MACAO AND JAPAN DURING THE QING DYNASTY

In the late years of the Ming· dynasty, Macao, being a prosperous international trading port in the Far East, came into close commercial ties with Hirado and Nagasaki in Japan. Indeed, the Macao-Nagasaki trade was once the pillar of economic prosperity of these two cities. At the same time, Macao was also the centre of the Catholic mission in the Far East, so the Jesuits dispatched from the Church of S. Paulo (St. Paul's) of Macao were actively engaged in their missionary work in Japan. However, since the Tokugawa Shogunate promulgated the Seclusion Act in 1639 (Hironaga rule, year 16; Chongzhen· reign, year 12), all Portuguese merchants' ships and Catholic missionaries were prohibited from entering Japan. Because of this and Macao's own problems, business and trade ties, as well as religious and cultural contacts between Macao and Japan, became far less frequent during the Qing· dynasty.

Nevertheless, while open and large-scale exchanges fell into a decline, clandestine small-scale dealings and transactions went on uninterrupted, playing a substantial role in Macao's foreign relations during the Qing dynasty. Owing to the scarcity of available literature on this research, the author can only attempt at a preliminary study of the relationship between Macao and Japan during the Qing dynasty. And as Macao is located in Lingnan· [South China], belonging to Xiangshan· county, under Guangzhou's jurisdiction during the Qing dynasty, it is rather difficult to define and classify some of the details contained in the relevant documents. So the writer will focus on Macao, while making frequent references to Guangzhou· and Guangdong· in the following discussions.

§1. SHIPS PLYING AND TRADING BETWEEN MACAO AND NAGASAKI

After the Shogunate issued the Seclusion Act, only Chinese and Dutch commercial ships were allowed to do business in Japan, but their trading activities were restricted to Nagasaki only.

The Dutch commercial ships doing business in Nagasaki came mainly from Batavia, capital of East Indonesia (now Djakarta, Indonesia), and occasionally came into contact with Macao. In June, 1745 (Qianlong· reign, year 10), the Tongzhi · (Superintendent) Yin Guangren· took his post in Macao and submitted the following report:

"[...] Around Jijing· (lit.: chicken neck) three ships belonging to the red foreigners were sighted. It was said that they were heading for Japan to do business. A few days later, another three ships arrived. Guangren immediately put cruisers on patrol duty [...]. Learning that more were on their way, Guangren, together with General Ling Song, · mobilized a row of cruisers to intercept the foreign ships, at the request for help from the French, on the 9th August.

Then, with the wind blowing South-Westerly, the three French ships entered the harbour. And the red foreigners, seeing their plot frustrated, sailed away. 1

"Red foreigners"· was used in some Chinese documents to address the Dutch and the British during the Ming and Qing dynasties. Here "red foreigners" refer to the British. Because of the War of Succession (1740-1748) to the Crown of Austria, France, Spain, Prussia, Sweden, and other European countries had formed an alliance against Austria, while Britain, Holland and Russia supported Austria. Britain took advantage of this situation to usurp the overseas colonies of France and attacked French commercial ships. Yin Guangren, on seeing that the British fleet were manoeuvring around the Jijing waters (east of today's Taipa· Island) and trying to ambush the French merchant ships on their way into the Huangpu· Harbour, took command of a navy fleet to stop the British and denounced their chieftains. He also sent some Portuguese officials from Macao to intervene, forcing the British to flee in disgrace. Thanks to these efforts, the French ships arrived in Huangpu safely and a bloody war on Chinese waters was also avoided.

The fact that the British ships disguised as Dutch ships on their business voyage to Japan were berthed at Jijing near Macao waters illustrates that Jijing had always been a haven for Dutch merchandise ships on their way to Japan. This situation continued until the Opium War. According to records written by Westerners, in January 1841 (Tenbo rule, year 12; Daoguang· reign, year 21):

"A Dutch ship, The Middlebury, which was sailing from Batavia to Japan, was caught in a typhoon and suffered severe damage. She sailed into Macao Roads· for repairs on the 31st of January."2

At that time, the Japanese called the Dutch ships "red-haired foreigners' ships", while the Chinese ships of the Qing dynasty, be they from Nanjing, • Ningbo, • Putuoshan, • Wenzhou, · Fuzhou, · Taiwan, · Xiamen, • Zhangzhou, • or Guangdong, were all named "Tangchuan" · ("Chinese ships"). Ships sailing from Guangdong were also differentiated by their respective starting ports, such as Guangzhou, · Gaozhou· and Chaozhou, · the first being further distinguished by Huangpu· and Macao.

Despite the geographical distance between Guangdong and Japan, marine merchants of Guangdong played a vital role in Sino-Japanese trade during the late Ming and early Qing dynasties. Chinese merchants sailing to Nagasaki for trade and business during the late Ming dynasty were of three factions: the Sanjiangs, the Fukienese and the Guangdongnese, who formed themselves into respective associations and societies. Every year there were as many as fifty or sixty Chinese sailing ships docking in Nagasaki from Guangzhou, Xiamen, Fuzhou and Ningbo. 3 The number of Chinese merchant ships reaching Nagasaki went on growing until the early years of the Shunzhi· Emperor of the Qing dynasty, when the number of ships plying and trading between Guangdong and Japan jumped to one hundred and eighty four. 4

Indeed, during Shunzhi's· reign, many of the Chinese ships coming to Nagasaki were from Guangdong. For example, in 1653 (Masayo rule, year 2; Shunzhi· reign, year 10), Daili· (alias Mangong·) set sail from Panyu· until he reached Nagasaki, and then following Huang Nieshan· (alias [monk] Yinyuan·), who had come to Japan from Fuzhou, became a monk and worked as Huang's clerk. 5 The prosperous trade between Guangdong and Japan owed a lot to the great attention and support given to mutually beneficial business and overseas trade by Prince Pingnan, · Shang Kejia, · who was then stationed in Guangdong.

During 1661-1683 (Shunzhi reign, year 18 -Kangxi· reign, year 22), the Qing dynasty government, carried out the prohibition policy along the Southeast coast of China, ordering the coastal residents to move inland by fifty li ·so as to enforce a blockade against the anti-Qing forces led by Zheng Chenggong· and Zheng Jing· in Taiwan. · In consequence, fields were deserted; junks and boats stopped fishing; merchant ships were forbidden to set sail. However, Macao had been left alone, out of this prohibition, thanks to the special request made by Prince Nanping· and the mediation by Jesuit, Johannes Adam Schall. In fact, Macao was the only port on the Southeast coast that remained untouched by the blockade. Moreover, as the Portuguese merchants in Macao had no way to get into Nagasaki, they made use of Chinese smugglers' ships to keep up trade between Macao and Nagasaki.

In 1670 (Kangxi reign, year 9), an official called Lu Ding, • secretly launched a ship on its way and wrote:

"On the 25th of May, Chinese men, Shen San, · Guo Shi, · Cai Long, · Yang Ren, and others, managed to reach Kyongju· on board their wrecked ship. They identified themselves as "people of the Great Ming dynasty, coming from Guangdong, Fuzhou, Zhejiang, and other places. When the Qing took Nanjing, provinces like Guangdong became subjects to the Qing dynasty. Some fled overseas to Xiangshan Island and did some business for a living. On the 1st May, [...] got aboard a ship, which was to have sailed to Nagasaki, Japan, but the typhoon has blown her here". Below are the replies they gave:

Q: - Which province does Xiangshan Island belong to today?

R: - Xiangshan· is a big hill over Guangdong waters, neighbour of the Qingli· county.

Q: - Under whose jurisdiction?

R: - Originally it was run by the southern savages, with Jia Bidan· as their chieftain. Later he fell and the Ming immigrants came and settled down there. Da Fanguo· sent mobile ships and they are allowed residence. It is under Zheng Jinshe's· administration. [...] they wanted to go to Nagasaki and promised to return the ship [...]."6

Here Shen San, Guo Shi, and the rest were most probably descendants of the Ming dynasty. They followed the example of Tian Heng· of the early Han· dynasty and took refuge in Macao. They also had connections with the Zheng in Taiwan. Later, they breached the embargo and were busily engaged plying between Macao and Nagasaki. On this occasion, they were caught in a typhoon when passing by the Korean port Kyongju. The local Korean authorities rescued them and helped them to continue their voyage to Nagasaki.

Compared with Shen San, Guo Shi and their team, Liu Junfu, · Wang Yun· and others - another group engaged in the illicit Macao-Nagasaki trade - were not so lucky. Indeed, their sea adventures were plagued by terrible misfortunes. According to what was recorded in Jiangning Xunfu canjian· (Jiangning Superintendent's Remaining Documents), dated 1674 (Nobuyasu rule, year 2; Kangxi reign, year 13), Liu Junfu and Wangyun joined hands with other merchants and pooled their money for the purchase of goods to be traded in Nagasaki. Together they got on a ship and set sail from Xiangshan. On their way back, they were caught in a storm and their ship was blown aground on the beach of Chongming. · Captured by the border guards and officers, they were brought to court. After repeated trials and retrials in Chongming county, Suzhou· city and Jiangning, they were finally convicted. Zhang Xiangru, · one of the convicts, made this confession:

"[...] I am from Yin· county, Shaoxing, · Zhejiang· province. [...] I sold my house and everything, and became penniless. Liu Junfu invited me to join him in some business ventures. Soon many signed up. We set off from Xiangshan Ao, heading for Japan. On our return journey, we were shipwrecked [...]"

Another convict, Xiong Fengxin· confessed:

"[...] I was cheated by Liu Junfu into his dealings on board the ship. I bought some herbal medicine to be sold in Japan for some white silver. On our return voyage, we were seized in stormy wind and fog, which threw us onto the beach.

The convicted Fu Wencai· said:

"My reason for joining Wangyun was that he owed me some silver. He persuaded me to go to Xiangshan Ao with him to do business. Later he paid me back some silver. Together we bought some medicinal herbs to be sold in Japan. I was taken in, hardly knowing that I would be caught like this.

And Xu Lütai· had this to say:

"Wangyun owed me silver, which he could not pay me back. I was broke and could do nothing but follow him overseas. When I returned, I had earned a few liang · silver."

And here are a few encounters between the Judge and the convicts:

"Question put to Yu Cai: ·

--When you returned from Japan, you had with you swallow-nests, fox-furs, etc., which demonstrates that you are a principal criminal having committed crimes of unlawfully collaborating with foreigners.

Why was it that in the previous trial you claimed that you were hired as a seaman working aboard Liu Junfu's ship? For justice, today you must tell every truth!

Yu Cai's reply:

--There were no swallow-nests or fox-furs, originally. I do not know how they got written under my in Chongming county. Actually, the fact is, they were not mine, how could I confess they were? I always made a living by steering the ship. Liu junfu hired me to work on his ship. On the 24th of the nineth Moon, we sailed for Xiangshan Ao, · and then from there to Japan. We were trapped in a storm, which got us to the sandy foot of Chongming hill. [...]

The Judge [to Yu Jing·]:

--You brought liquorice roots on board and sold them in Japan. It is clear that you are a principal offender but in the last trial why did you only admit to being a seaman employed by Liu Junfu, hoping to reduce your crime. Now the case has been given to for retrial. Give me nothing but the truth and all the facts regarding your illegal dealings with the foreigners and the resistance you put up when being arrested by officers and soldiers.

Yu Jing's reply:

--I first met Liu Junfu in Guangdong. That I was in his employment is the truth. I had only a couple of liang silver and gave it to him. He brought liquorice roots to Japan. After he sold them there, he gave me thirty liang silver."7

According to the regulations set by the Qing Imperial Court in 1661 (Shunzhi reign, year 18), starting from 1662 (Kangxi reign, year 1) all the merchants and civilians in the coastal provinces of Jiangnan, Zhejiang, Fujian, Guangdong, etc., were prohibited from going to sea for business. "Anyone caught committing the above-mentioned crimes shall be arrested and severely punished, as traitor and turncoat."8

Thus, in accordance with this harsh, brutal law, Liu Junfu and Wang Yun, found guilty of "[...] being the principal conspirators collaborating with foreigners [...]", were convicted of first degree treachery and put to death accordingly by ling chi • (slicing up the convict); Zhang Xiangru, · Xiong Fengxin, · Fu Wencai, · Yu Jing and others were found guilty of selling goods to foreigners and were therefore principal criminals and collaborating traitors, and were decapitated immediately; and the sailors, steersmen and the like, convicted of knowingly collaborating in the plots, were all sentenced to death. Alas! Just think of these poor common folks, living off the sea in troubled times, doing small business by pooling their scarce resources. But they ended up in such cruel misfortunes, such brutal treatment and miseries, so barbarously penalized for eking out a meagre return!

In 1684 (Kangxi reign, year 23), after the suppression of the rebellion in Taiwan, the Qing government lifted the embargo, and established customs offices in Jiangnan, Zhejiang, Fujian and Guangdong. Qu Dajun, · in his Guangzhou Zhuzhici· 4 (The Bamboo Poems of Guangzhou 4), wrote:

“洋船爭出是官商，

十字門開向二洋。

五絲八絲廣緞好，

銀錢堆滿十三行。”

("Official merchant ships are busy sailing to and fro, The Cross Gate· is wide open to the oceans. Out go the beautiful brocade and gorgeous silks, And in come full heaps of white, white silvers.")9

Here Qu Dajun describes the historic scenario in which thousands of Chinese merchant ships were competing with each other for business and trade with both the Japanese and the Europeans.

And Qu Dajun's Aomen· 6(Macao Poems 6) goes:

“五月飄洋候，

辭沙肉米沉。

窺船千里鏡，

定路一盤針。

鬼哭三沙慘，

魚飛十里陰。

夜来鹹火滿，

朵朵上衣襟。”

("May is the season for sailing the far seas,

Bidding farewell on the shore we offer rice and meat.

The ships will be gliding thousands of miles,

So smoothly with the compass's guidance. Over the Sansha·we hear ghosts whining.

And in Shiliyin· we see fishes flying.

Night finds the beach ablaze with fires,

Brightening up the fronts of our attires.")10

Here Qu Dajun gives a vivid description of the scene in the port of Macao, where Chinese merchant ships were performing rituals and making all kinds of preparations for commercial voyages over the oceans.

At that time, the Chinese ships, though well-versed in the art of sailing against the wind, usually set sail between May and June of the Lunar calendar, riding on the south-westerly monsoon blowing from the Indian Ocean all the way to Japan, and arrived in Nagasaki between August and September. Then after the transactions were completed, they would be off on their home-going voyage, with the north-easterly wind, at the turn of the seasons - between Winter and Spring. In the poem above, the poet said that May was the season for sailing, which obviously coincided with the voyages to Japan made by Shen San, · Guo Shi, · and others. This practice of sailing with the seasons could be traced to the Ming dynasty. In 1623 (Tianqi· reign, year 3), when Zheng Chenggong's· father, Zheng Zhilong· (alias Yiguan·) was twenty years old, he lived in Macao, with his uncle Huangcheng, · who was doing business there:

"In the summer month of May, Huangcheng had stock of sugar, agalloch eaglewood, musk and deerskin and intended to have them transported to Japan on Li Xu's ship, under the escort an officer."11

Cisha · (Bidding Farewell on the Shore), is a ritual to worship Goddess Ama, · on a well-chosen auspicious day before the ships went out to sea. The offerings consisted of large livestock. Pigs, oxen and sheep cleared of the viscera and flesh and stuffed with dry grass, were placed on the beach in front of the Ama Temple. After the ceremony, the offerings were 'sunk' into the sea. As regards Rou Michen · (Offering of Meat and Rice), as described in Qu Dajun's lines, it was a ritual, Shigu ·concurrent with Cisha, to feed and pacify the lonely ghosts (generally referring to the victims killed in shipwrecks) so that they would not do anything to subvert the voyage. Thus before they set off, the sailors gave away meat and rice (or fish or rice) to these ghosts, who, now well-fed, would not be in the way. "Sansha" ("three sands") in the poem was actually the submerged sand beach between the Qingzhoudao· (Port.: Ilha Verde; or Green Island) northeast of Macao and the Lianfengshan · (Lotus Hill). "Shiliyin" was the sand dam of Lianhuajing· (Lotus Stem) connecting the North of Macao and Xiangshan. At the foot of the Lianfengshan· (Lotus Hill) there was a Niangma Xinmiao· (New Ama Temple), later called Lianfengmiao· (Lotus Temple), which was built during Wanli's· reign. And the ancient wharf was just beside the temple. Therefore the site for performing the rituals of Ci Sha, Shigu, etc., as depicted in the poem, may have been somewhere near the wharf, opposite the Ama Temple.

After the Qing government removed the embargo on marine trade, more and more Chinese ships went to Nagasaki for the very lucrative business dealings with the Japanese. The number reached a record high of one hundred and thirty seven in 1687 (Sadako rule, year 4; Kangxi reign, year 26). The Takugawa Shogunate gradually set restrictions to the business turnovers and the number of merchant ships. In 1688 (Motoharu rule, year 1; Kangxi reign, year 27), the limit to the Chinese ships was set at seventy: thirty. for the Summer season, twenty for the Spring and Autumn respectively. Among the seventy Chinese ships, two Summer ships and four Autumn ships were from Guangdong, and two Autumn ships from Gaozhou and Chaozhou respectively. Subsequently the number of Chinese ships allowed varied from year to year: eighty, forty, thirty, twenty five, twenty, fifteen and thirteen, until 1790 (Hiromasa rule, year 3; Qianlong reign, year 55), when it was set at ten. 12 The number continued to fall chronologically until few Chinese merchant ships, including those from Macao, headed for Nagasaki. However, judging by the wide range of commodities changing hands between Macao and Nagasaki, we can see that the economic and commercial ties between the two port-cities went on uninterrupted through various channels.

§2. GOODS AND COMMODITIES EXCHANGED IN MACAO-NAGASAKI TRADE

There were great varieties of goods and commodities brought to Nagasaki by Qing dynasty commercial ships, covering almost all the best-selling produce and goods from over a dozen Chinese provinces. Itogawa's A Study of Sino-Foreign Trade gives a list of commodities exported to Japan from fifteen Chinese provinces. The provinces that had the closest ties with Japan were Jiangsu· (Nanjing), exporting seventy seven varieties; Zhejiang, · thirty five varieties; Fujian, · sixty one varieties; and Guangdong, fifty eight varieties. 13

As recorded in Ao Fan Pian·(The Macao Portuguese), Aomen Jilue·(Monograph of Macao) by Yin Guangren and Zhang Rulin, among the commodities shipped to Japan were velvet, clothing, glasses, agaloch eaglewood, ebony, borneo camphor, pearls, parrots, etc. In addition, there were also galvanized iron, mercury, rattan, jade, rare birds, peacocks and some medicines that were imported articles and goods being re-exported to Japan. From this list we can see that a substantial quantity of the commodities transported from Guangdong to Nagasaki had been brought in through Sino-European trade in Guangzhou. And indeed, some of them came from Macao.

Moreover, during 1644-1684 (Shunzhi reign, year 1 - Kangxi reign, year 23), i. e., during the forty-yearperiod beginning from Qing's rise to power in China to its suppression of rebellion in Taiwan and the lifting of the embargo, there must have been remarkable quantities of raw silk and silk products being exported to Nagasaki via Macao, but there are until now no accurate figures available. Since the embargo was lifted, Nanjing, Zhejiang and Fujian also exported their raw silk and silk products, and in particular, Jiangsu and Zhejiang became the base for producing silk, resulting in the decreasing proportion of silk exported from Macao.

The merchandise that the Qing dynasty commercial ships carried home from Nagasaki mainly consisted of gold, silver and copper. This is because at that time gold and silver were cheaper in Japan than in Qing dynasty China, and transactions were settled in silver, causing a great demand for and outflow of these precious metals. Besides, the Japanese copper was an important source of material for the Qing dynasty Mint, so the Qing government had special purchasing agencies for Japanese copper in Jiangsu, Zhejiang, and other provinces. 14 However, as the amount of copper produced decreased gradually, the Tokugawa Shogunate had to take steps and set gradual restrictions to the volume of trade and the number of merchant ships.

Copper products had a vital role to play in the Sino-Japanese trade during the Qing dynasty. Though Guangdong was not a major purchaser of Japanese copper, the Qing government also demanded a fixed a quota. Therefore there were also copper dealers in Guangdong. Speaking of Guangdong copper, Qu Dajun wrote:

"[...] It is a loss of face if you buy copper from foreigners. Imported copper is also cheaper. Guangdong-made copper is much preferred. [Guangdong-refined red copper is used to make coin money...] alloyed with foreign lead and ganshi,· the coins look golden, which are far superior to those minted from the cheaper, imported copper."15

So, from this we can conclude that the "foreign lead", like the "imported copper", came from Japan and was used in the mint industry of the Qing dynasty.

In addition, the "foreign copper" imported from Japan was also used in weaponry industry in Macao. During the Ming dynasty, shortly after the Portuguese settled down in Macao, they set up factories near the Fortaleza do Monte (Mount Fort) manufacturing gunpowder, guns and cannon, of which the best known were those manufactured by the Bocarro family establishment. In Mount Fort, there was once a cannon made by Manuel Bocarro in 1621 (Genkazu rule, year 7; Tianqi· reign, year 1). And his son, Jerónimo Tavares Bocarro was an artillery craftsman in 1674 (Nobuku rule, year 2; Kangxi reign, year 13):

"[...] these cannon are made from Japanese copper and Chinese copper. They are to be sold to the whole of India."16

On the eve of the Opium War, Lin Zexu· still sent his men to Macao, [...] to try to purchase secretly Portuguese-made copper cannon and other foreign-made iron canon, weighing between five thousand to eight thousand jin.17·

The sulphur produced in Japan was shipped back to China as ballast. Both sulphur and alkali, also imported as ballast, were essential materials for the manufacturing of gunpowder, and were therefore strictly controlled by the Qing government, as was copper. In 1806 (Jiaqing reign, year 11), Wu Xiongguang, • the Viceroy of Guangdong and Guangxi, • in his report on the investigation of the nitre and sulpur production in Guangdong, wrote:

"There have long been refineries of nitre and sulphur in Guangdong. Owing to the growing demand, they are in short supply. Now we have found out that some foreign ships bringing in alkali as ballast from which nitre can be refined. We have dealt with such cases. The foreign ships also bring in sulphur as ballast and permission is given to buy it. There is more alkali than sulphur. If we fail to buy it all, there will be loopholes that should be filled up accordingly. The best way is to buy up all the stock as soon as the ships arrive. Then we shall have sufficient nitre and sulphur to last a couple of years and we can suspend mining sulphur and refining nitre."18

In 1843 (Daoguang· reign, year 23), Qincha Dachen ·(Imperial Commissioner) Qiying· wrote:

"We have studied the Customs Tax Regulations of Guangdong, and found an item like a tax of two qian · of silver is levied on every hundred jin of sulphur[...]," but there is no record as to whether or not it was imported. Further investigation has revealed that it was imported from foreign land. As for nitre there was no statement that it had been taxed. It was only known that nitre could be refined from alkali which served as ballast on board foreign ships. According to regulations, nitre dealers were ordered to buy it and then resell it to the government. 19

Anyway, we learn from this document that the sulphur imported to Guangdong was actually the 'foreign sulphur' from Japan. This continued until Jiaqing's· reign, when Guangdong's merchant ships stopped going to Japan for business, and this sulphur should have come from other ports or ships that had business dealings with Japan.

The sulphur from Japan was unloaded in Macao as well as Huangpu. · For instance, in 1807 (Jiaqing· reign, year 12) a Portuguese administrator [sic] in Macao, Silveira, quoted Wu Xiongguang, Liangguang Zongdu · (Viceroy) of Guangdong and Guangxi, as saying:

"Foreign merchants shipped alkali and sulphur as ballast to Huangpu. It is hard for any irregularity to get through because as soon as the ships dock, alkali and sulpur were checked, weighed, declared to the customs and sold to the dealers. But in Macao this business has always been monopolized by foreigners, who inevitably collaborated with some treacherous Chinese and engaged themselves in smuggling. So Nanhai ·and Panyu · counties set the rule that all alkali and suphur brought to Macao were subjected tothe inspection of Macao and Xiangshan authorities, their volume clearly stated, tax paid, and all other departments concerned were notified. Then the sulphur dealers would be called in to make the purchase. Written orders were sent to relevant officials to cooperate in implementing these strict rules and forestalling bootleggers."20

Again, in 1826 (Daoguang reign, year 6), the Macao Customs Commissioner, a Mr. Ji, · on receiving an order from Guangdong customs authority to investigate the case of foreign sulphur and zhuhuang,· instructed Silveira:

"[...] examine immediately whether there is foreign sulphur aboard ships now berthed in Macao, find out the exact amount and then report back. [...] then make sure that from now on any foreign ships arriving here with foreign sulphur and zhuhuang aboard shall be investigated and reported and stockpiling is strictly forbidden." 21

Actually, at that time all Portuguese ships engaged in overseas trade were prohibited from entering Nagasaki, and the sulphur used as ballast on Portuguese ships was acquired from Chinese or Dutch commercial ships that had made business voyages to Japan. "Zhuhuang"· means "Indian sulphur", brought back by Macao Portuguese merchant ships that had gone on trade voyages along the western coast of India (such as Goa and Dio, which are referred to as "Xiaoxiyang".· in Chinese documents).

Of the commodities imported from Japan into China, the most famous were the Japanese swords, which were among the earliest products introduced into China. In as early as the Song dynasty, Ouyang Xiu· already wrote a poem entitled Riben Daoge· (Poem of the Japanese Sabre). During the Adachi Shogunate (1338-1573), swords and knives, as well as sulpur, were the major Japanese products exported into China. But during Tokugawa Shogunate (1603-1867), there were repeated bans on the export of swords and knives. In 1644 (Masayasu rule, year 1; Shunzhi reign, year 1), a Ming dynasty Chinese named Lin Youguan· was sentenced to death in Japan for trying to get Japanese swords and knives out of the country secretly. And in the prohibition acts of 1688 (Kangxi reign, year 7), and of 1715 (Kangxi reign, year 54), any export of knives and swords was strictly forbidden. 22

However, the fact that there were 'repeated' bans and issues of prohibition acts only helps to demonstrate that these bans and acts were largely ignored. In spite of the prohibitions, a great number of Japanese knives and swords were surreptitiously transported into China. Qu Dajun· gives a detailed description of the smelting and manufacturing of Japanese knives and swords, and their popularity and wide-spread use in Macao:

"There are a multitude of foreign knives and swords in Guangdong, including Japanese ones. It is heard that the Japanese, old and young, wear them. [...] The length of the sword matches the size of the wearer: it can be as long as five or six feet with a sheath; the medium size sword is for the waist; and the short dagger is for the wrist. After the first smelting, it is used to slaughter the horse and ox to nourish and strengthen itself. Then it is smelted with curari and poison, buried in the soil, and nurtured with human and horse blood. The sword is thus spirited, glowing with the of weather. It echoes wind and rain resoundingly. Swords carved with the character ku • are never taken out of the country, but there are quite a lot of Japanese swords with Chinese characters, or Buddha, engraved on them, with single or double sheaths. The most precious swords are those made of meihua · steel or maya ·steel. Those nurtured in fine soil and tempered for long years usually shines brightly, with extremely sharp blades that cut jade as easily as clay [...]. The grandest ones are made from gold, silver and pure steel. They can bend and stretch as freely, flexibly and elastically as the flying dragon, piercing the iron shield and hard rock, [...]. You can even twist the sword around your finger. They used to talk about the ancient 'fish intestinal sword', with the head joining the tail. The hilt consists of two layers, one for the Jin Luo · Bible and the other for the qianli · telescope. [...] This is the kind of swords that Macao Portuguese usually wear. There are also swordswith double edges, smeared with poison. Besides, there are 'Red Hair' swords and Portuguese ones, etc."23

Though the Portuguese had their own swords, they valued the Japanese swords far more than their own in Macao.

Chen Gongyin, ·Liang Peilan, · as well as Qu Dajun, the three most prominent Lingnan· poets during Kangxi's reign, all left behind them works called Riben Daoge (Poem on the Japanese Sabre) : Yin Guangren and Zhang Rulin, in their Ao Fan Pian(Macao Portuguese), Aomen Jilue (Macao Monograph), under the entry "Japan", quotes Chen Gongyin's Riben Daoge :

“向日所出金鐵流，

鐵之性剛金性柔。

鑄爲寶刀能屈伸，

屈以防身身殺人。

星流電激光離合，

日華四射瞳瞳濕。

陰風夜半刮面來，

百萬啼魂鞘中泣。

中原嵗嵗飛白羽，

世人見刀皆不顧。

爲恩爲怨知是誰，

寳刀何罪逢君怒？

爲君畫盛威與儀，

爲君夜伏魍與魑。

水中有蛟貫其頣，

山中有虎扶其皮。

頣殺止殺天下仁，

寳刀所願從聖人。”

("From Japan come iron and gold swords. As the iron is hard and the gold is soft, The treasure swords can stretch and bend: To bend for defence; to stretch for offence. In a split second they are drawn, whizzing, Like darting stars, glinting and flashing. Ghostly wind rose in the middle of the night, Sending millions of souls weeping in sheaths. Year after year across the Middle Kingdom fly Silvery daggers to which the world turn a blind eye.

Pray, who can tell for better or worse we are fighting?

For your whims, should the sword bear the crime?

For your glory, for your dignity, the sword dashes, On and on, through water and fire, day and night.

Oh, dragons of the seas, come and join force, Tigers of the mountains, give us your strength.

Let's stop killing with killing to bring back peace, And return the power of the sword to the Saint.")24

This poem may have been written at the turn of Shunzhi and Kangxi's reigns. The vivid descriptions of the Japanese sword's strength and sprightliness, of its glint and flash and whizzing, are similar to those written by Qu Dajun. However, if we go a little deeper into this poem, we see a different perspective cherished by the poet, Chen Gongyin. Indeed, Chen Gongyin (aliases Yuan Xiao· and Du Sazi·), had his family origin in Shunde, · Guangdong province, and his father, Bang Yan, · a Ming dynasty official in faithful service of the Yongle Emperor, rose in resistance against the Qing but was killed on the battlefied. Chen Gongyin took over his father's mission and plotted to overthrow the Qing. Later, finding it hopeless and impossible to restore the Ming dynasty, he gave up, while remaining a faithful descendant of the Ming dynasty. His poem thus depicts the miseries of a war-torn country at the end of the Ming dynasty, when Qing soldiers invaded the Middle Kingdom, bringing upheavals and deaths to the vast land. His lines recall Li Bai's· Zhan Chengnan· (Battle South of the City) :

“乃知兵者是凶器，

聖人不得已而用之。”

("It is well known that weapons are used for killing, To which the Saint never resorts unless necessary.")

The poet harbours the wish that the "Saint" would appear to pick up the pieces, to 'stop killing with killing' and restore peace in the country. By eulogizing the Japanese sword, the poet pours out his passions for his motherland, his life-long ambitions and his political ideals and aspirations.

According to Wen Su's · Chen Dusa Xiansheng Nianpu·(Mr. Chen Dusa's Life), in 1657 (Shunzhi reign, year 14), when the poet was twenty seven years old, he wrote:

"[...] in the spring, buried his father Bang Yan · and his wife, Lady Peng, • in the Jiulongshan· (Nine Dragon Hill) of Zengcheng. · In autumn, he travelled to Macao with He Jiang."· And in the Spring of 1658 (Shunzhi· reign, year 15), he "[...] travelled to Yamen, · with He Jiang and paid a visit to an old friend overseas [...]. 25

Obviously, the young Chen Gongyin went travelling twice, both for the purpose of overthrowing the Qing dynasty and recovering the Ming dynasty. Yamen, situated in Xinhui, · is also at the mouth of the Zhujiang· Pearl River. It is the very spot on which the Southern Song· dynasty was toppled by the Yuan soldiers. Therefore it was also a tragic site for the great Han nation. The young poet, after a visit to Yamen, wrote Yamen ye sanzhong ci· (Worshipping at Three Faiths Temple in Yamen), which includes these lines:

“海水有門分上下，

江山無地限華夷。”

("Sea waters are divided: the upstream and downstream, And so is everything: the Chinese and the Japanese.")

Which were probably inspired by the Japanese swords that he had seen during his tour of Macao.

Other Japanese goods and products that were introduced into Macao and Guangzhou, which were listed in the Guangdong Customs Regulations, were hats, cigarettes, tobacco, etc. 26 In addition, some are also highlighted in Guangdong Customs Superintendent, Cheng Keda's· poem, Hao jing Ao Ji Shi· (Things in Macao), written in 1685 (Kangxi reign, year 24):

“茉莉蒸花露，

檳榔當酒漿。

倭練襟底貯，

但嗅不须嘗。”

("Drops distilled from jasmine,

And Binlang· becomes wine.

Foreign silk is hidden inside,

You need to smell but not taste it.")27

According to Luo Yuejiong· of the Ming dynasty (Wanli's reign), the products made in Japan were"[...] the green jade inkslab, fans, fine Juan · and lacquerware, all superbly made."28

And as mentioned in Kiyataiku's History of Sino-Japanese Cultural Exchanges, the items prohibited from being exported in the Act of 1668, and the Act of 1715, included "juan", which is "Japanese silk". Japanese silk was still very popular in Macao in the early years of the Qing dynasty. As the Portuguese used silk handkerchieves to wipe their mouths after dinner, naturally they "smell but not taste" silk.

§3. MACAO AND JAPANESE REFUGEES

China and Japan are close neighbours, with only a strip of water between them. The Japanese people were prohibited from going out to sea and doing business overseas since the Seclusion Act. However, from time to time during the Qing dynasty, Japanese trading and fishing ships were caught in storms, and refugees and their wrecked ships were blown to Jiangsu, Zhejiang, Fujian, Guangdong and other coastal areas of China. As a result, Macao became involved in the issue of Japanese refugees.

In 1685 (Sadako rule, year 2; Kangxi reign, year 24), a Japanese sailing ship ran aground onto the Macarcira· Island near Macao. Twelve seamen were rescued by the Portuguese and brought back to Macao. During the inquiries they found that they did not understand a word. Then an elderly woman, who was born in Japan, was brought in. At first, however, she could not make out what these Japanese said, either, because she had forgotten her native language. But, gradually, bit by bit, she got hold of their story: these Japanese used to live in Ise and the ship-owner was Tafek· by name, who had spent one thousand five hundred liang silver on purchasing the ship. The capital for the stock of tobacco on board was ninety eight jin piao · (gold tickets), half being owned by the ship-owner and the other half by the crew. Their ship ran into a rainstorm on her way from Ise to Nagasaki, with most of the freight lost into the sea. They had been drifting about in the high seas for many days before they got stranded on the Macarcira Island.

Both the Jesuits and the Leal Senado (Municipal Council) of Macao took this encounter as a sign of the God's will: forty seven years before, the Macao Portuguese were expelled from Japan, but now the most opportune time has come to reinstate religion and trade in Japan. The Jesuit Visitor of the Province of Japan, stationed in St. Paul's College, Fr. Fillippo Maria Fieshi, wrote a letter to the Municipal Council, suggesting that Pedro Vaz de Sequeira and two other respectable citizens should contribute towards buying a ship and escort the Japanese refugees back to their own homeland. 29

As a matter of fact, previous to this event, the Portuguese of Macao had made two attempts, but in vain, to re-establish relationship with Japan. The first effort was made in 1640 (Kimiyaku rule, year 17; Chongzhen· reign, year 13), when Macao sent four most prominent and experienced citizens, including Luís Paes Pacheco, to Nagasaki on board the Calares. Unfortunately this endeavour ended in the tragic fate of the four envoys and fifty others (some claimed that the number was sixty) being decapitated. Only the accountant and several (some say, twelve) black youngsters managed to return to Macao with a Portuguese navigator. Indeed, the ship returned, with the lid of the hold untouched. The Japanese even rejected the payment of four hundred thousand liang of silver that Macao had owed to Japan. The second attempt was made in 1644 (Masayasu rule, year 1; Shunzhi reign, year 1), when the king of Portugal, Dom João V, sent his emissary, Gonçalo de Sequeira, to Japan, to inform the Japanese Emperor of his crowning. The Meyaco Court gave the instruction to leave the envoy alone, unharmed and let him leave Japan quietly. 30

This time, Pedro Vaz de Sequeira and the other two citizens promptly bought a ship and named it São Paulo.Carrying the twelve Japanese refugees and the wrecked ship, which had been dismantled and arranged into several sections, and loaded with only ballast, São Paulo set sail for Nagasaki, after obtaining permission from the Guangzhou authorities. The outcome of this well-intentioned voyage to Japan again proved to be bitterly disappointing to the Portuguese of Macao. The twelve Japanese were allowed to disembark, but the Portuguese, though unharmed, were sent away with the reiterated order: no Portugese were permitted to resume trading with the Japanese, and no Portuguese ships whatsoever were allowed to appear in Japanese waters again under whatever pretext. 31

Nevertheless, in the years that followed, Macao became inadvertently entangled with Japanese refugees left in precarious situations after their ships perished in storms.

In 1795 (Hiromasa rule, year 7; Qianlong reign, year 60), nine Japanese refugees, including one by the name of Ganzo, were drifting in the high seas when they were spotted by a Macao Portuguese merchant ship, Voyager No. 8 [sic], which picked them up and brought them to Macao. By that time, there were virtually no more ships going on business ventures from Macao to Japan. So Portuguese Governor Dom Cristóvão Pereira de Castro wrote a letter to the Xiancheng· (Magistrate) of Xiangshan county, which was referred to the Guangdong authorities. Thus arrangement was made to escort the group of Japanese refugees to Xiangshan county, and from there they were delivered to the Guangdong authorities, who then had the refugees transferred to Zhejiang, where they boarded on a Chinese merchant ship that brought them back home to Japan. 32

In 1798 (Hiromasa rule, year 10; Jiaqing reign, year 3) the Macao Governor Dom Cristóvão Pereira de Castro wrote a report to Xiangshan county magistrate, Yao Maode, · referring to statements given by four Japanese refugees named Daiichiro, Chojiro, Sadaki, and another one:

"[...] they set off from Japan on a ship loaded with silk, wine, and other goods on a trade venture. Unfortunately, they were caught in a storm on the 29th of October 1795 (Hiromasa rule, year 7; Qianlong reign, year 60). They were blown to Luzon Island, with all their goods lost in the sea. Thanks to the military chief's kindness, they were put on a passing boat and were brought to Macao. We sincerely request your Excellency to provide a ship and send them home. [...] Misfortune struck them, sinking their ship and goods, leaving them homeless and penniless for three years, in precarious situations. They had no news from home. Homesick and lonely, they were worried about their poor old folks and wives and children back home. The military commander of Luzon Island took pity on them. He stopped a passing boat, which brought them to Macao. We should have waited patiently for your instruction, but they have been away from their homeland for too long and are becoming desperate spending days like years, earnestly begging to be sent home."

In reply, the Xiangshan magistrate Yao Maode gave the instruction in writing:

"Please have the four Japanese refugees, Daiichiro and others, escorted to Guangdong. They shall be taken care of by Nanhai county, from where they are to be escorted to Zhapu, · Zhejiang. There arrangements shall be made to put them aboard a ship heading for Japan. Also make sure that these Japanese refugees be given adequate silver for food and travelling expenses."33

In short, these four Japanese refugees were doing business along the Japanese coast when a storm struck them and blown them to the Philippines, where they wandered in destitution for three years. They got on a passing ship and were brought to Macao, where arrangements were made to send them back to Japan. However, in 1765 (Akiwa rule, year 2; Qianlong reign, year 30), the Takugawa Shogunate restricted the number of Chinese ships to thirteen; the number was further reduced to ten in 1790 (Hiromasa rule, year 2; Qianlong reign, year 55). In subsequent years, not only was it difficult to find in Macao, a Chinese ship going to Nagasaki, it was also extremely rare to see, in Huangpu, · Guangdong, a ship sailing to Japan. This was why the four Japanese refugees had to be escorted, through official arrangement, to Zhejiang, where there were ships making business voyages to Japan.

In 1813 (Buntaro rule, year 10; Jiaqing reign, year 18), Governor Bernardo Aleixo de Lemos Faria again reported to Xiangshan magistrate that a Macao ship going on trade voyages to Luzon brought back:

"[...] three Japanese refugees. [...] When asked what their names were, their answers were incomprehensible. Judging by their appearance and the clothes they were wearing they were Japanese. We request your help to send them home. As soon as Jiang Youxian,. Viceroy of Guangdong and Guangxi, received the report from Xiangshan magistrate, he instructed Zeng Ao· an official in charge of foreign affairs, that as Guangdong has no merchant ships going to Japan, there is no way for Guangdong to return the refugees to Japan. We looked into the files of 1789 (Hiromasa rule, year 1; Qianlong reign, year 54) and of 1795 (Hiromasa rule, year 7; Qianlong reign, year 60), when Japanese refugees were brought to Guangdong after their ships were wrecked in storms. Under the instructions of the then Governors after receiving reports from Fu Kang'an· and Zhu Gui, · they were escorted to Zhejiang, from where they were put up on board ships sailing to Japan. To arrange for the present group of Japanese refugees to go home, we shall stick to our past practices: they shall be taken care of and well treated, as always; they shall be given silver for food and travelling expenses, and sent home by way of Zhejiang."34

The officials concerned were also required to report back after they completed the task by following the above instructions. From this we can see that since the late years of Qianlong's reign, there were no merchant ships sailing from Guangdong to Japan, and all ship-wrecked Japanese drifting to Guangdong were looked after by official authorities and eventually sent back home by way of Zhejiang, where they embarked on ships going to Japan. Such practice already became a sort of precedent for similar cases.

In 1832 (Amabo rule, year 3; Daoguang reign, year 12), a Japanese merchant ship was wrecked en route from Nagoya to Tokyo. All the fourteen Japanese seamen, except Iwakichi and two others, perished in the sea tragedy. The three survivors were all Catholics. They held on to the wreckage, floating about in the Pacific Ocean, until, finally they were thrown onto British Columbia's Queen Charlotte Islands off the coast of Canada, where they were captured by the Indians and were made to do hard labour for them. In 1834 (Amabo rule, year 5; Daoguang reign, year 14), a British ship belonging to the Hudson Gulf Co. came to the Queen Charlotte Islands. While carrying out transactions with the Indians, the captain, Mac Neill, discovered the three Japanese captives. He brought them back to his ship, which carried them to Vancouver and then to London. The British government decided to send them back to their own country. So, they were transferred to another merchant ship, also belonging to the Hudson Gulf Co., and finally arrived in Macao in December 1835 (Amabo rule, year 6; Daoguang reign, year 15).

Once in Macao, they were well looked after by the German missionary, Karl Gulzlaff, who offered a home to the three Japanese Catholics in his own house until arrangements were completed to send them back to Japan. During their stay in Macao, Karl Gulzlaff taught them Christian doctrines and ideas and also learned Japanese from them.

In July 1837 (Amabo rule, year 8; Daoguang reign, year 17), an American ship, named Morrison, came to Macao. At that time, the United States of America was trying to establish trade ties with Japan. Karl Gulzlaff, seizing this opportunity, went aboard the ship, bringing with him the three Japanese refugees. The ship arrived in Tokyo on 27th of the same month. Gulzlaff requested the authorities to let the three Japanese disembark, but the request was turned down. The Japanese authorities showed him a Decree Law promulgated that very year. According to this law, any Japanese returning from foreign countries would be sentenced to death. The Japanese authorities also gave the order to open fire on Morrison. The ship had to leave and made a couple of attempts to land at Nagoya and Kagoshima, but all these efforts failed. The Japanese refugees saw with their eyes the towns and cities, mountains and rivers, lakes, etc., of their own country, and felt so helpless that they could not return to their own homes. They had to be taken back to Macao again. No one knows exactly what happened to them afterwards. They may have become Protestants, marrying Chinese women, disguising themselves under different names and integrating themselves into the Chinese communities of Macao. Or, according to another source, one of them went to America aboard the Morrison.35

§4. MACAO AND THE JAPANESE PROHIBITION AGAINST RELIGION

In 1549 (Tenbumi rule, year 18; Jiaqing reign, year 28), the Jesuit Francis Xavier, arrived in Japan, pioneering the Catholic mission in this country. Following in his footsteps were Catholic missionaries from Macao and Manila, who immediately won enthusiastic support from among the Japanese folks, and even warriors and princes. However, the Japanese rulers found this faith disturbing and threatening their feudal order, so they set gradual restriction to and prohibition against Catholicism. During Toyotomi's rule (1585-1597) order was already given to expel missionaries, and twenty six missionaries and converts were sentenced to death.

In the early years of the Tokugawa Shogunate, missionaries were repeatedly expelled from the country and reinforced persecutions were launched against followers within the country, which led to the uprising and rebellion, in 1637 (Hironaga rule, year 14; Chongzhen reign, year 10), of many Catholic peasants in Shimada. The control became tighter after the suppression, which was followed by the Seclusion Act, promulgated in 1639 (Hironaga rule, year 16; Chongzhen reign, year 12), forbidding any trade with foreign countries except limited trade with China and Holland.

Since then there was continuous exodus of persecuted Japanese Catholics to other countries. Some of these exiles drifted their way to Macao. In 1614 (Shinaga rule, year 19; Wanli reign, year 42), all missionaries were ordered to leave Japan, and all Japanese Catholic converts were forced to revert to the faith of their ancestors. Five ships loaded with missionaries and converts left Japan, three heading for Manila and two coming to Macao and Siam (today's Thailand). 36

In 1627, (Hironaga rule, year 4; Tianqi reign, year 7), again orders were issued to expel Catholics and the Portuguese. In 1636 (Hironaga rule, year 13; Chongzhen reign, year 9), two hundred and eighty seven Japanese women, who were married to Portuguese men, and their children, got aboard a Portuguese ship and came to Macao, thus boosting the population of the Eurasian Macanese in Macao. 37

Coming into the Qing dynasty, these Japanese Catholics living in exile continued to propagate themselves in Macao. They lived in areas around Pátio de S. Paulo (St. Paul's Courtyard) and Pátio do Espinho (Courtyard of the Thorn). In Pátio do Espinho there still exists an old well, which is said to have been dug by the Japanese residents. The former Rua de Dom Belchior Carneiro Cacatúa, which run between Pátio de S. Paulo and Pátio do Espinho, is said to have been so named in memory of a Japanese called 'Takata'. Some Japanese went to live in Gongbei, · which is west of Macao across the sea, where there was a big building. Chinese residents used to call it Yat-Pon-Lao `. (Japanese Building), which was erected by the Japanese Catholics who took refuge there. 38

After they died, these Japanese were buried in S. Paul's Church. Manuel Teixeira, in his The Japanese of Macao, says that according to records in the Death Registry, there are a total of twenty five Japanese with full names and surnames buried in S. Paul's Church, the earliest date of burial being 1648 (Kejkichi rule, year 1; Shunzhi reign, year 5), and the latest being 1688 (Motodura rule, year 1; Kangxi reign, year 27). And amongst the descendants of these Japanese Catholics there was one man called João Pacheco, who was born in Macao in 1668 (Kanbumi rule, year 8; Kangxi reign, year 7), studied theology in Japan and became a priest in 1694 (Motokura rule, year 7; Kanxi reign, year 33). Fr. Pacheco passed away in 1725 (Michibo rule, year 10; Yongzheng reign, year 3) and was also buried in S. Paul's Church. 39

The Togugawa Shogunate, after driving missionaries and Catholic disciples out of Japan, took further stringent steps to ban Catholicism. First, there was very strict check on every Chinese merchant ship of the Qing dynasty entering the harbour of Nagasaki. One of the important items on the checklist was the absolute prohibition against any missionary or Catholic convert sneaking into Japan on board a Chinese ship. There were several regulations regarding this:

"It is forbidden to ship Nanman heshang, ·or anyone that has entered Nanman Miao · (Portuguese churches), or smuggle in articles. Any violations shall result in the crew and freight being executed and destroyed without mercy. However, if they were collaborators while in Tangshan · (China), but surrender themselves to the Japanese authorities, they shall be not only pardoned but also generously rewarded. [...] Nanman Ren · are Catholics, or those who have learned to speak Chinese and wear Chinese-style clothes, disguised themselves as Chinese and have made the voyage on board a ship. Those who were discovered and reported on arrival in Nagasaki were completely annihilated. In Tangshan, they collaborate with Tang Ren · Having accepted bribes, they let Nanman gangsters board the ship and brought them to Japan. They have surrendered themselves to the authorities and have been acquitted of the crime. Moreover, they have been rewarded. However, if they did not surrender but were exposed or reported by their collaborators, they would be executed together with the Nanman gangsters. 40

'Nanman'('Savages from the South') was a term used by the Japanese and Koreans as a label for the Portuguese during the late Ming and early Qing dynasties, most probably because these Portuguese came from Macao, the South Seas and the Indian Ocean, all of which are situated south of Japan and Korea. Hence, they called 'Nanman Chuan' (the 'Portuguese ships'), 'Nanman Ren' (the 'Portuguese'), 'Nanman heshang' (the Portuguese missionaries), those 'Re' ('Catholic converts') who entered 'Naman Miao'(Portuguese churches), so on and so forth. The "forbidden articles smuggled" refer to the portraits of Jesus Christ and Virgin Mary, crucifixes, fonts, etc., all with accompanying illustrations showing that they were forbidden items. 41 In 1671 (Kanbumi rule, year 11; Kangxi reign, year 10), when the Chinese ships were about to return home, each captain was made to sign a letter of guarantee, pledging that"[...] the ship will make no stopovers in Luzon and other Catholic countries; [...] we shall not allow any Catholics or any Japanese living abroad to get aboard our ship in our next voyage to Japan."42

In spite of these severe measures and promises, the Catholic missionaries of Macao never stopped their missionary activities in Japan. Starting from the sixteenth century, the St. Paul's Church, being integrated on a Jesuit Seminary, was responsible for dispatching missionaries to Japan, China, Cochin China, etc. The St. Paul's College, which was founded in 1594 (Wanli reign, year 22) had the responsibility to train missionaries and send them to spread the Gospel in Japan. In 1623 (Tianqi reign, year 3), the Seminário de Sto Inácio (St. Ignatius Seminary), financed by a Japanese priest named P. T. Santos, was established by the Jesuit Provincial of Japan, and leader and devotee Fr. Francisco Pacheco. The Seminary provided Japanese missionaries with training and then sent them back to disseminate Christianity in Japan. Therefore the St. Ignatius Seminary was also called the Japanese Seminary. 43

Obviously, it was far easier and more convenient to train priests from among young Japanese missionaries living in exile in Macao and then help them to slip into Japan secretly aboard Qing dynasty ships, because they were natives of Japan or posterity of Japanese converts, with physical features similar to those of the Chinese, well-versed with both Chinese and Japanese languages and therefore would not be easily exposed. As mentioned in Huayi Biantai• (Foreigners disguised as Chinese):

"[...] they learn the Chinese language, wear Chinese clothes, mixed themselves among the Chinese and made the voyage with them aboard their ship to Japan."

They were actually the Japanese priests trained at the Japanese Seminary in Macao. Later, the Japanese Seminary was merged with the St. Paul's College, thus becoming the training centre for Japanese missionaries. In 1727 (Yongzheng reign, year 5), to finance and share the expenses of a embassy to Beijing headed by the Portuguese Dom Alexander Metello de Souza Meneses, which would have an audience with the Yongzheng Emperor, the Japanese Jesuit Seminary contributed one thousand liang of silver, the Chinese affiliation gave five hundred liang, while the Missão da China (Chinese Mission) made a donation of two hundred liang. This demonstrates that the Japanese Jesuits maintained substantial power and influence in the Catholic circles of Macao, until 1762, (Qianlong reign, year 27) when they were expelled from Japan. In the same year, Macao Portuguese authorities, acting under orders from Lisbon, arrested Jesuits in Macao and closed down St. Paul's College. The property left behind by the Japanese Seminary founded by Paul T. Santos was handed over to St. Joseph's Seminary. 44

St. Joseph's Seminary trained missionaries primarily for missionary work in China. So the crackdown on Jesuits in Macao in 1762 and the closure of St. Paul's College were undoubtedly a heavy blow to the Catholic missionary work in Japan. Surprisingly, the cause of Catholic mission survived the blow and continued into the mid-nineteenth century, when Japan opened its doors to overseas trade and lifted the ban on foreign religions. Did she continue to play a useful role in the missionary work in Japan? As there is scanty literature available, further studies and research are needed in order to ascertain the role played by Macao in support of the missionary move in Japan.

During Yongzheng and Qianlong's reigns the prohibition against Catholicism in China continued. In the early years of the Qianlong Emperor, Qing officials in Macao Yin Guangren and Zhang Rulin in their Aomen Jilue (Macao Monograph), described the bans on religion in foreign countries, as a reference for the Qing dynasty rulers. When discussing the situations in Japan, they wrote:

"It was the same in Ga Luo Ba• Wharf. There was a stone-crucifix at an intersection; where the warriors were standing on guard, with sharp knives. Those wishing to do business had to go through, even Westerners dare not defy. Stone figures of Jesus Christ were trampled underfoot. All prohibitions in foreign countries were as strict and harsh as this."45

Apparently, rumours spread to Macao that Ge Luo Ba was Batavia, the then capital of the Dutch East India colony. The Dutch are Protestants, having the same faith as Catholics, though of a different faction. Both the crucifix and the Body of Jesus Christ are the symbols of the Catholic belief. To dump these sacred symbols means betrayal. How could one imagine people being forced to dump and tread on them at a Dutch port? There must have been a mistake: Ge Luo Ba, actually, must be Nagasaki, not Batavia.

And yet, when we study and compare relevant documents in China and Japan, we find the above descriptions are not entirely groundless. In 1668, the Shogunate set the following rule:

"When a Chinese merchant ship enters the harbour, an inspection boat must be sent to watch its every movement. All [Chinese] officers and crew must be searched and examined. Then read to them the Act of Prohibition against Catholicism and make them trample underfoot an image of Jesus Christ. Carefully count their number and examine the goods aboard the ship, before they are allowed to disembark."46

And in the same year:

"[...] an image of Jesus was placed in Nagasaki, to be treaded on. Since Hironaga's time, bans on Catholicism have become harsher and hundreds have been arrested and killed every year. [...] Crosses and images of Christ are cast on metal sheets for people to tread on, to test their faith. These sheets were first placed in Nagasaki, then along the coast. Sailors from foreign ships must trample them underfoot before they are allowed to come ashore."47

And in 1764 (Akitsune rule, year 1; Qianlong reign, year 29), Wang Peng• of Qiantang• (today's Hangzhou•), who took residence in Chinese House, Nagasaki, wrote:

"When Chinese ships arrive, as a rule they must do two things: first, read the Notice, and secondly, stamp on the Copper Panel. The Notice condemns Catholicism, accusing missionaries of spreading evil doctrines and stirring up troubles. […] The Japanese authorities are worried that […] they may be hidden on the ships or smuggled into the country. The image of Jesus Christ cast on the Copper Pannel, must be treaded on by all arrivals to show they reject and discard this religion [Catholicism]."48

Events that followed indicated that the Qing government also adopted the method of stamping on the Crucifix in its crackdown on Catholicism. For instance, in 1805 (Jiaqing reign, year 10), during the trial of a Portuguese missionary in Beijing, Eduardo de Santo Agostinho, a secret letter carried by Chen Ruowang• revealed these details about religious converting in Beijing:

"Those who tricked into the religion include Qi Ren, • [the military Manchurians] Tong Ming, • Tong Si, • Cai Yongtong, • and civilians Wang Shining, • Ke Yongfu • and his brother Ke Tianfu, • and Yi Sijing• and Wu Ximan, • who have learned Chinese in modem school. But as soon as they were made to see their wrong, they knelt down and kept on kowtowing, saying:

"--We really did not know that Catholicism was forbidden. Now that we are educated and enlightened, we are willing to withdraw from the Church."

They showed their repentance by stamping on the Crucifix."49

In 1814 (Jiaqing reign, year 19), Jiang Youxian, • Viceroy of Guangdong and Guangxi, tried the case of Li Huaiyuan, • who was suspected of offering positions in return for donations and of having close dealings with the British, and submitted a Report on the trial to the Emperor. However, the Report was returned, and a retrial was ordered to find out whether Li Huaiyuan had been converted to Catholicism. The Instruction reads:

"Li Huaiyuan, as a Chinese civilian, had the guts to offer an official post for money and have private dealings with this foreigner, purchasing goods and quoting prices for him, making use of the opportunity to borrow money. It is only natural to suspect that he may have learned doctrines. So bring Jiang Youxian to court for a retrial, and make him stamp on the Crucifix, which will give immediate evidence whether he has committed the crime of being a Catholic convert."50

After receiving this Instruction, the Guangdong authorities brought Li Huaiyuan to court again. The case was jointly tried by two government organs. In court, Li Huaiyuan [….] declared before them that he only had faith in his ancestors' religion, and that he could stamp on the Crucifix any moment. Then he was sent into exile in Yili. • 51

Indeed, in this case, it was the Jiaqing Emperor that gave the order that the suspect be made to stamp on the Crucifix to put his religious faith to the test, from which we can infer that the method of stamping on the Crucifix had been in use for so long that even the supreme ruler of the Qing dynasty was familiar with it and approved it. And that Li Huaiyuan tried to vindicate himself by claiming that"[….] he could stamp on the Crucifix any moment [….]" shows that this practice was well known among the common folks.

In 1810 (Jiaqing reign, year 20), Chang Mingzou, • Governor of Sichuan, ·dealt with the case of European missionary activities involving:

"Huang Jinyin, • Huang Tingdong, • Huang Tingfu, • Huang Tingxuan, • Huang Yingxuan, • Lei Chaoping, • Lei Chaopu, • Lei Chaozhu, • Gao Dengbang, • Zheng Wenming, • He Hao, • He Denggui, • Wang Chao, • Liu Chaoqing, • Wang Wenyuan, • Dong Xiangyu,• Zhang Ren, • Hu Zhengyuan,• and others, all stamped on the Crucifix in court, repented and promised Gan Jie• to mend their ways."52

The method used in this case is the same as that of the previous case (Jiaqing reign, year 10), but this time, in addition to stamping on the Crucifix, they had to pledge Gan Jie, showing the tightening up of the prohibition against Catholicism.

Though we have not yet found any positive connection between the method of stamping on the Crucifix in the Qing dynasty's crackdown on Catholicism and that recorded in Aomen Jilue (Monograph of Macao) one thing is certain, that both had borrowed ideas from Japan's prohibition against Catholicism.

§5. 'AO YI' AND 'RIBEN JIYU'

Ao Yi• (Macao Translations) is a supplementary to Ao Fan Pian• (Macao Foreigners), in Aomen Jilue completed by Yin Guangren and Zhang Rulin in 1751 (Qianlong reign, year 16). A total of three hundred and ninety six Portuguese words are included, and Chinese characters are used to mark the pronunciations of the Portuguese words. This is the earliest Portuguese Vocabulary ever published by the Chinese and a rare treasure in the history of Chinese-Portuguese translations. I briefly touched on this field of study in my paper entitled Studies on the "Monograph of Macao".53

At the beginning, Ao Yi has this to say:

"Though the Portuguese language is very different, it has been with us for a long time and some Chinese have learned it and quite a few can speak the language and even translate it into Chinese. They need not carry pen and book like Yangzi, • who wrote down all. Bi Jun• of Dingzhou• wrote Riben Jiyu• (Japanese with Chinese Transcriptions), which said something like: "Ji• means yi• (translation), yi being used in the Northwest, and ji in the Southeast."54

Yang Xiong, • alias Zi Yun, • a scholar from Chengdu, • Sichuan, • wrote a book on dialects and languages, entitled Youxuan shizhe juedai yushi bieguo fangyan• (Youxuan Envoy's Translations of Foreign Languages and Dialects) recording the various dialects and languages of the Western Han• dynasty. It is an important work on ancient Chinese linguistics, as well as the first book on Chinese dialects. Yang Xiong, in his Da Liu Xin Shu • (Reply to Liu Xin's Letter), talks about the hardships and joys of his painstaking efforts in collecting data and investigating dialects: "There are no lengths to which I will not go to get information about different dialects and languages. I take note of everything I hear. I have been doing this for twenty seven years."

And Liu Xin, in his Xijing zaji• (Miscellanea), says:

"Yang Ziyun• is very keen on this. […] He is often seen bringing with him pen and book, noting down various tongues, to supplement You Xuan's• records."55

So it seems that Yang Xiong pioneered the way to record the dialects in various parts of the country and foreign languages in Chinese transcriptions.

Bi Jun• was from Dinghai,• Zhejiang, • of the Ming dynasty, and became an official in Changzhou. Riben Jiyu• (Japanese Language and Transcriptions) is part of Jiyu Lue• (A Brief study of Language) in his Riben Kaolue• (A Brief Study of Japan). Riben Kaolue is a great work created by a Chinese scholar-official in the early years of Emperor Jiajing's reign of the Ming dynasty. It is also the first book written by the Chinese on the study of Japan. 56In Riben Jiyu, the Japanese language was recorded in Chinese characters, while in Ao Yi, the Portuguese language was marked with Chinese transcriptions, thus setting an unprecedented example.

In 1523 (Jiajing reign, year 2), Daiuchi, a Japanese lord in charge of a munitions depot in a Japanese port open to trade with China, sent three tributary trading ships, under the command of Sohei Kamichi, to Ningbo. Immediately, Hosokawa, daimgo of another Japanese port doing business with China, also sent a ship, with Iwasaka as commander and a Chinese, Song Suqing,• as assistant commander, to Ningbo. • Clashes arose between the two groups over the authenticity of their identities, the order of priority, and the banquet seating arrangements. In a fit of rage, Sohei Kamichi killed Iwasaka and set his ship on fire. He and his men chased and attacked Song Suqing, robbing and burning all the way from Cixi• to Shaoxing.• He ordered Yuanjin• to take the ship and sail away. Liujin• gave chase. Both perished in the sea. As a result, the port of Ningbo closed down, rejecting all tributary ships from Japan. This is what was called the Zhenggong Zhiyi• ('Battle for Paying Tributes').

Dinghai,• also called Dingzhou,• was a key position that all Japanese tributary ships and pirate ships were bound to pass by. At the time of the tributary clashes, the Dinghai county magistrate, Zheng Yuqing,• alias Ye Shan, • wrote:

"Both officers and soldiers fought bravely to defend their city. Unfortunately, we suffered tragic losses. It would be great misfortune were we to take chances again. We cannot be too careful to take measures to prevent this from happening next time. At the time there was a scholar called Bi Jun who was much learned and wise. He said:

"- To be filial to one's parents and loyal to the emperor, one should be concerned for one's own country. Though no great disaster is befalling, we should be aware of it and prepared against it."

He has therefore written Riben Kaolue to inform people of the danger looming across the borders and the need to defend their country."

And Bi Jun himself states the purpose for writing this book:

"Japan is a foreign country, in the East, across the sea. We can ignore their ways and customs, be they good or bad. But we must be careful about their evil intentions and tricks. If we do not understand their language, how can we know what they are up to? We must not be kept in the dark and taken off our guard when they come to attack us along our coast. We suffered terrible losses when they came on us during Jiajing's reign. […] Dinghai magistrate Zheng Yeshan, witnessing the catastrophe brought upon our people, bitterly pointed out that we suffered tragically in the past because we were unprepared. So we must be on the alert against their malicious attempt in the future. I have studied the Japanese and their language for some years and have written this book Riben Kaolue• (A Brief Study of Japan), with the intention to share this knowledge with frontier or coastal commanders and men who are defending our country."57

This is the first edition of Riben Kaolue, as well as the original edition of 1523 (Jiajing reign, year 2, Guiwei•).

Both Bi Jun, who wrote Riben Kaolue, and Zheng Yuqing, who published it, had very clear practical purposes: to be loyal to the emperor and dedicated to the people, to have an understanding of foreign countries, to keep frontier and coastal alert against foreign attacks and to be prepared against hard times. In His epilogue to Riben Jiyu, Bi Jun reiterated this idea:

"Gentlemen scholars always speak our ancestors' language and disregard dialects or foreign languages. However, the words tell you the heart, and from the words spoken you can tell whether the heart is true or false. So I have transcribed their words as if you could hear the words, or the words could be widely heard by commanders and soldiers guarding our borders, thus helping them to be better prepared for their duties."58

In the late years of Jiajing's reign, the Chinese coast was often ravaged by Japanese pirates. Officials and scholars found that they had to learn more about Japan in order to guard against the Japanese trouble-makers. So there were a lot of studies and discussions about Japan and national defence, leaving the Empire with such works as Zheng Ruoceng's• Riben Tu'an• (Japan's Patterns) and Chouhai Tubian• (Sea Atlas), and Zheng Shungong's• Riben Yijian• (A Survey of Japan) - during the Jiajing's reign - Li Yangong• and Hao jie's• Riben Kao• (A Study of Japan), Hou Jigao's• Riben Fengtu ji• (The Life and Views of Japan), and Song Yingchang's• Jinglue Fuguo Yaopian• (Key to National Defence) -during Wanli's reign - Mao Yuanyi's• Wu Bei Zhi• (Military Preparedness) -during Tianqi's reign - and Daofu Xianlu• (Guide for You) which is actually the same work as Bi Jun's Riben Kaolue.

During Qianlong's reign, Yin Guangren described Macao as:

"[…] a lonely outpost on the sea, in direct contact with the outside world. All foreign merchant ships heading for Guangdong must come via Macao. Moreover, there are foreigners taking residence there. How can we relax our vigilance against foreign assaults!"

And Zhang Rulin warned:

"Macao is a port vulnerable to foreign attacks and therefore we must be on full alert."59

Hence, the two joined hands and wrote Aomen Jilue, in the same practical and purposeful vein as Riben Kaolue.

The Japanese Vocabulary, Riben Jiyu, prepared by Bi Jun, begins with this sentence:

"'Ji' means 'yi' ('translation'), 'yi' being used in the Northwest, and 'ji' in the Southeast."60

In Liji Wangzhi• (Imperial Rules):

"Peoples from all directions speak different tongues and have different tastes. Therefore we need translation to communicate with one another. This is called 'ji' ('to convey') in the East, 'xiang'• in the South, 'dishi'• in theWest and 'yi' ('to translate') in the North."

Basing his work on this theoretical underpinning, Bi Jun compiled this Japanese Vocabulary and called it Jiyu• (Compiled [Japanese] Words).

The Portuguese Vocabulary jointly compiled by Yin Guangren and Zhang Rulin is entitled Ao Yi, which opens like this:

"'Zhuan' [sic] stresses 'Zhong Jiuyi' ('translation'). 'Zhong Jiu' means 'languages'. They call it 'yi' ('translation') in the Southeast."

The Hanshu Zhang Qian• (Zhang Qian Treatise of the Han Dynasty) says:

"Dayuan,• Daxia• and Anxi• are all big countries, famous for their rare treasures, and with a life-style and customs like ours. [...] They give importance to the translation of languages, thus benefiting all four seas and giving blessing to all."

Zhang Heng• of the Han dynasty, in his Wen Xuan Dongjing Fu • (Selected Works by Dongjing Fu), says:

"Pay attention to the translation of different tongues, and you will take the lead and become the kings."

And in his Zhu, • (Notes) he says:

"It was in China that translation efforts originated, in order to understand the foreigners and their languages."

What we have quoted from the above sources can serve as significative reference for the importance given to the translation of languages and for the title Ao Yi given to the Portuguese Vocabulary, a list of words used by the Portuguese people in Macao.

Indeed, the Japanese words listed in Riben Jiyu and the Portuguese words in Ao Yi are completely foreign to the Chinese. The Japanese language, though having borrowed some Chinese characters as means of expressions, differs from the Chinese language phonetically and acoustically. And the differences between Chinese and Portuguese are even greater: the latter, being a phonetically spelling language, is distinct from the former ideographically as well as phonetically. Then, what phonetic transcriptions should be used to mark the pronunciations of these Japanese and Portuguese words so that the Chinese without any knowledge of these two languages could pronounce these foreign words? This was the problem that the compilers of Riben Jiyu and Ao Yi had to solve first.

Traditionally, there were two methods: jiajie• (to adapt) fanqie• (to associate). Towards the end of the Ming dynasty, the Jesuit Matteo Ricci developed a new system of phonetic transcription, using a set of Romanized phonetic symbols for Chinese characters. Nicolas Trigault made further improvements to this system in his Xiru Ermu Zi• (Manual of Western and Chinese Knowledge).

Fanqie is the scheme of pairing up two characters to form the sound of a third character, the first serving as the consonant and the second giving the vowel and tone. In fact this was the main method used from the late Eastern Han• dynasty until 1918, when the 'Phonetic Alphabet' was released officially. However, fanqie was not applicable to foreign words because Chinese characters are monosyllabic, whereas the foreign equivalents are mostly bi- or multi-syllabic. One could imagine that any attempts at applying fanqie in this case would result in confusion of pronunciation and tone.

The system of Romanized phonetic symbols was a modernized version of phonetic transcriptions introduced from the West and also the forerunner of popular Chinese phonetic transcriptions since 1918. Though the most advanced scheme during the Ming and Qing dynasties, it had not yet come into shape in the early years of Jiajing's reign, when Bi Jun was writing. Even in the early years of Qianlong's reign, when Yin Guangren and Zhang Rulin were active, the new transcription system, known only to a few European missionaries, was still something strange, something Chinese scholar officials did not yet feel comfortable with, not to mention the Chinese common folks.

Jiajie, however, turned out to be the most adept in accomplishing this feat for both Riben Jiyu and Ao Yi, though it was the most primitive of all transcription systems of the Chinese language. Jiajie works simply: using a homophone or a homonym for a spoken word that does not exist in written form. Xu Shen's• interpretation of 'yi' and 'ji' in his Shuowen Jiezi• (Talking about Language and Analyzing Characters) may help to explicit this method:

"'Yi' means 'the translation of foreigners' languages'; […] 'ji' is 'to record foreign languages'. […] 'Jiajie' is 'the recording of foreign words spoken and heard by using seemingly homophonic Chinese characters'."

Duan Yucai, in his Zhu (Notes) wrote:

"Recording is 'ji' ('posting'). If the foreign word sounds homophonous to the initial component of a Chinese character, then it is 'posted' there […]. Non-existing characters are represented by their homonic counterparts. […] 'Jiajie' makes the foreign word sound and look like the Chinese character(s) representing it."

Now, let's explore further by studying the Riben Jiyu and the Ao Yi. Since both Japanese and Portuguese are foreign languages, there had been, of course, no written record of the two languages in Chinese before suitable transcription methods were created. Now, by means of borrowing Chinese characters synonymous to the foreign words to record their lexical meaning and then using Chinese characters homophonous to them to mark their pronunciations, these authors produced a new written form of Portuguese and Japanese vocabularies comprehensible to those who understood Chinese but not Japanese or Portuguese.

Wang Xiangrong• criticizes Riben Kaolue as being too simple and crude and therefore does not consider it a good work on Japanese studies. However, it excels in featuring a jiyu• (compilation/vocabulary) column in all its seventeen categories. This treatment was unprecedented, and it set a model for subsequent researches. Indeed, following this, almost all writings on Japanese studies by Ming dynasty authors included jiyu columns. For instance, Li Yangong and Haojie's Riben Kao and Hou Jigao's Riben Fengtuji each include a Vocabulary of one thousand one hundred and eighty six words, and Zheng Shungong's Riben Yijian features a Vocabulary of as many as three thousand four hundred and one words, all adopting the model of Riben Kaolue. 61

Yin Guangren and Zhang Rulin were Qing dynasty, writers. Obviously influenced by the design of Riben Kaolue, they had their Aomen Jilue supplemented by Ao Yi. The introductory paragraph of Ao Yi quoted previously indicates that it follows the format of Riben Jiyu with a few adaptations applicable to Macao's situations.

The Riben Jiyu is arranged into fifteen categories, recording a total of three hundred and fifty seven to three hundred and fifty nine Japanese words (varying with editions). Take the Shuo Guo• edition, for example: there are eleven words under the category of Tianwen• (Astronomy), seventeen words in Shiling• (Seasons), nine in Dili• (Geography), six in Fangxiang• (Directions), eight in Zhenbao• (Treasures), sixty four under Renwu• (Who's Who), ninety two in Renshi• (Humans), fourteen in Shenti• (The Human Body), forty five in Qiyong• (Tools and Wares), ten in Yiƒu• (Clothing), twenty in Yinshi• (Foods and Drinks), nine in Huamu• (Flowers and Trees), eleven in Niaoshou• (Birds and Animals), sixteen in Qishu• (Numbers), and twenty seven in Tongyong• (Generics), totalling three hundred and fifty nine.

The Ao Yi is divided into five groups, including a total of three hundred and ninety five Portuguese words. The first Ao Yi group is entitled Heaven and Earth, contains eighty three words, and corresponds to the Riben Jiyu group also entitled Heaven and Earth**. The same words (totalling twenty four) that appear in both the Ao Yi and the Riben Jiyu are:

1	2	3	4	5
消吾	siu-ung	Sky	天	tian
梭爐	só-lou	Sun	日	ri
龍呀	lông-á	Moon	月	yue
意事爹 利喇	i-sité-lei-lá	Star	星	xing
挽度	uân-tou	Wind	風	feng
奴皮	nou'pei	Cloud	雲	yun
租華	tchou-uá	Rain	雨	yu
賒圓	sié-tou	Early	早	zao
妙的呀	miu ti-á	Midday	午	wu
亞內的	a-nói-ti	Night	夜	ye
非了	fei-liu	Cold	冷	Leng
爹時離	ié-si-lei	East	東	Dong
蘇盧	sou-lou	South	南	Nan
賀核時	hó-uât-si	West	西	Xi
諾的	nók-ti	North	北	Bei
依時里 亞	i-si lei-lá    [sic]	Today	今日	jinri
爭	tchâng	Ground	地	di
孖度	má-tou	Mountain	山	shan
孖喇	má-lá	Sea	海	hai
畢打喇	pât-tá-lá	Stone	石	shi
了古	a-ku[sic]	Water	水	shui
喻千	lân-tch'in	Far	遠	yuan
比度	pit-tou	Near	近	jin
晏打	án-tá	Walk	行路	xinglu

Similar words that the Vocabularies share (totalling five) are:

1	2	3	4	5
堅的	kin-ti	Hot	熱	Re
庇記呢奴 租華	pei-kei-ni-nou   tchou-uá [sic]	Drizzle	細雨	xiyu
租華架蘭 地	tchou-uá ká-lán- tei	Heavy rain	大雨	dayu
亞喇的亞	a-la-ti-á	Village	村鄉	cunxiang
		warm	煖	nuan

The second Ao Yi group is entitled Men and Things, contains one hundred and sixty one words and corresponds to the Riben Jiyu groups entitled Treasures, Who's Who, The Human Body, Flowers and Trees and Birds and Animals. The same words that appear in both Ao Yi and the Riben Jiyu (totalling thirty six) are:

1	2	3	4	5
燕罷喇多盧	in-pá-lá-tó-tou	Emperor	皇帝	huangdi
爸	pá	Father	父	fu
媽	má	Mother	母	mu
非盧	fei-lou	Son	子	zi
非喇	fai-lá	Daughter	女	nü
列度	lit-tou	grandson	孫	sun
意利猛架蘭的	i-lei-máng ká-lán-tei	Elder brother	兄	xiong
意利猛庇記呢奴	i-lei-máng pi-kei-ni-  nou	Younger brother	弟	di
萬那	mán-ná	Elder sister	姊	zi
意利孟	i-lei-máng	Sister	妹	mei
冠也打	kun-iá-tá	Sister in law	嫂	sao
肥的梨	fei-ti-lei	Priest	和尚	heshang
喇打令	lá-tá-láng	Thief	賊	zei
波比梨	pó-pei-lei	Poor	貧	pin
架比沙	ká-pei-sá	Head	頭	tou
架威盧	ká-uâi-lou	Hair	髮	fa
阿盧	o-lou	Eye	眼	yan
甚未賒喇	sâm-mei-sé-lá[sic]	Eyebrow	眉	mei
那哩時	ná-lei-si	Nose	鼻	bi
波家	p'ó-ká	Mouth	口	kou
巴喇罷	pá-lá-pá	Beard	鬚	xu
芋非度	u-fei-tou	Ear	耳	er
孟	máng	Hand	手	shou
個囉生	kó-ló-sâng	Heart	心	xin
馬哩家	má-lei-ká	Belly	肚	du
爹肚	tchi	Finger	指	zhi
瓦假	ngá-ká	Cow	牛	niu
甲必列度	káp-pit-lit-tou	Goat	羊	yang
革佐路	kák-tchó-lou	Dog	狗	gou
波路古	p'ó-lou-ku	Pig	豬	zhu
八打	pát-tá	Goose	鵝	e
架漣呀	ká-lin-á	Hen	鷄	ji
卑時	pei-si	Fish	魚	yu
每刷打	mou-só-tá	Mustard	芥	jie
阿盧	ó-lou	Gold	金	jin
也打	iá-tá	Aloes	沈香	shenxiang

Similar words that the Vocabularies share (totalling nineteen) are:

蠻的哩	man-li-tei	Mandarin	老爺	laoye
擺亞波	pá-á-pó	Husband's father	亞公	yagong
自茶	tchi-tch'á	Husband's mother	亞婆	yapo
挑	tiu	Uncle	叔伯	shubo
共辦惹盧	kun-pán-ié-lou	Mistress	妻	qi
疏古盧	só-ku-lu	Father in law	外父	waifu
疏古喇	só-ku-lá	Mother in law	外母	waimu
可微	o-mei	Man	男人	nanren
務惹盧	mou-ié-lou	Woman	女人	nüren
利古	lei-ku	Rich	富貴	fugui
因的威盧	iân-ti uâi-lou [sic]	Old people	老人	laoren
萬賒補	mán-sié-pou	Young man	後生人	houshengren
拉巴氏	lá-pá-si [sic]	Child	孩子	haizi
麽嗉	mó-sou	Male servant	奴	nu
顛的	tin-ti	Tooth	牙	ya
比	pei	Foot	腳	jiao
備邊度	pei-pin-tou	Cucumber	黄瓜	huanggua
呀喇	ngá-lá	Eggplant	荔	li
亞佐肥離	a-tchó-fei-lei	Pearl	珍珠	zhenzhu

The third Ao Yi group is entitled Clothing and Food, contains fifty two words and corresponds to the Riben Jiyu groups entitled Clothing, and Food and Drinks. The same words that appear in both Ao Yi and the Riben Jiyu (totalling twelve) are:

1	2	3	4	5
砵的	pui-ti	Boot	靴	xue
八度	pát-tou	Shoe	鞋	xie
哥而揸	ká-iá	Quilt	被
以士爹拉	i-si-té-lá	Mat	蓆	xi
租馬拉	tchou-má-sá	Pillow	枕	zhen
比卑	pei-pei	Drink	飲	yin
亞羅時	a-ló-si	Rice	米	mi
沙盧	sá-lou	Salt★	鹽	yan
阿熱地	a-üt-tei	Oil	油	you
未疏	mei-só	Sauce	醬	jiang
尾虐	mei-iôk	Wine	酒	jiu
比列度	pei-lit-tou	Vegetables,food	菜	cai

Similar words that the Vocabularies share (totalling seven) are:

1	2	3	4	5
扎包	tchâp-pau	Hat	帽	mao
架歪若	kái-uái-iéok	Gown	衣裳	yishang
故未	ku-mei	Eat	食	shi
亞路無沙	a-lou-mou-sá	Break-fast	早飯	zaofan
數	sou	Dinner	午飯	wufan
渣些故	tchá sié-ku	Tea leaves	茶葉	chaye
地里占	tei-lei-ku	Corn	麥	mai

The fourth Ao Yi group is entitled Implements and Numbers, contains forty eight words and corresponds to the Riben Jiyu groups entitled Tools and Wares, and Numerals. The same words that appear in both Ao Yi and the Riben Jiyu (totalling seventeen) are:

1	2	3	4	5
務賒打	mou-siè-tá	Box	盒	he
變些立	pin-siè-láp [sic]	Pencil	筆	bi
罷悲立	pa-pei-láp [sic]	Paper	紙	zhi
顛打	tin-tá	Ink	墨	mo
布素蘭奴	pou-sou-lán-ná [sic]	Bowl	宛	wan
崧悲利路	sông-pei-lei-lou	Umbrella	傘	san
英巴家生	ieng-pá-ká-sâng	Boat	船	chuan
吾牙	ung-á [sic]	One	一	yi
羅蘇	ló-sou	Two	二	er
地利時	te-lei-si	Three	三	san
瓜度	kuá-tou	Four	四	si
星姑	seng-ku	Five	五	wu
些時	sié-si	Six	六	liu
膝地	sât-tei	Seven	七	qi
哀度	oi-tou	Eight	八	ba
那皮	nó-pei	Nine	九	jiu
利時	lei-si	Ten	十	shi

Similar words that the Vocabularies share (totalling six) are:

The fifth Ao Yi group is entitled Commonly used words, contains fifty one words and corresponds to the Riben Jiyu groups entitled Human Body, and People's Activities. The same words that appear in both Ao Yi and the Riben Jiyu (totalling eleven) are:

1	2	3	4	5
歪	uâi	Go	去	qu
公巴喇	kông-pá-lá	Buy	買	mai
灣爹	uán-té	Sell	賣	mai
散打	sán-tá	Sit	坐	zou
丁	teng	Have	有	you
農丁	nông-teng	Not have	無	wu
做利	tchou-lá	Weep	哭	ku
罷些也	pá-sié-iá        [sic]	Play,relax	耍	shua
燕線那英 地	in-tch'in-ni     iân-tei	Teach	教	jiao
麽利	mó-lei	Die,dead	死	si
孖古度	ma-ku-tou	Thin	瘦	shou

Similar words that the Vocabularies share (totalling nine) are:

1	2	3	4	5
窩些	uó-sié[sic]	You	爾	er
耍永	sá-ueng[sic]	Come	來	lai
宴悲	in-pei	Standing	企	qi
西的亞里	sâi-ti-a-ti	Get out of the way	走開	zoukai
歪加胙	uâi ká-chá	Go home	回家	huijia
干打喇度	kôn-tá lá-tou	Trade	貿易	maoyi
共仙時	kông-sá-tou	Honest	忠厚	zhonghou
亞哥立這 加	a-kó-lá tché-    cá	Now arrives	就到	jiudao
貓	máu	Ugly	醜	chou

To sum up, we find that out of the three hundred and ninety five Portuguese words in Ao Yi, one hundred and one are the same as, and fifty one are similar to, those of the Japanese words in Riben Jiyu, accounting for 3.8.5% of the Portuguese total and 42.3% of the Japanese total.

Besides, each Vocabulary distinguishes itself by its own characteristics. For instance, in Ao Yi there is only one Portuguese word for 'knife' ('faca'), but there are five Japanese words for it: xiaodao• ('small knife'), zhongdao• ('medium-sized knife'), dadao• ('big knife'), daobing• ('knife-handle') and modaoshi• ('knife-whetstone'), showing how closely related the 'knife' is to the Japanese in their lives. The word 'monk' is another example. The Portuguese word is 'padre', transcribed in Chinese characters 和尙 which are homophonous to 'padre' ('priest' or 'father'). However, when this word is transcribed into Japanese, the word becomes 'Buddhist monk' in meaning, showing a religious difference between Japan and Portugal. Also in Ao Yi, there are place names like Guanzha• (Port.: Portas do Cerco; or, Border Gate), Qianshanzhai• (Qianshan), Qingzhou•(Port.: Ilha Verde; or Green Island), Aomen•(Macao), Yishiting• (Port.: Leal Senado; or, Municipal Council), Daxiyang• (metropolitain Portugal), Xiaoxiyang• (Goa), etc., as well as official titles such as Bingtou• (Governor), Sitouren• (lit: Four Headed Man), Guanku• (Treasurer), etc., showing transcriptions inbued with Macao local colours and flavours.

The colloquialisms in Riben Jiyu had probably been brought in by Chinese merchants travelling between Kyushu•of Japan and Ningbo of Zhejiang, whose speech had been influenced by East Zhejiang dialect, while those colloquial words and phrases in Ao Yi had mostly come from Chinese interpreters and translators active in Sino-Portuguese trading venues in Qing dynasty Macao and Guangzhou or on some official occasions. Their so-called 'Guandongnese Portuguese', which was ungrammatical but full of homonyms, had been strongly influenced by the Guangdongnese dialect. For example, wai fu• (father-in-law), wai mu• (mother-in-law), ya• (teeth), jiao• (feet), chaye• (tea), shi fan• (eat), qi• (stand), and zou kai• (go out), etc., in Ao Yi, become zhang ren• (father-in-law), zhang mu• (mother-in-law), chi• (teeth), zu• (feet), cha• (tea), chi fan• (eat), li• (stand), and chu qu• (go out), respectively, embodying the differences between the Guandongnese dialect and the East Zhejiang dialect.

[EPILOGUE]

Since the gradual occupation of Macao by the Portuguese during 1553-1557, Macao has played an important role in East-West economic and cultural exchanges. In additon to serving as a close link between China and Portugal, Macao has also established various relationships with many other countries and regions, most importantly, with Japan. And the golden period for Macao-Japan relationship lasted for sixty odd years, from the late sixteenth century to the early seventeenth century.

Macao's relationship with Japan was on the decline during the Qing dynasty, which coincided approximately with the Seclusion period of Japan. I have taken advantage of the limited data available and made a preliminary study of the economic, trade, religious and cultural ties of this period between Macao and Japan. Having completed this first exploration, however, I find this a very rich and sophisticated subject of study, not as simple as I imagined it to be at the beginning of this research. Indeed, the Macao-Japan relationship is a significant subject of study in the history of Macao and more work should be done. I sincerely hope that my effort is just the beginning and many more contributions, far more valuable than mine, will be made by other colleagues and scholars in this area.

Translated from the Chinese by: leong Sao Leng, Sylvia 楊秀玲Yang Xiuling

NOTES

** Editor's note: the following listings are cross-referenced in the article (pp. 111-135) by C. R. Bawden's Vocabulary (pp. 117-132) in this same issue. English translations are given according to Bawden's terminology.

1. Transcribed Portuguese [Chinese characters].

2. Luís Gonzaga Gomes' correspondent Guangdongnese.

3. C. R. Bawden's correspondent English.

4. Chinese Heading [Chinese characters].

5. Correspondent pinyin.

1 YIN Guangren 印光任 - ZHANG Rulin 張汝霖， Jiaqing reign, year 5, Aomen Jilue 《澳門記略》 (Monograph of Macao), vol.1, p.33.

2 The "Chinese Repository", vol. 10, p.424 - The Macao sea route covers the waters around Macao, including the "Jitou" 雞頸, ("Chicken's neck").

3 LI Xianzhang 李獻章, ZHENG Pengnian 鄭彭年, trans., Mazu xinyang yanjiu <<媽祖信仰硏究>> (Studies on the Religious Faith of Goddess Ama), Macau, Museu Maritimo de Macau, 1995, p.250; BOXER, Charles Ralph, Fidalgos in the Far East. 1550-1770. Fact and fancy in he History of Macao, The Hague, Martinus Nijhoff, 1948, p. 115.

4 HUANG Zunxian 黄遵憲, Ribengua zhi <<日本國志>> (Japan), Guangxu reign, year 24, vol. 6, p.2.

5 LIANG Rongruo 梁容若, Zhong Ri wenhua jiaoliu shilun <<中日文化交流史論>> (The History of Sino-Japanese Cultural Exchanges), Shangwu yinshuguan 商務印書舘 (Commercial Press), 1985, pp. 265-268.

6 WU Han 吴, ed., Chaoxian Lichao shilu zhong de zhongguo shiliao 《朝鮮李朝實錄中的中國史料》 (Chinese Historical Documents in Korean Archives), Zhonghua shuju中華書局(Zhonghua Publishing House), 1980, part. 2, vol.2, p.3968 --"Jia Bi Dan" 甲必丹 is the for the Portuguese 'Capitão' ('Governor') of Macao; "Da Fan" 大樊 refers to Taiwan; and "Zheng Jinshe" 鄭錦舍 is Zhengjing.

7 Ming Qing shiliao 《明清史料》, Part II, (Historical Facts of Ming and Qing Dynasties), Zhonghua shuju 中華書局 (Zhonghua Publishing House), 1985, part. 2, vol. 7, pp. 1292-1295.

8 ZHANG Weiren 張偉仁, ed., Ming Qing dangan 《明清檔案》 (Archives of Ming & Qing Dynasties), Taibei, Lianjing chuban shiye gongsi 聨經出版事業公司 (Lianjing Publihing House), 1986, vol. 37, pp. 21099-21100.

9 QU Dajun 曲大均, ed., Wenshan shiwai 《翁山詩外》, (Beyond the Poems of Weng Shan), early Qing edition, vol.16, p.49.

10 Ibidem., vol. 9, p.46.

11 JIANG Risheng 江日昇, Taiwan waiji 《台灣外記》, Taiwan, Fujian renmin chubanshe 福建人民出版社(Fujian People's Press), 1983, vol. 1, p.3.

12 KIMIYA Taiko, HU Xinian 胡錫年, trans., Ri Zhong wenhua jiaoliu shi 《日中文化交流史》 (History of Sino-Japanese Cultural Exchanges), Shangwu yinshuguan 商務印書館(Commercial Press), 1980, p.650, 656-657.

13 Ibidem., pp. 672-675.

14 FU Yiling 傅衣凌, Qingdai qianqi dongnanyang tongshang, 《清代前期東南洋銅商》 (Copper Dealers from Southeast China During the Early Qing dynasty), in "Ming Qing shidai shangren ji shangye ziben"《明清時代商人及商業資本》 ("Merchants and Capital of Ming & Qing Dynasties"), Renmin chubanshe 人民出版社 (People's Press, Beijing),1956, pp. 180-181.

15 QU Dajun 曲大均, Guangdong xinyu 《廣東新語》, (New Words of Guangdong), Zhonghua shuju 中華書局(Zhonghua Publishing House), 1985, vol. 15, part. 2, "Huoyu - tong" "貨語•銅" ("Goods: Copper"), p.407.

16 LJUNGSTEDT, Andrew, An Historical Sketch of the Portuguese Settlements in China; and of the Roman Catholic Church and Mission in China, By Sir Andrew Ljugstedt, Knight of the Swedish Royal Order of Waza. A supplement chapter, Description of the City of Canton, republished from the Chinese Repository with the author's permission, Boston, James Monroe & Co., 1836, p.28; MEI Shimin 梅士敏, Aomen zhupaoye sanbai nian 《澳門鑄砲業三百年》, (Three Hundred Years of Weaponry Manufacturing in Macao), in "Aomen ribao" 《澳門日報》 ("Macao Daily News"), 22 Junho [June] 1993.

17 LIN Zexu 林則徐, Lin Zexu ji - zougao 《林則徐集•奏稿》 (Selected Works of Lin Zexu), Zhonghua shuju 中華書局(Zhonghua Publishing House),1985, p.838.

18 LIANG Tingnan 梁廷楠, Yue haiguan zhi 《粤海關誌》 (Guangdong Customs Register), Daoguang's reign, vol. 17, chap."Jinling""禁令" "("Prohibition Decree"), part. 1, pp. 13-14.

19 No. 1 "Zhongwen dangan" Yapian zhanzheng dangan shiliao "鴉片戰爭檔案史料" ("Archives of China"), Archives of the Opium War, vol. 7, Tianjin gu ji chubanshe 天津古籍出版社 (Tianjin Gu Ji Publishing House), 1992, p.219.

20 ANTT: Arquivo Nacional da torre do Tombo, Lisboa (National Archive of Torre do Tombo, Lisbon): Macau, Ms. 1156 - Extracted from microfiche.

21 Ibidem., Ms. 1456.

22 KIMIYA Taiko, op. cit., pp. 638, 682.

23 Qu Dajun 曲大均,1985, op. cit., vol. 16, part. 2,"Qiyu-dao" "器語•刀" ("Weaponry: Knives"), pp. 439-440.

24 CHEN Gongyin, 陳恭尹, Dusa tangji 《独灑堂集》, Zhongshan daxue chubanshe 中山大學出版社(Zhongshan University Press), 1989, p.77; LIANG Peilan 梁佩蘭, Riben daoge 《日本刀歌》, (The Songs of Japanese Swords), 1992, pp. 28-29 - According to the author the Japanese swords were brought to Guangzhou from Japan by "red-haired foreigners", i. e., Dutch merchants. This text is a reply from Liang Peilan to Chen Gongyin.

25 WANG Yongsou 汪慵叟 (alias WANG Zhaoyong 汪兆慵), Aomen zashi --yonggong yong《澳門雑詩寓公詠》 (Macao Poems), vol. 2 -- The poem describes how He Jiang 何絳, alias Bu Xie 不谐, was native from Shunde. He was fond of reading and read extensively. Bitterly saddened by the fall of the Ming dynasty he resigned from his post and travelled to Macao with Chen Gongyin to visit Ming refugees or their descendants living in exile. In his late years, he went into seclusion with his brother, Heng, Gongyin, Liang Lian and Tao Huang, in Beitian.

26 LIANG Tingnan 梁廷楠, op. cit., vol. 2, chap."Shuize""税則 "("Tax Regulations"), p.35.

27 TAO Liang 陶樑, Guochao jifu shichuan 《國朝幾輔詩傅》, Daoguang reign, year 19, vol. 13, p.24.

28 LUO Yuejiong 羅曰褧, Xianbin lu 《咸賓錄》, Zhonghua shuju 中華書局 (Zhonghua Publishing House), 1983, vol. 2, chap."Riben" "日本" ("Japan"), p.57.

29 LJUNGSTEDT, Andrew, op. cit., p. 120; TEIXEIRA, Manuel, Aomen de ribenren 《澳門的日本人》 (The Japanese in Macao), in "Wenhua zazhi" 《文华雑誌》("Review of Culture) [Chinese edition], Cultural Institute of Macao, ser. 2 (15/16) September 1991-Marchh 1992, pp. 90-91.

30 LJUNGSTEDT, Andrew, op. cit., p.120.See: HUANG Zunxian 黄遵憲, op. cit., vol. 7, book. 2, chap. "Linjiao zhi" 《鄰交誌》 ("Neighbouring Countries"), p.4 -- The narrative describes how in 1640 [Kimiyako rule, year 17] a ship from Macao was destroyed, its goods burned and its people killed. Some time later, another Portuguese ship came from Macao and requested permission to trade with Japan. The Shogunate sent them the following warning: "You have again violated our prohibition act. This is a serious insult to our country.' More than sixty of the people on board were arrested and sentenced to death, and the remainder sent back to Macao on board a Chinese ship.

31 LJUNGSTEDT, Andrew, op. cit., pp. 120-121; TEIXEIRA, Manuel, op. cit., p.91.

32 BNL: Biblioteca Nacional de Lisboa, Lisboa (Lisbon National Library, Lisbon): Macau, Arquivos Chineses da dinastia Qing (Qing Dynasty Chinese Archives, Lisbon National Archives, series. 373 -- Official permission given to the Xiangshan administration to escort Japanese refugees to Guangdong and provide them with a ship to return home [trans.].See: Shu Xiangshan xiancheng li wei husong ribenguo nanyi shangsheng geichuan huiguo xing lishiguan pai 《署香山縣丞黎為護送日本國難夷上省給船回國事行理事官牌》 (Qing dynasty Diplomatic Archives), Jiaqing reign, 1932, book. 4, p.15.

33 BNL: Biblioteca Nacional de Lisboa, Lisboa (Lisbon National Library, Lisbon): Macau, Arquivos Chineses da dinastia Qing (Qing Dynasty Chinese Archives, Lisbon National Archives, Ms. 260 --Xiangshan county magistrate Yao Maode reports on the arrival in Macao of Japanese refugees [trans.], Ms. 644 -Xiangshan county magistrate Yao Maode requests for permission to send Japanese refugees back to Japan [trans.]

34 Qingdai waijiao shiliao-Jiaqing chao 《清代外交史料•嘉慶朝》 (Qing dynasty Foreign Relations Archives), Jiaqing reign, Beijing, Gugong buwuguan 故宫博物館(Palace Museum), book. 4, p.15. On page 41, there was this story: in Jiaqing reign, year 20 - The report describes how the vessel carrying forty seven Japanese refugees being hit by a tempest and shipwrecked on the Guangdong coast, the Governor of Macao acted accordingly.

35 TEIXEIRA, Manuel, op. cit., pp. 91-92.

36 Ibidem., p.79.

37 LJUNGSTEDT, Andrew, op. cit., p. 117-The author mentions the year of "1637". It should be 1627; BOXER, Charles Ralph, op. cit., p.115.

38 HAO Jiangke 濠江客, Ribenren yu Dasanba 《日本人與大三巴》 (The Japanese and the St. Paul's Church), "Aomen ribao" 《澳門日報》("Macao Daily News"), "Aomen tushuo" 澳門圖説(Macao Illustrated), [Date not supplied by author].

See: JESUS, Carlos Augusto Montalto de, Historic Macau, Hong Kong, Oxford University Press, 1984, p.202.

39 TEIXEIRA, Manuel, op. cit., pp. 79, 83-84.

40 PU Lianyi 浦廉一, Huayi biantaijieti-Tang chuan feng shuo shu de yanjiu 《華夷變態解題--唐船風説書的研究》 (Chinese Characteristics versus Japanese Characteristics), in LIN Chunsheng 林春勝 - LIN Xindu 林信篤,eds., "Huayi biantai"《華夷變態》("Studies on Chinese Ships"), 2 vols., Tokyo, 1982, vol. 1, pp. 25-26 [in Japanese].

41 LIN Chunsheng 林春勝 - LIN Xindu 林信篤, eds., "Huayi biantai"《華夷變態》("Studies on Chinese Ships"), 2 vols., Tokyo, 1982, vol.2, pp. 2586-2589.

42 KIMIYA, Taiko, op. cit., p.660.

43 TEIXEIRA, Manuel, op. cit., pp. 82-83.

44 Ibidem., p.83; LJUNGSTEDT, Andrew, op. cit., pp. 40,102;

45 YIN Guangren 印光任 - ZHANG Rulin 张汝霖, op. cit., part. 2, p.53.

46 KIMIYA, Taiko, op. cit., p.658.

47 HUANG Zunxian 黄遵憲, op. cit., vol. 7, book. 2, chap." Linjiao zhi" 《鄰交誌》 ("Neighbouring Countries"), p.5 -"Many heads were severed rolling in a bloody mess,/ While others were trampling under Jesus feet." There is a note to these words which reads: "[…] the Catholics rebelled […] and the Emperor declared a ban on Catholicism. To test the faith of their people the Japanese made crucifixes with figures of Jesus Christ and obliged those suspect of being Catholics to stamp on them." ZHONG Shuhe 鐘叔河ed., Zouxiang shijie congshu 《走向世界叢書》(Going Global Series), Yuelu chubanshe 岳麓出版社 (Yuelu Publishing House), 1985, p.680.

48 WANG Peng 汪鵬, Xiu hai bian 《袖海編》, in WANG Xiqi 王锡棋, ed., Xiaofanghu zhai yudi congchao 《小方壺齋輿地叢鈔》, Guangxu reign, year 17, p.271.

49 Qingdai waijiao shiliao - Jiaqing chao 《清代外交史料•嘉慶朝》 (Qing dynasty Foreign Relations Archives), op. cit., book. 1, p.25.

50 Ibidem., book. 4, p.24.

51 MORSE, Hosea Balou, The Chronicles of the East India Company Trading to China, 1635-1834 Oxford, 1926, vol. 3, p.214 - The author says that Li Huaiyuan 李懐遠, alias Li Yao 李耀, is addressed by the Portuguese as 阿耀("Ayew").

52 Qingdai waijiao shiliao - Jiaqing chao 《清代外交史料•嘉慶朝》 (Qing dynasty Foreign Relations Archives), op. cit., book. 4, pp. 34-35.

53 ZHANG Weiqin 章文欽, Aomen yu zhonghua lishi wenhua 《澳門與中華歴史文化》 (Macao and the History of Chinese Culture), Macau, Fundação Macau, 1995, p. 159.

54 YIN Guangren 印光任 - ZHANG Rulin 張汝霖, op. cit., part. 2, pp. 53-54.

55 QIAN Yi 錢繹, Fangyan jianshu 《方言箋疏》 (Selected Works: On Dialects), Zhonghua shuju 中華書局(Zhonghua Publishing House), 1991, p.523.

56 WANG Xiangrong 汪向榮, Zhongguo diyi bu yanjiu Riben de zhuanzhu - Riben Kaolue 《中國第一部研究日本的専著--<日本考略>》 (The First Chinese Monograph on Japan: "A Study of Japan"), in "Zhong Ri guanxishi wenxian lunkao"《中日關係史文獻論考》("Documents on Sino-Japanese Relationships"), Yuelu chubanshe 岳麓出版社 (Yuelu Publishing House), 1985, pp. 218-238.

57 ZHENG Yuqing 鄭餘慶, "Yin" "引 " (Introduction), in Riben kaolue 《日本考略》("A Study of Japan"), Zhonghua shuju 中華書局 (Zhonghua Press),1985, series. 3278, p.1;. BI Jun, 薛俊, "Xu" 序 (Preface), in "Riben kaolue" 《日本考略》 ("A Study of Japan"), Zhonghua shuju 中華書局 (Zhonghua Press), 1985, series. 3278, p.3.

58 TAO Ting 陶珽, Shuo guo sanzhong 《說郭三種》 (Three Stories on Guo), Shanghai, Shanghai guji chubanshe 上海古籍出版社(Gu Ji Publishing House), 1988, book. 9, p.528.

59 YIN Guangren 印光任 - ZHANG Rulin 《張汝霖》 op. cit., p.1 - "Houxu" "後序" ("Epilogue"), p.5 -"Liezhuan" 《列傳》("Biographies").

60 TAO Ting 陶珽, op. cit., book. 9, p.525, note. 58 - The "Epilogue" to Three Stories on Guo consists of fifteeen lue out of an original total of seventeen.

61 WANG Xiangrong 汪向榮, op. cit., pp. 232,260.

* BA in History from the University of Zhongshan, where he presently is an Associate Professor. Member of the Association of Chinese History of the Pacific Area, and of the Association of History of Guangdong. Author of Notes and Commentaries on Poems about Macao and Documentation on the History and Culture of Macao. Editor of the following publications in Chinese: William C. Hunter, The Fan Kwae at Canton: 1825-1844, Taipei, Ch'eng wen, 1965; and Bits of Old China, Taipei, Ch'eng wen, 1965; Anders Ljungstedt, An Historical Sketch of the Portuguese Settlements in China and of the Roman Catholic Church and Mission in China & Description of the City of Canton, Boston, James Monroe & Co., 1836 [1st edition]; and Hosea Ballou Morse, The Chronicles of the East India Company trading to China: 1635-1834, Taipei, Ch'eng wen, 1966.