipes, some dating from at least the last century. On the basis of this data, we can affirm that seventeenh century convent recipes were prepared in Macao, such as manjar real (royal tidbits), manjar branco (blancmange) and other dishes both sweet and savory of clearly Portuguese origin. Some dishes seem to be based on Indian and Malay recipes, heavily seasoned, in contrast to the classical preferences of the Chinese. The strongest dividing line between Macanese cuisine and classical Chinese cuisine, very refined, lies possibly in this preponderance of the use of spices and spicey flavourings.

From those dishes and desserts most characteristic of Macao, we have chosen the following, which seem to us the most significant ones:

4.3.2. SOUPS

Lacassá· or lá-cá-sá (etim.: laksa; or: vermicelli) soup is of Chinese inspiration and is made with rice noodles and shrimp broth.

4.3.3. SHELL FISH AND SEAFOOD

Balichão caranguejo-bispo· (crab in spicey sauce), caranguejo com flores de papaia· (crab with papaya flowers) and casquinha· are three favourite dishes of Macanese housewifes.

It is the balichão· that merits special mention among these dishes. It is a sauce of small shrimps rubbed with salt and chilies and cured in the sun. It was kept for a long time in jars and frequently used as seasoning. This sauce is seemingly of Malay origin, but in Macao the recipe differed in details from family to family. The Chinese have been making their own version of this conserve for along time for commercial ends. However, the homemade sauce prepared by the old Macanese senhoras is of far superior quality. These Macanese senhoras say that the most tasty was flavored with bay leaves, and for this reason was called folhas-balichão ('leafy'balichão).

4.3.4. FOWL

O pato de cabidela· (cabidela duck), galinha verniz (basted chicken), and galinha-chau-chauparida· (chicken for nursing mothers) are three dishes that the Macanese senhoras are a dab hand at making.

In the first, pato (duck) as the most choice bird in Chinese cooking is adapted to the Iberian cabidela whilst the latter two are obviously of Chinese influence.

The galinha-chau-chau-parida is a 'hearty dish', prepared with eggs and ginger (the latter to get rid of 'wind'), and the housekeepers or Chinese relatives used to give it to Macanese mothers as the first meal after childbirth. It is also very similar to the chicken soup with rice that was given to new mothers for the first thirty days after childbirth in Northern Portugal.

4.3.5. VEGETABLES

Vegetable dishes that stand out are the bebinca de nabos, already dealt with; the margoso-lorcha, · prepared with the fruit of balsa mapples (Momordica charantia) sambal de margoso, · a ground pork forcemeat preparation of Indian origin, made with the same vegetable; 120and the bredo raba-raba, a combination of garden vegetables: cancong· (Ipomea aquatica Forsk), Chinese cabbage, green papaya, and leaves of mustard greens (Brasaica juncea Coss), balichão sauce, flowers of the papaya fruit, all slowly casseroled and spiced with miçó cristão or missó cristão: a mixture of boiled bean paste, minced pork meat, saffron and other condiments.

4.3.6. FISH

In addition to the patties cooked in the oven on individual plates and stuffed with shredded or minced fish and saffron, other preparations meriting mention are the fish chutney, of Indian origin, with a roux of onion, saffron and grated coconut, very spicey, which is especially flavoursome with the fish sold in the local markets under the name of cabus (from the Portuguese caboz fish). In our own day, cod chutney is also prepared. Peixe molho Francisco (fish in Francis sauce) and peixe tempra are two recipes that are apparently very old in Macao, and which were either lost across time or we simply failed to find anyone who knew them in detail, although various interviewees referred to them as very old and tasty dishes. It is possible that the peixe tempra is related to the Japanese tempura.

4.3.7. MEAT

Macanese cuisine abounds in meat dishes, of which one might cite the porco balichão tamarindo (pork marinated in spicey sauce) and the minchi·, which seems to be of English origin, its name perhaps a corruption of 'minced beef' or 'minced meat'.121 It is not known in Macao from when this dish dates, but it seems to be Sino-European, and the first migratory wave of Macanese in the direction of Hong Kong in the year 1840 saw its establishment there, and it subsequently underwent a number of variations. 122

In addition to these, we must not overlook the porco bafássá (the roast pork bafá style). This dish is possibly of local origin, and can be made with both pork and beef. The spices used (pepper, saffron, bay leaf and crushed garlic) suggest adaptation from an old Portuguese recipe. The originality of the Macao dish arises from the fact that the meat is first braised and then fried in lard to brown it.

O porco chau chau com cincomaz, a 'hearty' pork dish is another regional meal that is always welcome. To prepare it, the root of the fan cot (Pachyrhisus erosus), mushrooms, cuttlefish and pork strips are braised together.

Pork spiced with sutate (Port.: molho de soja; or: soy sauce), seems to be of Chinese influence. 122A

By contrast, the so-called capella· is an ancient dish from Macao prepared with pork in its rind, partly ground and partly cut into strips. The name appears to stem from the top layer or covering on the food to be cooked. This layer or covering is made up of barding fat sprinkled with breadcrumbs. Chauchaupele· is a local regional dish considered to be the cozido à macaense (hearty broth Macao style). It is prepared with chicken, Chinese sausage, dried smoked meat, pork crackling, ham, pig's trotter, salt meat, two types of cabbage, mushrooms and turnip, all cooked together after the meats have been braised in lard. The word chau-chau in current Macao usage does not mean precisely the action of mixing or deep-frying, as it does in Chinese.

Cria-cria· is a dish in which all kinds of cold meat can be used. The meat is mixed together, ground very finely, with Chinese cooked ham, rice flour, grated cheese and egg yolks, and the mixture is formed into rings which are deep-fried.

Furusu· is also a dish made with cold meats spiced with ginger, chilies, sutate mustard and mint. If the name suggests a remote Japanese origin, the fact remains that mint is a typically Lusitanian ingredient.

The diabo· (lit.: devil) is perhaps the most well-known and well-liked dish in Macanese cuisine. It provides a way to make use of leftover meats, which always remained after the sumptuous banquets that became famous in the oral tradition of Macao. In essence, it is a casserole of tomatoes and onions combined with various meats, spiced with mustard, salt and pepper, occasionally with chili peppers as well, if it is preferred very spicy. In the latter instance the name becomes diabo furioso (lit.: furious devil) Although it is considered a Macanese creation, the truth is that in the Victorian period, diabo was a very spicey sauce of which the English were much enamored.

To draw to a conclusion to this demonstration of the multiplicity of sources that inspired Macanese cuisine, it suffices to make a reference to the vaca cabab, · 123 whose very name is of Arab origin. 123A

4.3.8. RICE

Arroz carregado com balichão tamarindo· is a flavoured rice dish, which used to be consumed at picnics as a cold dish, is not considered easily digestible and yet is very popular in Macao. It is prepared with two or three ounces of lard for every pound office. When it about to be served, it is spiced with balichão and tamarind.

Arroz gordo· is a substantial dish with a base of tomato rice, served with large sausages, Chinese ham, chicken, raisins, boiled eggs, potatoes and fried bread.

Arroz lap mei· is considered full of goodness and is usually served in winter because it is a 'hot' dish. It is prepared with glutinous rice cooked with Chinese meat, pork sausage, liver sausage, bacon and cuttlefish. It is cooked in a bain-marie.

Lá-pá· seems to be an ancient dish the recipe of which we were not able to trace the origins and yet which some of our interviewees deemed to be an adaptation with variations of the lap mei rice.

4.3.9. DESSERTS

The desserts of Macao are for the most part adaptations (with local ingredients) of ancient Portuguese recipes, to judge by the sheer quantity of eggs included in their composition. Some desserts, however, seem to be of another inspiration, and even to be local creations.

To wit, the various specialties that ornamented the tronos enfeitados· (lit.: decorated thrones) or bolos vestidos· (lit.: dressed cakes) that were never omitted in the big feasts.

Among these desserts, the beijinhos· were characteristic, a sort of candy made with eggs, as were the comfits. 123A

The laranjinhas de pagode,· which were crystallized oranges whose skins were decorated with torneados incisions made by a special metal instrument). Not to be missed out are the 'famous' traditional comfits of Portuguese sixteenth century desserts.

Amongst the other desserts that could be considered characteristic of Macao, one should cite: the aluar, already described; baji,· made with glutinous rice, grated coconut, sugar and milk; 124 batatada·, a pudding made with sweet potato, grated coconut and egg; bebinca de leite, · the name of which recalls the bebinca cooked in leaves or an outer wrapping, characteristic of Goa, although the former is similar only in name, since it is a kind of milky cream made with coconut milk and subsequently caramelized by using hot coals and a tin plate; bicho-bicho, · which are fried cookies whose name stems from the long shape caused by the effect of twisting the dough two or three times round a fine cylinder the span of a palm, at minimum; bolo amante, · a very popular cake which has a long history in Macao· This particular cake, like such cakes as entena podre (Port. expl.: bolo de massa muito quebradiça; or: cake of very light pastry), bolo leque and bolo pinhão (cake flavoured with minced pine kernnels), is adapted from a Portuguese recipe with numerous variants that the confectioners keep very secret.

The bolo castelhano or castela merits a special reference because it is a kind of sponge cake also found in Nagasaki (castila), as already stated.

Bolo mamune· is a cake containing raisins and seems to us to be of English origin. Would mamune correspond to Mammon, the god of wealth? However, the favorite among Macanese sweet cakes, and that which could be considered the emblem of Macanese confectionery, is the bolo menino, · deemed a specialty of local inspiration.

Celic~'rio· is the name given to the cakes prepared with a dozen egg yolks and four whites, fresh milk and melted açúcar pedra (rock sugar), 125 which is cooked in a bain-marie in containers sealed with a lid on which hot coals are placed in order to toast the top. It is considered one of the most ancient desserts of Macao.

Chá-chá· is a sweet broth, made of coconut, green beans, sago126 and yams.

Dodol · is a dessert of pears in syrup.

Fula-fula· are small cakes prepared with glutinous rice, cane sugar, toasted almonds and strips of crystallized coconut. The mixture is placed on a tray and the cakes are later cut into rectangular forms.

Favinhas de mel are small cakes for which we did not locate a recipe.

Ladu · is a steamed cake the base of which is made of toasted glutinous ground rice, cane sugar, toasted ground pine nuts, grated coconut, white beans also toasted and ground, and powdered pepper. After the squares have been cut, they are sprinkled with sifted bean flour.

Marcazote· seems to hail from an ancient Portuguese recipe for small confectioners cakes made with eggs, sugar and corn flour, cooked in small buns.

Muchi· are small cakes the name of which seems to be of Japanese origin. 127 It consists of little dumplings made with glutinous rice flour and white beans toasted and ground, with a filling of cane sugar, grated coconut, beans and toasted sesame seeds. These dumplings are cooked in boiling water and stuffed after being fried. In Macao they also go by the name apa-muchi.

Onde-onde · is another Macanese specialty with a long history. Dona Maria Magarida Gomes relates a poetic legend about the origin of this cake, which is nothing more than a sponge cake with sixteen eggs cooked in a bam-marie. 128

4.3.10. SUNDRIES

Betele vestido· are strips of areca palm and betel leaves in shapely silk paper wrappings, which was custom to offer the guests whenever there was a reception in Macao.

Chile miçó· is a red pepper sauce corresponding to the iat chui chéong of the Chinese, analogous to the miçó cristão referred to above.

The xarope de folhas de figueira is prepared with rock sugar and fig leaves, a tree which is nevertheless very rare in Macao, since it grows badly there. This xarope (syrup) is an imitation of (mixer syrup) capilé with the advantage of being considered 'refreshing'.129 It is therefore an exception in Macanese cuisine, which generally transforms imported recipes in line with the possibilities of local ingredients.

Pão de casa· is the name some people in Macao give to the sponge cake of the Portuguese.

4.4. ATTIRE

The Macanese or filhos da terra all dress according to European fashions nowadays, and only in Winter do some prefer the minape· (etim.: rain náp; Port.: cabaia acolchoada; or: a padded Chinese jacket) to the cumbersome overcoats of the West.

Nhonha with a dó and the interior of a typical Macanese home.

Watercolor from the album of Commander Filipe Emílio de Paiva (1902-1903).

Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa (Geography Society of Lisbon), Lisbon.

The ladies also occasionally wear a cabaia· (etim.: cabaya; Port. expl.: casaco curto, túnica comprida; or: short Chinese jacket or long tunic) tailored in good silk or brocade, almost always heavily embroidered, although such attire is normally reserved for trips to foreign soil. In fact, both the minape and a pretty cabaia are formal clothes, cool and very elegant, and they do suit the delicate Macanese frame.

In earlier times, both the reinóis (Portuguese, born in Portugal), and their descendants, dressed in European fashion, which was not convenient in the climate of Macao. According to Linschoten, 130 the Portuguese of Goa dressed as they did in Portugal, but dispensed with socks and wore boots with a lower legging. To judge by a comparison of the figures that decorate the namban screens, which can be seen in the Museu Nacional de Arte Antiga (National Museum of Ancient Art), in Lisbon, and by the rare portrait representations of men in Macao, it is to be believed that dress styles were the same in both cities. Whereas the men continued to wear the same type of suit, probably of lighter and more expensive cloth than that used in Portugal, the women and daughters, whether Asiatic or Eurasians, by contrast soon began to wear a new style of clothing, created in Portuguese strongholds, perhaps in Goa, and inspired by the dress style of Indo-Malay women. This new style had in turn undergone an Islamic influence, and was curiously similar to the clothes worn by Iberian women at the time.

Cool and convenient in the hot Asiatic monsoon summers, this new attire went by the name baju· or saraça-baju, (Port.: casaquinho, blusa or: jacket, coat, outer garnment) akin to the pano bajú (Port.: tunica; or: tunic) or saraçaquimão worn by Christian women in Goa, and which remained in use in the East until the beginning of the twentieth century. 131 The saraça-bajú is composed of three items: a piece of cloth that, wrapped around the waist, served as a skirt, like the Malay sarong; a short blouse, cut like a kimono from very fine fabric, without slits; and a third piece of cloth similar to the first, which women placed on their heads when they went out, in the manner of a veil or shawl. It is this latter piece cloth that is known in as the saraça, and the originally derived from the Malay word sarasah, denoting cloth that was tied around the waist and used by women of the widest ethnic range. Printed cotton was one of the most sought-after fabrics, imported from Malaysia or Manila, as well as the painted silks purchased in the various ports of India and to which Duarte Barbosa refers in detail in his book. 132

The condê· was fixed beneath the saraça and was a piece of cardboard or stiff paper attached to a white cloth that was tied at the neck beneath the hair knot, since hair was worn drawn back from the face and secured at the back. This condê appears to correspond to the somewhat complicated headdress worn by women in the Islamic world, attached to a kerchief, usually white. It served to raise the veil and hold it in place. It is interesting to note that throughout the Malay archipelago and in some parts of India, condê denotes the knot of hair in the form or a bun tied by married women at the nape of the neck. It is a word whose etymology appear to be Tamil, pertaining also to Timorese Dialect under the same meaning.

In Macao, chiquia· refers to the bun that local married women wore. It is our conviction that the word chiquia is a corruption of chechia, which corresponds to the above mentioned headdress worn by women of the Islamic world, which would indicate an exchange of words or concepts.

Subsequently, and as came to pass in Goa among married women, who imitated women of the Crown by using a veil or black head scarf whereas single women used a coloured one, the saraça preta. · the (black saraça) made an 'gentry in Macao, mainly after this long-standing article of clothing had been condemned by Bp. St. Hilário de Santa Rosa at the end of the eighteenth century, provoking uproar and out rage in the Colony. 133 Naturally, the saraça preta was used before this by women in mourning, not unlike custom in the Crown. The hybrid black kerchief combined with the old saraça to produce the dó· or mourning dress of the nhonhonha or ladies of Macao.

A long cabaia.

Embroidered satin with gold and silver thread.

The phoenix motif with two flowers in its beak (symbol of the feminine principle and of the Empress) was much used by the Macanese senhoras on festive occasions.

Photograph taken in the Fifties.

Fr. Albino P. Borges Collection, Lisbon.

The dó was a head scarf of sorts that women donned when leaving the house, mainly to go to mass, with their faces chastely concealed behind. This dó consisted of two yards of seda sura (silk with tassels) or seda cordão (silk without tassels), 134 inside of which was placed what became of the former condê: a rectangular piece of stiff paper or cardboard with two bands at the side fastened behind the chiquia. This interior rectangle, only small, gave shape to the head scarf that in some cases had a fine wire stitched into its edging to facilitate its being shaped. Beneath the do many women wore a toque, which might be black but preferably white, in order to protect the silk of the dó against the bandolina· (Port.: brilhantina; or: hair lotion)135 with which they used to smooth out their lovely abundant black hair, and make it shine.

We were able to gather data on only a few Portuguese riddles from Macao. Cited are those we consider most representative: 138

ADIVINHAS

    1. "Artu, artura, 
      Metido na prisan, 
      Sem çã baptisado, 
      Cõ nome de cristan. 
    A: Çã martinho. (Gracula religiosa )."

    2. "Nasceu no mato, 
      Viveu no palácio. 
      Sem ser batisado, 
      Tem nome de cristão. 
    A: Pássaro martinho."

    3. "Telado vermelo. 
      Parede branco. 
      Ung-a padri cafri, 
      Chapado na canto. 
    A: Çã lichia. "

    4. "Casa com relva, 
      Tem muitos quartos, 
      E dentro de cada quarto, 
      Um frade. 
    A: Anona."

    5."Dreto (direito) levá torto
      torto levá morto
      Morto trazê vivo. 
    A: Çã pescá."

    6. "Bai morto, 
      Bem bida. 
    A: Pesca."

    7. "Preto corcobado, 
      Que tá lêba morto, 
      Tá trazê bibo. 
    A: Anzol. "

RIDDLES

    1. ("Out on a limb,
      Put in a prison,
      Without being baptized,
      With the name of a Christian.
    R: It is a martin (i. e.: the bird Gracula religiosa )")***

    2. ("Born in the forest,
      Lived in the palace.
      Without being baptized,
      Has the name of a Christian.
    R: Martin."). ****

    3. ("Red roof.
      White walls.
      The Kaffir padre anoint it
      Down to the core.
    R: It is a litchi. ). *****

    4. ("A house with lawn,
      It has many chambers,
      And cloistered in each chamber,
      A prime stone.
    R: Custard apple.")

    5. ("By hook or by crook,
      The hook a line to death,
      Death a line to life.
    R: To fish."). ******

    6."It takes death,
      It brings life.
    A: To fish." *******

    7. ("Black hunchback,
      Throwing a line to death,
      Bringing a lifeline.
      A: Fishhook.")********

The dó was made with four yards of silk cut in half. The two halves were joined lengthwise in order to obtain the desired length. When the owner of the dó passed away, the dó was once again cut in half to be used a shroud, "surrounding her as if she was Saint Rita of Cascia," in the words of the elderly ladies of Macao. This explains the disappearance of the old dós with the last Macanese to have used them.

This wardrobe was completed by a silk or brocade dress to be worn on ceremonious occasions, or among the less well-to-do classes, the skirt and blouse worn by Iberian women. The bajú fino gave way to the cabaia-chacha, · tailored in the form of a kimono and worn as underwear by the older ladies, a custom that prevailed down to the beginning of the century. It was cut from white pano elefante (a fabric with an elephant brand), imported from India, or from another strong cloth, generally ribbed. This cabaia did not have slits in either the neck or the armpits, and recalled a short kimono that did up at the front with a filigreed broach and gold buttons, or even diamonds, according to the wealth of the owner.

As for men, as already stated the reinóis sported European attire, and whereas their sons at least, or the nhons, dressed like their fathers in the world at large, in the privacy of their own homes they donned calça moura· (Moorish trousers) and baniane· (etim.: baniana; or: Port. expl.: casaco de pano de trazer por casa; or: a white dolman with golden buttons) as worn in Goa. Further, apparel of this type constituted the Summer and Winter wardrobe of the young boys in orphan homes, as can be confirmed in the public list of the "Boletim Official" ("Official Bulletin") of the Colony. 136

Inventory of clothing for children at the Santa Casa da Misericórdia (Misericordy, of Macao).

"No Inverno

baneanes de ganga-pelio

quinzenas de panno ou casemira

calças da mesma fazenda

calções na mesma ganga

[...]."

("In the Winter

brushed cotton vest

jacket in cotton or cashmere

trousers of the same fabric

trunks in the same cotton

[...].").

"No Verão

calções brancos

[...]."

("In the summer

jacket either white or off white or khaki

trousers of the same fabric

white or coloured shirts

white vests

white trunks

[...].").

("Boletim Oficial", Macau, (12) 1907.).

As a sign of distinction, in the past the Portuguese of Macao, reinóis as well as their descendants, made a point of always carrying a cane, or they hung a beautiful sword from the waist, an emblem of prestige they could not forego. Later, some substituted these adornments for a walking stick, as came to pass in Europe.

4.5. GAMES AND PASTIMES

The Indo-Malay influence is also evident amongst the Macanese by virtue of other of their cultural patterns such as games and pastimes.

Of the games and pastimes that passed down to our own day and that reflect a clearly non-Chinese Eastern influence, one might cite amongst others the following: chonca·, some common riddles, and the very idiosyncratic bater saia· (lit.: beating skirts) for making fancy party decorations.

A hand of bafá cards.

Photograph by Carlos Marreiros.

4.5.1. CHONCA

Chonca is the traditional mancala or African chess considered the national game in Malacca prior to the prohibition of games of chance by the present government. It was called chong kak by the Malays and was known as such by the Christian Luso-descendants of Malacca. The Macanese name seems to be a clear adaptation of the Malay one. Oddly enough, the rules of the game, which varied from one interviewee to another, reflect not only the Malay influence but also that of Timor and of the blacks of West Africa. 137

Nowadays in Macao the seeds ('stones') of the longane· (etim.: lông ngán; Port. expl.: tipo de lichia; or. fruit of the Euphoria longana Steud) or of the margoseira· (Port.: amargoseira; or: fruit of the Melia azedarach) are used, whereas in former times cauris· were used, that is, shells which served as counters and lent the game its local title jogo das conchinhas (game of the little shells). The simplicity of its rules meant that it was essentially a feminine game, as in the Islamic world, and grandmothers would frequently entertain their grandchildren playing it during the typhoon days when it was impossible to leave the house. When women began to receive an education, this game was relegated to elderly women, whilst other women preferred more complicated games such as má chéok, of Chinese origin. Má chéok was a natural substitute for bafá, a game adapted from the Chinese, a genuine Macanese creation.

Other pastimes are linked to music and dance. There are very few testimonies of the songs and dances idiosyncratic of Macao. However, what can be cited is the nana· that some believe to be an old lullaby, but which we believe to be an adaptation of the popular nona of Malacca, which we heard intoned with verses there, often improvised, sung on a challenge and whose quatrains virtually all begin with the line: "Ó nona, mia nona" ("Oh sweetheart, my sweetheart"), nona being a word attributed to young women. Other musical compositions were recorded in Macao, such as the famed Canção de Cathrina (Song of Catherine), which, however, does appear to us to be much more recent.

CANÇÃO DE CATHRINA

"Balam chim chim

Liu no borobá

vai para mato

panhá carandá

Balam chim chim

Lui no borobá

Carandá maduro

botá salgá."

"Carandá madur panhá

Verd butá salgá, ó Dungá (ó Domingas?)

Aqui panhá, alli ranhá

Verd butá salgá, ó Dungá. "

SAIAM DE MACAU

"O Saiam de Macau

Saiam qui saiam

Alma vida e coraçãm

Se soubesse não amava

Para agora padecê

seu tyrano seu ingrato Nunca pode esquecê

Saiam, (etc.)

Rosa branca cai de céo

Fica seco cae semente

Mais vale morê d 'um tiro

Nom quero ficá amante

Saiam, ( etc.)".

SONG OF CATHERINE

("The Chinese dance

There [to her?]143 the fields

Go to the woods

Where the caranda shields143A

The Chinese dance

There in the fields

Ripe caranda*********

Buds to yield.")

These verses seem to be an adaptation of the one that Mgr. Sebastião R. Dalgado recorded in Daman:

("Ripe caranda shields

Green buds to yield, oh Dunga (oh Domingas?)

Here shields, there bare hills

Green buds to yield, oh Dunga.").

(DALGADO, Mgr. Sebastião R., Dialecto indoportuguês de Damão, in: Offprint of the "Ta-Ssy-YangKuo", Lisboa, 1903, p. 23).

Another song that stuck in the memory of the Macanese is the Saiam de Macau (Macau Yearning):

MACAO YEARNING

("Macao yearning

Yearning 144that yearned

Soul life and heart

Having learned would not love kindle

For to suffer now

Such tyranny such wretchedness

The memory never to dwindle

Yearning, (etc.)

White rose that fell from the sky

Withers and falls its seed

Better by sudden blow to die

A lover I never wish to be

Yearning, (etc.)").

(Extracts from the Papers of the Estate of João Feliciano Marques Pereira, in the Secção de Reservados (Manuscript Section) of the Biblioteca da Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa (Library of the Geography Society of Lisbon), Lisbon).

As regards dance, the chotiça· (Port.: chotiz; or: schottische)142 seems to have been danced in Macao, in the same way as the mandó in Goa, with much swaying of the body. A souvenir of it remains in a quatrain of the above mentioned Canção da Cathrina and in the Collection of João Feliciano Marques Pereira.

Also, the Macao Yearning's first quatrain is similar to the form registered in Daman:

4.6. HANDIWORK

In their traditional seclusion, the women of Macao dedicated themselves to needlework chores, 145 embroidery with mutre· or mutri (etim.: mutra; Port.: missangas; or: beads) and carrachada· (Port.: lantejoulas; or: sequins)146 and more recently, to multicolored embroidery, in a clearly hybrid style of both Portuguese and Chinese techniques.

Another hybrid technique is the batê saia· (Port. lit.: bater saia; or lit.: beating skirts), the art of paper tailoring, of lay and monastic inspiration, and probably also drawing on Oriental sources.

Decorated cakes.

Photograph taken in the Seventies.

In addition to baskets and doll's dresses, the Macanese senhoras also made trimmed and folded decorations in silk paper for adorning the wooden constructions or cake stands on which sweets and cakes, very often secret specialities, were displayed, and the traditional crystallized fruit of the Chinese New Year. It was from the folds of paper covering these constructions, like true lace-trimmed skirts, that the local name for this art of modeling paper, batê saia, took its title.

These decorated cakes, enriched with sweet specialities, were generally offered on three-tier constructions, called the tronos (lit.: thrones) by which they became known in Macanese vernacular. Where did it spring from, the inspiration for making these constructions, usually three-tiered as they were, so popular in Macao for more than a century, to go by indications in the oral tradition? It is our supposition that the festive cakes of Malay weddings were the inspiration for decorating these first Macao cakes, as well as the festive cake stands for the large cakes so popular in Portuguese villages. 147

The Macanese tronos were of different types, and can be classified in three distinct groups.

1. With a square cross section, of the pagoda type, in some cases as high as a meter and a half, with five tiers on top of each other.

2. With a circular cross section, also one on top of another.

3. With three or five tiers, small and circular, spaced out on different levels, with the construction itself being made of cane, wood or even iron.

These tiers were very much the vogue for the Lunar New Year, an offering made by the Portuguese population to their Chinese friends in return for the gifts sent by the latter at Christmas time. However, such tierss have ceased to be as common today as they used to be, owing to the high price of the raw materials and also, a reduction in the number of senhoras who still know how to make them properly.

It is, however, in the field of popular medicine and of magic that Macanese culture reaches its highest level of polyhybridism. As in its vocabulary, in the field of medicine, conserved by the populace, Portuguese Medieval practices arose, and practices from sixteenth century erudite medicine, as well as Chinese remedies, greatly transformed, and Malay, Indian and Chinese symbolic concepts, in addition to the popular magi-cal practices still so very frequent in the villages and even in the outskirts of the cities of Portugal.

Decorated cakes.

Photograph taken in the Seventies.

CONCLUSIONS

In the East, Portuguese men miscegenated with women of the widest-ranging 'ethnic' groups. At first, the concubinage system would have preceded that of marriage. It is known that mestizo children, if male, were soon the object of their parents' protection; little is known about the daughters however. There is no data definitively indicating they were always dowered for marriage purposes, nor categorically disproving that in some cases, given the mentality of the epoch, they were simply relegated to the status of slaves, like their mothers.

However, on the basis of certain data presented in this article, it is to be believed that in the majority of cases, Eurasian girls were chosen as companions for Portuguese men or their sons, given their natural linguistic affinity, their close biological make-up, the possibility of dowries or inheritances, and also, their frequent great beauty. Also, throughout the seventeenth century, 148 many of these women would have flocked to the convents in Macao or Sta. Monica in Goa, since between taking the veil and marrying into a society where debauchery reigned supreme, many parents preferred the former for their daughters. 149

An example of the needlework of the Macanese senhoras.

A linen sheet, lace-trimmed, with an AB (Antonio Basic) monogram. Work from the late nineteenth century.

Judging by what can be deduced from various coeval depositions, Malay women were the most malleable and those who best lent themselves to their companions. From this, one might conclude that both Malay and Luso-Malay women won the favour of Portuguese men after the conquest of that stronghold, and that Portuguese took to bringing them along in their vessels, something these women accepted more willingly than other Asiatic women on account of their dedication to the man to whom they belonged. In our opinion, their female descendants, as well as Luso-Indian girls, would have been the lawfully wedded wives of Portuguese men when the City of Macao became, with its charter, the recipient of privileges that made its commerce boom. Some of its inhabitants grew rich, which then attracted other men of Goa who settled there with their respective families. When the Japanese, Cochin-Chinese and Timorese entered the genetic pool of the Macanese, already very rich, it can only have become richer. With the fall of Malacca and the arrival in Macao of many families from that stronghold, Malay blood and its respective customs would once again have assumed the principal role in the city, something which the Timorese slave girls were later able to preserve.

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Malay woman.

From the postcard Album of Emilio de Paiva. 1903.

Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa, (Geography Society of Lisbon), Lisbon.

Meanwhile, various social strata became differentiated: that of the most well-to-do Macanese, in some cases descendants of the ancient nobility of the Crown; that of the less well-to-do Macanese, amongst whom the Portuguese blood line was nevertheless renewed; and that of the least well-off, constituted by Creoles or children without dowries, Mestizos of black, Kanarese, Timorese and Chinese stock, and even perhaps, Chinese Christians themselves. The two former groups preferred betrothal to Macanese nhonhonha, richly dowered Eurasian girls, on account of which many a consanguineous marriage took place between cousins in order to shore up fortunes or avoid the destruction of a family line. As far as the girls were concerned, preference was for the European male. Among the less well-to-do social groups, into which criminal elements on the run from Goan justice were readily integrated, adventurers and men offew means would most easily contract marriage with Chinese or gentile women, Creole women, daughters of slaves or mestizo women with close Chinese blood ties, women whom the privileged would never seek to marry, on account of social mores.

Like other native women from other parts of Asia and Timor and even Africa, Chinese women, as slaves, would largely serve their owners in the guise of concubines. Akin to custom among the great Lords of the East, posessing numerous slave girls who were concubines was a sign of prestige or signal of wealth in the original Settlement of Macao. These unions naturally engendered offspring, and therein the bequests, sometimes voluminous, left in the form of inheritances to Creoles without surnames, and the sale or dowering of women slaves immediately after the death of the householder by their respective widows. 150 Hence, jealously guarding the honours of ancestry, the Macanese would have isolated themselves in both anthropological and social terms until its group developed a greater rapport with Chinese society at the turn of the previous century.

In the Sixties, we still know women in Macao in the seventy eighty age range who did not know how to speak Guangdongnese correctly and prided themselves on the fact. They looked down on both Chinese and Portuguese Europeans if they were soldiers or civilians of low social standing. And this is because Eastern women, from time immemorial, maintained standards of courtesy and hygiene very superior to the men of the West who went in search of their land. In many cases, therefore, acculturation came about in the East-West direction. This fact is patently obvious among the patterns characteristic of Macanese culture specifically: a particular lexical usage; a dress style more suited to the rigours of the climate; very valid notions of prophylaxis and diet; very unique culinary and artistic finery; and a vast repertoire of home-made remedies, many of which were fully differentiated from those of both China and Europe. All this is being eroded in our own day and will soon be lost owing to the increased openness on the part of the Macanese towards Western patterns and those of the Chinese of all social classes.

In answer to the question of whether or not the Macanese are descendants of Portuguese and Chinese, we shall reply that, in our opinion, once the Portuguese had put down roots in China, such there always were. However, the Macanese as a group formed by a number of families of high social standing, that these, are not. The fact is that those families whose forebears, whether noble or prospering, had settled in Macao, did not marry Chinese women systematically, but on occasion only. Subsequently, homogamous marriages, or marriages to reinóis, led to the weakening of this miscegenation. As for more modest families, they were also proud of their European forebears and whenever possible would always have imitated the higher classes in respect to homogamy and preferential marriages. In these Macanese families, children of unions with Chinese women acquired the status of Creoles, individuals who were integrated but not part of the family. The rapid miscegenation between Portuguese and Chinese in Macao dates mainly from the end of last century and the beginning of this, commencing namely among the economically less favoured social groups. Many Macanese women married high-ranking Military men or educated civil servants even if they did have Chinese forebears or forebears from other parts of Asia, since they had acquired a higher social status. This fact proves that the isolation of the Macanese can never have been the consequence of racial preconceptions, but rather of deeply ingrained social preconceptions.

Many of the examples we have just pointed out were made known to us during our stay in Macao. In times past it is only natural that these preconceptions were the same and, naturally, more defined.

At the end of the twentieth century, what path will Macanese society take and to what extent will the Macanese preserve their ancient hybrid cultural patterns?

SUMMARY

The filhos da terra or the sons and daughters of the soil constitute a sui generis group that was isolated in Macao, the fruit of pressures both social and economic.

From the anthropobiological point of view, the filhos da terra constitute a Luso-Asiatic group with a very rich genetic pool, and no scientific study with a representative sample was ever undertaken; a study which, however, would today be difficult if not impossible to carry out owing to the wide-scale rapport with Chinese society, already in its early stages at the end of the last century.

However, from the cultural point of view, as an example typical of the meeting of cultures, the filhos da terra group continues to maintain hybrid or expressly original patterns that confer on it an ingrained originality. Such would be the traditional cuisine, the local Dialect, the needlework and batê saia, certain pastimes and the sweet nominhos of home that Bocage immortalized in his sonnet to Beba.

To consider Macao without considering the sons and daughters of the soil, Portuguese of the East, at times so unjustly unacknowledged, is to forget not only the four centuries of social history of the Territory, but also the most noble inheritance and the most valuable jewel that the Portuguese across these five-hundred years left as a legacy for those yet to come. **********

Translated from the Portuguese by: Zoe Copeland

NOTES

**(Translator's note: translation adapted to match poetic concept.)

***This riddle is similar to another one from Goa, from which we deduced that, since the Portuguese version is not rhymed, for this reason, it might be a direct translation from the Konkan.

****The different form of the two first lines stems from the fact that the martin, a bird found in Indian fauna, was kept in cages by some families in Macao because it was a talking bird.

*****This riddle seems to be linked with the following one, popular in Goa, and to all intents and purposes seems also to be a translation from the local native Language.

******This riddle is similar to one still current today among the Christians of Macao.

*******It is to be noted that this riddle is also very similar to the following one that Adolfo Coelho found in Cape Verde.

********(Translator's note: translations are adapted to match the poetic concept.)

*********Caranda is the fruit of the Carissas carandas.

**********Revised reprint: from AMARO, Ana Maria, Filhos da Terra, Macau, Instituto Cultural de Macau, 1988.

1 The difficulty resides in the smallness of the available sample.

2 FRANÇA, Bento de França, Macao e os seus habitantes, relações com Timor, Lisboa, Imprensa Nacional, 1897, p. 197.

3 MACHADO, Álvaro de Mello Machado, Coisas de Macau, Lisboa, Livraria Ferreira, 1913, p. 651.

4 RÊGO, Francisco de Carvalho e, Macau, Macao, Imprensa Nacional de Macau, 1950, pp. 31-38.

5 BRASÃO, Eduardo, Macau Cidade do Nome de Deus na China - Não há outra mais Leal, Lisboa, Agência Geral do Ultramar, 1957, p. 71 n. 50.

6 ESTORNINHO, Carlos Augusto Gonçalves, Macau e os Macaenses, (Divagações e Achegas Históricas), in: "Boletim do Rotary Clube de Lisboa", Lisboa, 168 Março [March] 1962.

7 TEIXEIRA, Manuel, Os Macaenses, Macau, Imprensa Nacional, 1965.

8 The Arquivo Paroquial de Sto. António (Parish Archive of St. Anthony), on account of having been burnt, cannot provide us with the decisive data needed for clarifying this matter, although it was the first Parish in Macao. The few Records of the remaining Parishes are also recent, the oldest being from the eighteenth century.

9 GODINHO Vitorino Magalhães, Oriente, in: SERRÃO, Joel, ed., "Dicionário de História de Portugal", 5 vols., Lisboa, Iniciativas Editoriais, vol. 3, pp. 223-224. - The author mentions that Fr. Jerónimo Fernandes, in a brief annotation dated 1561, recorded that the Portuguese in India "preferred mestizas" for wives.

Macao certainly cannot have been an exception. It is most likely that some of the Eurasians from Malacca, as they were, went there from Goa in 1641, when that stronghold fell into the hands of the Dutch.

10 Nhonhonha = plural of nhonha (woman or daughter of a European) and, by extension, filha da terra or daughter of the soil of Portuguese extraction.

11 SOUSA, Francisco de, Oriente Conquistado a Jesu Christo pelos Padres da Companhia de Jesu da Província de Goa [... ], Lisboa, Na officina de Valentim da Costa Deslandes, 1710.

12 PINTO, Fernão Mendes, PIMPÃO, A. J. da Costa PEGADO, César, prep. and org., Peregrinaçam, 7 vols, Porto, Portucalense Editora, 1944.

13 MARIA, José de Jesus, BOXER, Charles Ralph, annot., Asia Sínica e Japónica, obra póstuma e inédita do frade arrábido José de Jesus Maria, 2 vols., Macau, Escola Tipográfica do Oratório de S. João Bosco (vol. 1 - 1941) and Imprensa Nacional (vol. 2 - 1956).

14 Accompanying women of noble lineage or as close relatives of noblemen sent to hold high office.

15 PIRES, Benjamin Videira, Cartas dos Fundadores, in "Boletim Eclesiástico da Diocese de Macau", Macau, 724-725(62) Oct. - Nov. 1964, pp. 798-900 - The author quotes a Ms. from the BACL: "Cartas do Japão", III, V, fols. 287-298vo. Padre de hu'a carta q'hum homem honrado escreveo da China ("Letter that a nobleman wrote from China"), dated 20th of November 1566.

16 BPADE: Cod. CXVI/2-5, fols. 226-232 - Papers of Dom Francisco Mascarenhas.

17 The neighbours were not necessarily moradores (dwellers), because the latter term refers to the inhabitants of the Boroughs who enjoyed full Municipal prerogatives. The não arreigados (rootless) or extravagantes (itinerants) were those who had temporary residence in the City, as well as those absolutamente estranhos (absolutely foreign) to the soil, who appeared from time to time and were called homens do fora parte (men from other parts). In the Report of Dom Francisco de Mascarenhas, there are no residents of this category, but there is a reference to homens da terra (men of the soil), probably the Eurasians and the Asiatic Christian Chinese and those of other ethnic groups born in Macao.

18 Japanese slaves were so abundant and cheap that even the Portuguese sailors and kitchen drudges bought slaves that they kept on the boats; and even the black slaves of the Portuguese were in a position to buy slaves in Japan.

See: BOXER, Charles Ralph, Subsídios para a História dos Portugueses no Japão (1542-1647), in: "Boletim da Agência Geral das Colónias", June [June] 1927, pp. 5-44 - Particularly: "Consulta tida pelo Bispo Cerqueira sobre os escravos comprados ou contratados e transportados para fora do Japão em 4 de Setembro de 1598."

19 Muitsai = Local name given to the Chinese girls. Á mui is the designation attributed to the youngest sister. Further, it is an affectionate term used in normal address by an older girl referring to a younger girl. Á mui (younger sister) is parallel to Á tai (the youngest sister). The word chái, in this case due, corresponds to the diminutive.

20 PINTO, Fernão Mendes, op. cit., part. I, chap. 3, §. 3. 1.

21 TEIXEIRA, Manuel, Macau no Século XVII, Macao, Imprensa Nacional, 1982, p.7 The author quotes a letter by Fr. Gabriel de Matos, an extract of which reads: "[...] cativar chinas, comprando-os e vendendo-os para fora da terra: [...] saiam por vezes [...] para outros reinos embarcações, carregadas de meninos e meninas."

22 Fr. Gabriel de Matos, S. J., was Rector of the College of the St. Paul of the Mount, in Macao, in the first decades of the seventeenth century.

See: COUTO, Diogo de, Décadas da Ásia [...], Lisboa, Officina de Domingos Gonsalves, 1736, Dec. XII, chap. XIV, p.364 - "[...] carregados de moças alvas e fermosas com quem estao muitos annos amacebados."

23 Sanctions instituted in 1595, by the Viceroy of India, Matias de Albuquerque.

24 BPBADE: Cod. CVI/2-7, fols. 84-89, fol. 86vo-"Desde a fundação de Macau começaão os chinas a trazer aquella cid. e meninos e meninas [...] já infantes, e athe id. e de 7 anos, raríssimas vezes de 10, ou 12 e nunca de id. e maior vendião-nos aos macaenses: os quais como floreciam em riqueza fazião com muito gosto as dtas compras. Alegavam que o faziam por caridade para tornar as crianças cristãs e também para lhes salvar as vidas porque os vendedores na sua maioria eram ladrões e se não vendessem as crianças as afogavam, matando-as para não serem descobertos. Raras vezes eram os vendedores os próprios pais ou mães e neste caso só quando pressionados pela mizéria. Por serem mercadoria de fácil venda os furtos multiplicavam-se por este ne gócio e a realizá-lo fora de Macau." ("From the founding of Macao, the Chinese began to bring to that city boys and girls [...] erstwhile infants, and up to the age of 7 years, on scant occasions 10, or 12 and never older, and sell them to the Macanese: who since they were abounding in wealth made the said purchases with great pleasure. They alleged that they did it out charity in order to make the children Christians and also to save their lives because those selling were for the most part thieves who would drown the children if they did not sell them, killing them to avoid discovery. On rare occasions, the sellers were indeed the real fathers or mothers and in this case it was only when compelled by poverty. Since it was a merchandise that was highly prized, the thefts increased with respect to this trade, as did transactions outside of Macao.").

25 According to Prof. Dr. A. H. de Oliveira Marques, the term 'homem-bom' ('good man') derives from the medieval Latin boni-homines (plural of bonus-homo). The homens-bons in the Political and Judicial field were classified on the one hand by a form of 'Topographic' classification and on the other hand as heirs of an 'Economic' classification and also through the Military hierarchy of their fore-fathers. Medieval sources characterize the homens-bons as the most rich, the most notable, the most respectable family heads, individuals honored above all within each peoples. However, the consensus in Macao was: the rich bourgeois and those most highly regarded. Homens-bons were those summoned to the General Councils, to be the Advisors of the Mayors, deciding on Administrative and Economic issues.

(Extract from the exposé Fr. Caetano Lopes, S. J., sent to the King of Portugal in 1715).

26 On this date, Fr. Caetano Lopes, S. J., missionary in China and Procurator to Rome for the Province of Japan, of the Society of Jesus, defended, together with the King of Portugal, the freedom of the Chinese, asking that the latter not be purchased and forced to embark following their owners. In his exposé, he affirms that in Macao the atais and the amais (á-mui or muitsai) were treated almost as if they were free, and could be rescued. They could, however, be sold outside Macao, in which event they were treated like other slaves. This was one manner in which the Portuguese eluded the prohibition, both by the King of Portugal and the Chinese Authorities, against owning and trafficking in slaves of that Nationality. See: Note 23 supra.

27 TEIXEIRA, Manuel, Macao no Século XVI, Macau, Direcção dos Serviços de Educação e Cultura, 1981, p. 141 - The author mentions that, in 1688, the Mandarin of the Casa Branca (White House) went to Macao to censure those of the Senate responsible for allowing the Portuguese resident in Macao to sell and buy children of both sexes and of their kidnappers.

28 Article 2 of the Decree of the Wanli Emperor (r.1573-† 1620), prohibited the Portuguese from buying any subject of the Chinese Empire.

29 AHU, Manuscript from 1774 - "Dizem os curas da Sé e de Santo António, que há muito poucos meninos chinas batizados depois do decreto de Sua Magestade, pelo qual deo a liberdade [...] que ninguém os quer comprar."

30 SOUSA, Francisco de, op. cit., part. I, conq. IV, §. 38 -"[...] estavam as meninas pelas janelas corn grinaldas nas cabeças e salvas de prata nas maõs cheias de rosas e redomas de água que lançavam por cima do pálio e da gente que passava [...]."

31 LINSCHOTEN, Jan Huygen, Histoire de la Navigation de Jean Hugues de Linschot [sic] Hollandois: Aux Indes Orientales [...],, Amsterdam, chez Evert Cloppenburgh, 1638 [3rd edition].

32 SOUSA, Francisco de, op. cit. - "[...] casaram-se algumas órfãs e muitos cristãos da terra que de lago tempo viviam em pecado. Embarcaram-se para a Índia mais de 450 escravas de preço e na últma nau que partiu para Malaca se embarcaram anda duzentas que eram as mis perigosas e as mais difíceis de se lançarem fora. E este foi um dos maiores benefícios que se fez a Deus. [...] Compram os portugueses esta droga em várias prov 'ncias do Oriente como na China e Bengala com o pretexto de as fazerem cristãs e depois as trazem aos nossos portos onde são de pouca utilidade à bolsa de seus senhores e não sei se de maior prejuízo às suas almas. "

Also see: CORREA, Gaspar, Lendas da Índia publicadas de ordem da Classe de Sciencias Moraes Politicas e Bellas Lettras da Academia Real das Sciencias de Lisboa de Rodrigo José de Lima Felner, 8 vols.,, Lisboa, Typographia da Academia real das Sciencias, 1856-1966; 1860, vol. 2, p.221, edition - "[...] as mulheres de Malaca são muito entregues a bem querer tanto que se tomam vontade por um homem, que não estimão perder por ele a vida." ("[...] the women of Malacca are much given to loyalty, so much so that if they take a liking to a man, it is nothing to them to lose their life for him."). This is certainly why they were considered by the parents in Macao "the most dangerous".

33 WICKI, Josef, S. J., Documenta Indica [...], in: "Monumenta Historica Societatis Iesu", 18 vols., Roma, 1948-1998; 1949, vol. 1, pp. 253-255.

34 TEIXEIRA, Manuel Teixeira, Macau no Século XVII, Macau, Direcção dos Serviços de Educação e Cultura, 1982, p.6 - The author mentions that, in 1598-1599, Francisco Carletti speaks of a typhoon and the New Year festival in Macao, and he refers to the shipwreck in that port of a ship called Reino do Sião, laden with wood, commonly known as "pau Brasil" ('Brazil-wood'), stating that "along with their women who they were in the habit of taking with them on long journeys" the Siamese sailors managed to save themselves.

Various other examples may be cited: Fernão Mendes Pinto talks of women saved in the shipwreck of a boat he was following. In 1603, the Dutch took over the Portuguese great boat of eleven-hundred tons, Santa Catarina, in the Straits of Johor, a great ship which was accompanied by a junk carrying a cargo of provisions and which was captained by Sebastião Serrão. On this great ship there were seven-hundred people including one-hundred women and children.

35 MARTINS, J. F. Ferreira, Chronica dos Vice-reis e Governadores da India, Lisboa, 1919, vol. 1, pp. 250-251.

36 CORREA, Gaspar, op. cit., vol. 2, p 324- "[...] os filhos e filhas desta mistura sairão da bondade dos seus paise mães."

37 AYALLA, Federico Diniz de, O Oriente Português, 1904, p.192 - "[...] manter e perpetuar a família portuguesa como a melhor semente do campo, que tinha lavrado com o seu generoso sangue e o de tantos dos seus ilustres companheiros."

38 ALBUQUERQUE, Afonso de, Cartas de Afonso de Albuquerque, Lisboa, Academia das Ciências, Lisboa, 1910, vol. 4, pp. 206-207, 214-215, and, 1915, vol. 6, pp. 188-191 - Letter of the 20th of December 1514 for a headcount of Luso-Indian marriages.

39 SEPÚLVEDA, Christovam Aires de Magalhães, História Orgànica e Política do Exército Português [...], 2 vols., Lisboa, Imprensa Nacional, 1896-1898- "[...]plantando cepas católicas e organizando um núcleo de colonização por meo do casamento e povoamento."

40 CAMPOS, J. J., History of Portuguese in Bengal, Lisboa, 1919, p.170.

41 MARTINS, J. F. Ferreira, Chronica dos Vice-Reis e Governadores da India, Lisboa, 1919, vol. 1, pp. 250-251.

42 GONZAGA GOMES RIVARA, Joaquim Heliodoro da, publ., Archivo Portuguez Oriental, fasc. 5, part. 1, doc. 9 - The authorization in the form of a Royal Letter reached Goa only after Afonso Albuquerque's death, although it had been delivered to him before, verbally, by the King. Also see: XAVIER, Filipe Neri, Bosquejo Histórico das Comunidades de Aldeias, Goa, 1852 part. 2.

BOXER, Charles Ralph, Fidalgos in the Far East, 1550-1770: Fact and fancy in the History of Macao, The Hague, Martinus Nijhoff, 1948.

LINDEN, Lanoy - LIDEN, Hermann Van der, Histoire de l'expansion coloniale despeuples européans: Espagne et Portugal, Paris, 1907, vol. 1, p. 108.

AYALLA, Frederico Diniz de, Goa Antiga e Moderna, Nova Goa, 1888.

46 CORREIA, Germano, As Portuguesas nos Primórdios da Colonição da India, in: Offprint of "Boletim da Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa", 11 -12 (ser. 65) Nov.-Dec. 1947, Lisboa, 1948 - For a Letter by Dom João de Castro, dated from Mozambique and addressed to the King Dom João III, where the Viceroy of the Portuguese State of India reports that he carried, in his army, in 1545, a considerable group of women of the marrying age.

47 ANTT, Ordenaçães Filipinas, Bk. V, vol. 4, 1595 - Put into effect in 1603.

These Ordenações contain over two-hundred-and-fifty cases of people dispatched overseas.

48 ANTT: Livro de Alvarás (Royal Chanceleries), vol. 1, fol. 23; and ANTT: Livro das Monções (Book of Monsoons), vol. 28, fol. 323.

49 CHARLES, Frederick, The Portuguese in India, Danvers, 1894, vol. 2, p. 226.

50 FELNER, Rodrigo José de Luís, Livro dos pezos da India, e assy medidas e mohedas escripto em 1554, in: "Subsídios para a História da India Portuguesa [...]", Lisboa, Academia Real das Sciencias de Lisboa, 1868, vol. 5, part. 1, p. 13 - Letter II.

51 CORREIA, Germano, op. cit.

The sending of orphans to India seems to have been interrupted in the second decade of seventeenth century by the Royal Letter of 1624, and later re-established for a brief period.

52 PALHA, Francisco Mourão Garcez, Famílias portuguesasestabelecidas na Índia, cuja varonia se extinguiu, in: "O Oriente Português", (16) 1919, pp. 86, 186, 245, 295; ALBUQUERQUE, Justiano de Albuquerque, Famílias Portuguesas estabelecidas em Chorão, in: "Oriente Português", (16) 1919, pp. 34, 309 and (17) 1919, pp. 103, 198.

53 DISNEY, Anthony R., A Decadência do Império da Pimenta, Lisboa, 1981, p. 2.

54 BPADE: Cod. CXVI/2-1, BOCARRO, António - In 1635, when the City still lived in commercial boom, A. Bocarro recorded that Macao "era uma das mais nobres cidades do Oriente [...] e de maior número de casados [...]. Havia também muitos marinheiros casados no Reino, outros solteiros [...]. E ainda muitos mercadores solteiros muito ricos [...]. Alguns receavam a justiça de Goa e não queriam lá voltar." ("was one of the most noble cities in the East [...] and with a large number of married couples [...] There were also many sailors married in the Kingdom, while others were bachelors [...] And even many rich bachelor merchants [...] Some feared the justice in Goa and did not want to return there.").

55 CORREIA, Germano, op. cit., p. 11.

56 PAWLOWSKI, Christophe Pawlowski, Carta de Goa (Letter from Goa) dated 20th November 1596.

57 Dryepondt in"Compte-rendu de Congrès Colonial International", Brunswick, April 1912, p. 305.

58 The Royal Letter of the 22nd of February 1601, states that, at this date, six-hundred Indo-Portuguese families lived in Macao, which supports the idea that the wives of the Portuguese heads of family would have been brought from Goa. On the other hand, there seems to have been a constant movement of people between Goa, Malacca, Macao and other ports in the East.

59 PINTO, Fernão Mendes, op. cit., part I, chap. 2, §2.1.

In Goa, in seventeenth century, women from all locations of the East, including the Hispano-Philippine ones, took the veil.

See: CASTRO, Alberto Osório de, Um documento da vida conventual em Goa, in: Offprint of "Archivo de Medicina Legal", 1, 2, 3 (2) 1923 - The author quotes sectons of Br. Agostinho de Santa Maria compilation of História da Fundação do Convento da Sta. Mónica em Goa, the following being an extract: "[...] era entre as molheres daquelle estado muito grande a devassidão. Muitos crimes e desforços se praticavam em virtude de tais costumes. " ("[...] there was a great degree of licentiousness among the women of that social standing. Many crimes and acts of vengeance were carried out as a result of such mores.").

The Bishop himself gave news of "52 mulheres nobres terem morrido à espada" ("52 women having died by the sword") within less than two years.

Also see: HAMILTON, Alexander, A New Account of the East India, (Edinburgh, 1727), in: BOXER, Charles Ralph, op. cit., pp. 187, 203 - The author says that in Macao, in 1681, there was a one-hundred-and-fifty strong garrison of soldiers and two to three-thousand citizens provided with twelve-thousand women.

61 AHUC: Cod. 510, fols. 223vo-225.

62 BOXER, Charles Ralph, Ásia Portuguesa no Tempo do Vice-Rei Conde da Ericeira (1718-1728), Macao, Imprensa Nacional, 1970.

63 Ibidem., p.98 - The author mentions a letter by the Viceroy of the Portuguese State of India, Count of Ericeira, addressed to the Bishop of Macao concerning the donations bequeathed by Manuel Faracho to twenty orphans, excluded sailors as possible suitors since they were considered lacking in education that "[...] que possa prometer vida em sossego, nem ao menos se acha neles o saber ler e escrever. "("[...] could assure a tranquil life, nor do they display the ability to read and write."). Dignified soldiers and honest men were considered preferable.

64 TEIXEIRA, Manuel, Os Macaenses, Macao, Imprensa Nacional, 1965, p.2 - The author cites a letter by Fr. Alonso Sanchez, S. J., addressed to King Felipe III (of Spain), of which the following is an extract:

"Los portugueses de Macau se casan con ellas (las mujeres chinas) de mejor voluntad que con las Portuguesas, por las muchas virtudes que las adornam." ("The Portuguese men in Macao marry them (the Chinese women) with greater keeness than they do the Portuguese women, for the many virtues that adorn them.").

Fr. Alonso Sanchez was in Macao from the end of May 1582 until February 1583 during the founding of the City. It is only natural that his assertion be critical of the frivolous manners the concurrent writers ascribe to the Indian, Malayan and Eurasian women of Goa, which, quite likely, would be shared by the women of Macao. These "Portuguese women", referred to by Fr. Alonso Sanchez, must in fact be the Eurodescendants, considering that at the time in the East there were very few woman from the Kingdom, as already established above.

65 LAURES, Johannes, S. J., The Catholic Church in Japan. Tokyo, 1954, p. 166.

66 A letter by P. Longer, dated the 14th of April 1770.

66A Various sources seem confirm this.

A galleon with twohundred people aboard was lost pertaining to a fleet sent from Goa to Macao in 1613, as Sanchez states, with "60 portugueses e 80 que não eram" ("60 Portuguese and 80 who were not") surviving.

SOUSA, Faria e, Asia Portuguesa, 6 vols., Livraria Civilização, Porto, 1945-1947; 1947, vol. 6, pp. 34-35 -In 1621-1622, in Macao, there were merchants from Cochin who had come there in ships from India.

TEIXEIRA, Manuel, Macau e a Sua Diocese, 16 vols., Macau, Tipografia do Orfanato Salesiano & etc., 1940-1979; vol. 9, pp. 160-162)-The author quotes Fr. Nicolau da Costa, S. J. description of Macanese festivals celebrating the Immaculate Conception.

TEIXEIRA (1982), op. cit., p.40-The author quotes the notary of the Senado, Diogo Caldeira Rego, who wrote on the 27th of November 1623, that in Macao there were "[...] mais de 400 portugueses casados, entre os quais alguns fidalgos [...] afora os muitos casados naturais da terra e de fora e outra muita gente de várias nações que por razão d grande trado e mercancia [...] vão e vem e nela residem o mais do ano." ("[...] over 400 married Portuguese, among which some fidalgos [...] outside the many married local natives and those from the Mainland and other people of various Nations who for reasons of trade and commerce [...] come and go and stay for more than a year.").

67 BSGL: Espólio de João Feliciano Marques Pereira, A letter by Francisco Pereira Marques to his cousin João Feliciano Marques Pereira.

68 MUNDY, Peter, AUSTERY, R. C. Temple, ed., The Travels of Peter Mundy (1608-1667), 5 vols., London, Hakluyt Society, [n. d.], vol. 3, part. 2, pp. 159-316.

69 BOXER, Charles Ralph, Macau na Época da Restauração, Macau, Imprensa Nacional, 1942 - The author quoting Marco d'Avalo.

70 PÉROUSE, Jean François Galan de la, Relation abrégée du voyage de la Pérouse, Leipzig, 1799.

71 TCHEONG-ü-Lâm-IAN-Kuong-Iâm, GOMES, Luís Gonzaga, trans., Ou-Mun Kei-Leok: Monografia de Macau, Macau, Imprensa Nacional, 1950.

72 According to Navarrete, shortly before 1667, the Bishopric had ordered the arrest of a woman who had been the concubine of a Tartar soldier.

See: TEIXEIRA, (1981), op. cit., p. III - "During that time, a damsel, daughter of the most respectable family in that city got involved with another gentile in China." ("In recent years many women earned their living with their bodies, submitting themselves to the gentiles). Sixty of them were expelled by the governor.".

73 AHU: Mç [Pile] 1774, Recenseamento da população cristã de Macau feita pelos párocos daquela cidade em 1774 (Census of the Christian population in Macao carried out by the parish priests of that city in 1774), dated March 1774.

See: PINTO, Fernão Mendes, op. cit., part. I, chap. 2, §2. 1.

74 This copy was sent by Francisco Pereira Marques and his cousin João Feliciano Marques Pereira, also a cousin, on the mother's side, of Albino Pereira da Silveira, brother of the bridegroom.

75 However, in Macao, the expression primo (he-cousin) or prima (she-cousin) is frequently used to denote any relative.

76 Even between the years 1960-1970 when Portuguese men married Chinese women, she was, first of all, baptized, receiving a Portuguese name given by her godmother or by her future husband, who often chose, for his wife, the name of his own mother. It should be noted that these marriages, at the time, took place only between the Chinese women and the long established soldiers of the garrison stationed in Macao, generally of the Public Security Police, or between those women and the sons of the soil, sons of the prominent and traditional Macanese families. In this case, it was generally the 'monos' (men who did not leave Macao in order to study or to improve their lives) who entered into marriages of this kind. The others preferred to marry European women (nearly always with blond hair) or their compatriots.

77 The Chinese Magistrates who revised the edition of the book Ou Mun Kei-Léok, quoted above, recordered, however, a similar usage in the 17th-century.

78 Inácio was the name of St. Ignatius de Loyola, much revered in Macao, owing to the miraculous cures realized by his remains, at the intervention of the Jesuit fathers.

Rosário, refers to our Lady of the Rosary, like Conceição, António being the name of Saint Anthony, also much revered in the City. Boaventura is an ancient Portuguese name, supremely auspicious and very pleasing to any Chinese.

79 Ms. of the Biblioteca da Soc. de Geografia de Lisboa. Macau dia a dia, a diary of the Macanese Francisco António Pereira da Silveira (collection of João Feliciano Marques Pereira).

80 P. Manuel Teixeira - Os Macaenses, Macao, Imprensa Nacional, 1965.

81 We found only one case in twenty family trees of three to five generations that we drew up.

82 José Ignacio da Andrade - Cartas escritas da India e da China, nos anos de 1815 a 1835, vol. II, Lisbon, 1847.

83 It was prohibited by law for soldiers to marry in Macao before the end of their commissioned service. However, many lived with Chinese women or Macanese girls of the more modest social classes and they had many descendants who remained in the Territory when the soldiers returned to Portugal. This phenomenon seems to have been continuous throughout the centuries and was even frequent in our own day (years 1960-70).

84 To be cited are the studies by professors Dr. António de Almeida and Dr. Alemerindo Lessa and by J. Ruffié.

85 See part. I, chap. 2, 2. 1.

86 Our sample is composed of only fifty six individuals, descendants of the families we used to establish the family constellations that constitute this work and that were chosen in Macao and in Lisbon. We are aware of the insignificance of this number, for this reason, perhaps, of little significance (however, we are certain of the rigor of the sample).

87 F. S. Hulse- "Migration and Cultural Selection in Human Genetics", in The Anthropologist, special volume, Delhi, 1968.

88 F. Scheider - "Consanguinité et variations biologiques chez 1'Homme", in La Recherche, no. 31, 1976, p. 341.

89 A. de Almeida - "Subsídio para o estudo do factor Rh em macaenses", in Trabalhos de Antropologia e Etnologia da Sociedade Portuguesa de Antropologia e Etnologia e do Centro de Estudos de Etnologia Peninsular. Vol. XVII, fasc. 1/4, volume paying hommage to Prof. Dr. Mendes Corrês, Porto, 1959, Instituto de Antropologia, Faculdade de Ciêcias, pp. 445-449.

90 A. de Almeida - "Contribuição para o estudo da Antropologia serológica dos nativos de Timor Português, de Macau e de S. Tomé e Princípe", in Estudos Ultramarinos, Revista do Instituto Superior de Estudos Ultramarinos, vol. V (1955), fasc. 1 to 3, Lisbon, pp. 293-295.

91 Almerindo Lessa - A História e os Homens da Primeira República Democráica do Oriente, Biologia e Sociologia de uma Ilha Cívica, Macao, Imprensa Nacional, 1974.

92 This apriori definition of the Macanese group invalidates, in a certain way, the results.

93 Francisco de Carvalho e Rêgo, Macau, Macao, Imprensa Nacional, 1950.

94 The dialect of Macao, a vestige of Portuguese as the lingua franca of the East, seems to have been born, on the one hand, of the necessity of simplifying of the Portuguese language so that it could be more rapidly acquired by peoples of widely differing ethnic groups, facilitating in that manner trade relations, and on the other hand, the necessity of enriching the Portuguese language with terms from all those areas through which the Portuguese passed and settled whether fleetingly or not.

95 António de Oliveira Pinto da França - Portuguese Influence in Indonesia, Djakarta, Gunung Agung, 1970.

96 Data gathered by us in Japan between 1963 and 1970.

97 Tá-Ssy-Yang-Kuó - Archivos e Annaes do ExtremoOriente Portuguez. Compiled, collected, revised and annotated by João Feliciano Marques Pereira, Lisbon, Antiga Casa Bertrand - José Bastos, 1899-1904, 2 vols.

98 Leopoldo Danilo Barreiros, "Dialecto Português de Macau", in "Renascimento", vols. I, II, III and IV, Macao, 1943-46.

99 José dos Santos Ferreira- Macau sã assim, Macao, 1967 and Qui nova, Chencho, Macao, 1973.

100 Graciete N. Batalha - "Aspectos do folclore de Macau", in Boletim do Instituto Luís de Camões, vol II, 1968; "Aspectos do vocabulario macaense", in Mosaico, 1953, and Glossário do Dialecto Macaense, Coimbra, 1977.

101 Graciete N. Batalha - Glossário do Dialecto Macaense, Coimbra, 1977, p. 6.

102 Graciete N. Batalha's opinion, expressed in letters sent to us.

103 Omitting purely Chinese words that are used in presentday colloquial speech.

104 According to Rafael Avila de Azevedo, the words card and siára are Macanese words of African origin (Bantu).

Nevertheless, we have never encountered, in 15 years of research in this field, in Macao, these words being used in the sense attributed to them by this author (R. Avila de Azevedo - A influência da cultura portuguesa em Macau - Biblioteca Breve, no. 95, Instituto de Cultura e Língua Portuguesa, Lisbon, 1984, p. 51). In the work of Mons. Right Rev. Dalgado about the Portuguese dialect in Daman we find the word bicho (from bich - son) as a word of African origin. Hence the term bicho used for the old serfs in Macao?

105 To be cited as examples are Barão de Pau Preto - the nickname of José Vicente Jorge alluding to the richness of his Chinese furniture; Chiripo - nickname of J. Roiz who went to school in clogs. This latter nickname lasted at least three generations.

106 Manuscripts of the Bibl. de Soc. de Geografia de Lisboa, collection of João Feliciano Marques Pereira.

107 Gilberto Freire - Casa Grandee Senzala, 2 vols., Publ by Livros do Brasil, n. d.

108 In the case of having two proper names, the last one is preceded by the expletive particle Á. Example: Chan Sec Pui = Á Pui.

109 In the years 60/70, none of our sources could remember such treatment ever being mentioned.

110 See part I, chap. 3, 3.2.

111 Amadeu Cunha - "Das 'Donas' zambezianas", published in Diário Popular, Lisbon, and transcribed in Boletim Geral das Colónias, year XXVI, nos. 302/303, August/September, 1950, p. 233.

112 Right Rev. Delgado-Indo-Portuguese Dialect of Daman. Reprint of articles of Tá-Ssy-Yang-Kuo rev. Lisbon, 1903, p. 23.

113 Oral data by Dr. Alfredo Reis Borges and, also, Jorge Morais Barbosa, Estudos linguísticos - Crioulos - Introduction and notes by [...] - Edição da Academia Internacional da Cultura Portuguesa - Lisbon, 1967, p. 22.

114 The Protuguese magistrates who described Macao and many habits of the Macanese in the 18th-century recorded that "Portuguese women did embroidery and made sweets and cakes". This tradition of needlework and sweet making persists across two centuries and were indispensable skills for a Portuguese girl in Macao. Also in Goa, the Luso-descendant women had a passion for cooking. Like Macanese women, they recorded their recipes in notebooks passed down from generation to generation, and which were still very popular there in the first years of the 20th-century. Some of the recipes were given to them by the nuns or maids at the convents. (M. V. de Abreu - Real Mosteiro de Santa Mónica, quoted by Propércia Correia Afonso de Figueiredo - "A mulher indo-portugesa" in Bol. do Instituto Vasco da Gama, nos. 2 and 3, 1928 and nos. 5 and 6, 1929). It is natural that in Macao some of the recipes preserved by the filhas de terra [daughters of the soil] should have had a similar origin.

115 Collection of João Feliciano Marques Pereira. Loose papers. Ms. of the Bibl. da Sociedade de Geografia in Lisbon.

116 Maria Micaela Soares - "Os Impérios Populares". Sep. from the Bol. Cultural da Assembleia Distr. de Lisboa, no. 88, vol. I, Lisbon, 1983. In Lisbon in the 17th-century fartes were also sold at Christmas time on the Largo do Pelourinho. (Robyu Amorim - Da mão à boca [...], Lisbon, 1987). The recipe for fartes or little fartês is recorded in the Livro de Cozinha da Infanta Dona Maria (15th- or 16th-century), publ. by Salvador Dias Arnaut, Lisbon, Imprensa Nacional - Casa da Moeda, 1987, pp. 130-134.

117 Festival of Fortyhours (or forty hours). This is the ancient name given in Macao to the days of Carnival. The name is Portuguese and refers to the period of "forty hours of adoration", corresponding to the number of hours Jesus spent in the Temple and from which stems the perpetual adoration of His Holiness. In earlier times, in the Christian world, this period did not coincide with the frolicking, but subsequently (as of 1608 in Lisbon), it was tranferred to this time of year, to limit the excesses then practised by the population during the merrymaking.

118 The pinenut of Macao is an almond of the Chinese white olive tree. (Canarium album Raeusch).

119 Maria Celestina de Mello e Senna - Bons Petiscos por Celestina, 2nd edition, publ. by CIT, Macao, 1977; António Vicente Lopes-Receitas da Cozinha Macaense, Macao, 1977; Maria Margarida Gomes - A Cozinnha Macaense, Imprensa Nacional, Macao, 1984.

120 The sambal is a kind of preserve made with amargoso, tomatoes, the fruit of the caramboleira tree, etc., cooked in water and salt and in a large pan after being spiced on a base of garlic, dry onions, green onions, chilli, saffron and balichão sauce, with a dashing of coconut milk, and adding at the end powdered cane sugar.

121 Maria Margarida Gomes - A Cozinha Macaense - Macao, 1984, p. 16. There are, however, those who maintain that the name derives from the Japanese muchi, muchi being the ground meat stuffing of the pudding which is known today in Macao by this name.

122 António Vicente Lopes - Receitas da Cozinha Macaense, Macao, 1977, p.116.

122A Capella was a dish eaten in Portugal in the 17thcentury. It was a kind of broth made from different meats. Domingo Rodrigues - Arte de Cozinhar [...], Lisbon, MDCCXXXII, p. 19. The first edition dates from 1693.

123 Chiche quebabe is a specialty of Arabic cuisine which consists of lamb on a spit seasoned with spices and served with rice once roasted.

123A The sweets were usually offered wrapped in silk paper in the form of bunches of grapes or flowers. In Macao, there was a receptacle and a little metal instrument for preparing them. The form of the bunches of grapes (as shown by the figure) was preferred for decorating the tables of the chás gordos or the wedding suppers, for symbolizing the pledge of a long line of descendants, in accordance with Chinese thinking.

124 Baji or bagi is a cake prepared with corn flower and coconut. It used to be a speciality of the convent nuns of Santa Mónica in Goa. The bebincas, the alva-bagi, the alva-coco and the dudoll were recipes that were very popular in Goa, where the Indo-Portuguese ladies published them in the years 1929-30.

125 Crystallized sugar: sugar candy.

126 Starch extracted from various palms, for example Sagus levis.

127 We transcribe in its entirety the data furnished to us by Mr. Jorge Midorikawa: "[...] With regard to the words of Portuguese origin integrated in the Japanese language, there are several scattered throughout Japan as a whole and in an overwhelmingly bigger number current in certain regions of the island of Kyushu, especially in Nagasaki.

Muchi, a mutation of mochi, is a kind of cake made of rice.

Mísso is a soya bean paste which was used to season soups.

As regards the kasutera, it is said to be derived from the castelar cake. Today kasutera is widely made throughout Japan and enjoyed at all social levels [...]."

128 Maria Margarita Gomes - A Cozinha Macaense, Macao, 1984, pp. 7-8.

129 A drink considered refreshing with a medicinal effect against internal heat.

130 Linschoten, Jean Huygen - Histoire de la Navigation de Jean Hugues de Linschot (sic) Hollandois: Aux Indes Orientales [...] - 3rd enlarged edition - Chez Evert Cloppenburgh - Amsterdam, 1638.

131 Propércia Correia Afonso de Figueiredo - "A Mulher Indo-Portuguesa" in Boletim do Instituto Vasco da Gama - nos. 2 and 3 - 1928; nos. 5 and 6 - 929; nos. 7 and 8 - 930; no. 9-1931.

132 Duarte Barbosa - Livro em que dá relação do que viu e ouviu no Oriente - Introduction and notes by Augusto Reis Machado, Agência-Geral das Colónias, Lisbon, 1946.

133 Padre Manuel Teixeira - O Trajo Feminino em Macau do Séc. XVI ao Séc. XVIII, Macao, Imprensa Nacional, 1969.

134 Coarse silk, maybe silk without tassles [?], also known in Macao as French silk.

135 Rubber extracted from the wood of the Machilus thunbergii L., by decoction, which Chinese women and some Macanese women used as brilliantine. This rubber is locally known as pau-fá and is poisonous.

136 Boletim Oficial de Macau, no. 12, 1907.

137 Ana Maria Amaro - Três Jogos Populares de Macau - Chonca, Talú, Bafá - A Publication of the Cultural Institute of Macao - Imprensa Nacional - Macao, 1984.

138 Ana Maria Amaro - "Adivinhas populares de Macau" - Reprint of Boletim do Instituto Luís de Camões, Imprensa Nacional, Macao, 1976, 1st. part.

139 Litchi chinensis Sonn., fruit greatly abundant in Southern China.

140 Data provided by Dona Rosil de Costa (Malacca -1972).

141 Adolfo Coelho - "Os dialectos românticos ou neolatinos na Africa, Asia e América" - in Boletim da Sociedade de Geografia - no. 3, 2nd. series, 1888, p. 130.

142 Quoted by António Feliciano Marques Pereira - Papéis vários de seu espólio - Bibl. da Soc. de Geografia.

143 Bharoda, or baroda- is an area of land where vegetables were sown, (from the Konkani - Marr., barad) - high and stony land, which can only be used to sow vegetables in Konkan. (Mons. Right Rev. Dalgado - Glossário Luso-Asiático, 1982 edition, p. 140).

143A Caranda - fruit of the caranda palm (Carissa carandas L.); from the Konkani karand (Marr., karvand) Sanskrit Karamardda. The Malayo has kuranda and the Malay karandang. Mons. Right Rev. Dalgado. Glossário Luso-Asiático, 1982 edition, p. 112. With regard to this despicable fruit in Goa, where the plant is very common in hedges, Garcia de Orta wrote (Col. XIII) "[...] they are trees the size of the strawberry madrone and its leaves and fruit are abundant and smell of ivy".

144 Saiam means yearning (from the Malay saiang).

145 Embroidered in white, with sequins and backstitching, for making clothes, supposedly worn by many Indian slave girls who looked excellent in them.

146 Mutre· or mutri (etim.: mutra; Port.: missangas; or: beads). Carrachada·(Port.: lantejoulas; or: sequins).

147 Malay wedding cakes bunga telor junjong, are made of three, five or six dishes on wood, of three to four centimetres thick, star shaped, and decorated with red paper haphazardly cut. From the lower dish down to the base a lovely lace trimmed skirt descends made of beads. The cakes are made of yellow arrozpulú (glutinous rice), and the whole construction is decorated with red flowers that emerge in ruffles from the top. The tripods with three stands were intended for the common people: with five stands they were for the weddings of the princes whilst for royal weddings seven levels were offered.

Three, five and seven are the lucky numbers for the Malays.

See: AMARO, Ana Maria, Jogos, Brinquedos e Outras Diversões de Macau, Macao, Imprensa Nacional, 1976, pp. 100-104 - For the description of the said wedding cakes, designated bunga telor junjong. This information was kindly furnished to the authoress by the ethnologist of the Negara Museum, in Kuala Lumpur.

In Portugal, in the area adjoining Lisbon, stands of this type are still frequent for offerings during religious pro-cessions.

148 CASTRO, Alberto Osório de, op. cit.

149 MARIA, Br. Agostinho de, História da Fundação do Convento de Santa Mónica em Goa - See: Note 60.

150 ASCMM: Cod. 22, Doações [Donations], 1829 a 1837, fols. I-IV.

*Ph. D from the Universidade Nova de Lisboa (Lisbon). Lecturer in Anthropology, Instituto de Ciências Sociais e Políticas (Institute of Social and Political Sciences), Lisbon. Consultant of the Centre for Oriental Studies of the Fundação Oriente (Orient Foundation). Author of a wide range of publications dealing, primarily, with Ethnography in Macao. Member of the International Association of Anthropology and other Institutions.