Intervention

THE RECEPTION OF EUROPEAN MUSIC IN ASIA: THE CASE OF MANDÓ IN GOA

Susana Sardo*

The maritime voyages which the Portuguese began in the fifteenth century carried out and historically referred to as 'Discoveries', are a landmark in the contact between the Orient and the West. With these voyages, a new idea emerged and was enhanced by territorial expansion, namely that the establishment of Western cultural values supposedly provided a guarantee for the consolidation of the Portuguese empire. In Goa, the task of changing local ways of life was mainly the responsibility of the Portuguese missionary fathers in the Orient, who were dedicated to converting local people to Christianity, which to them represented Western ethical values.

This article aims at demonstrating how Western music was introduced to Goa through religious orders and its impact on Goan music. The mandó, a genre of vocal music, will be used as an illustrative example of this process.

Goa is administratively divided into eleven districts. An historical distinction is also made between areas referred to as the 'new' and 'old' conquests. This historical division represents the difference in the length of Portuguese political dominion in different Goan territories, and reflects Portuguese colonial policy in India, which aimed more at spreading Catholic faith than at territorial expansion. Thus, between 1510 and 1549, the four districts of Tiswaddi, Salcete, Bardez and Mormugão, were transferred to Portuguese political administration. The other seven districts (Perném, Bicholim, Satari, Pondá, Sanguém, Quepém and Canácona), only acquired this status in 1788, more than two centuries later! 1

As a result of the temporal gap between the areas of the 'old' and 'new" conquests, Catholicism and Portuguese culture were strongly implanted in he territories belonging to the 'old' conquests, which resulted in substantial social differences between the two territories.

The religious Orders established in the areas of the 'old' conquests embarked on the conversion of gentiles to Catholicism as well as on a large scale educational program. 2 All boys were required to attend parochial schools founded in 1545. 3 Music played a crucial role both in the religious conversion as in education. It helped overcome the language barrier and facilitated the memorization of the doctrine. At the same time, music marked all important social and religious events. In the solemn baptisms of the converts, it was used as a spectacular means for emphasizing the significance of this event. 4

Following the political dominion of the 'old' conquests, a large number of Goans adopted Catholicism. Nevertheless, despite the efforts of the religious Orders and the Portuguese colonial government in introducing Western social values, the caste system prevailed throughout the Catholic community, and with it various kinds of Hindu social practices which resisted change. 5 As a result, both the Portuguese colonial government and the Christian church forbade all non-Christians rituals. Teaching music and dance to women, considered shameful, were strictly punished. Only Goans who remained Hindu were allowed to carry out their ceremonies and feasts, these were limited to the territories which were not annexed (the future 'new' conquests). 6

It was precisely in the three districts of the 'old' conquests that a culturally refined Chistian élite emerged, consisting of both Brahmans and 'descendentes' (descendents of the Portuguese). By the end of the eighteenth century, this Christian élite played a crucial role in Goan political, social and cultural life.

The rise of batecares (landowners) to political power led to the development of family units that functioned as social models and played an active role in Goan cultural life. Through their initiative, a large movement of literary production in Portuguese developed. With the approach of the nineteenth century, literary journals, cultural associations, and inter-family social activities gradually increased7 The Brahman Christian families, who mostly came from the district of Salcete, have continued to play a crucial role in Goan and Indian life up to the present. 8

Dancing the mandó. Watercolour on paper. 1956 A Goan naїve interpretation of a local socialite event.

It was within this context that the mandó emerged in the end of the nineteenth century. If fact, it is in Salcete that we find the greatest involvement in the mandó composition and performance. Mandó is a vocal genre which includes dance in some contexts. The musical structure of mandó reflects the adoption of the Western musical system by Christian Goans.

Mandó can be sung in two or three voices. The main melody is always doubled a third of a sixth above or below. However, experienced performers often add ornaments. All mandó I have analysed are in equal beat rhythms, either 3/4 or 6/8. In terms of formal organization, mandó is an 'ABA' form. Section 'A', repeated twice, is usually in a minor key, while section 'B', which singers refer to as refrão (refrain), modulates to the relative major.

Mandó is usually performed in a slow tempo. Its practitioners often describe it as melancholic, a characteristic which they intentionally emphasize through vocal style and body movement.

The number of mandó performers is not fixed and its vocal performance depends on the ability of the singers. The groups I have observed consisted of men and women, and in some cases only women. I never observed a mandó performance exclusively by men.

Mandó is usually accompanied by the Western violin and the gumatt, a small clay drum. The violin duplicates the main melody and the gumatt maintains the main pulse with no ornamentation. Sometimes the violin and the gumatt are substituted by the guitar which adds simple functional harmonies to the main melody.

Mandó is composed and performed in Konaki, Goa's official language since 1986, in Goa, other parts of India, as well as in Goan immigrant communities in Portugal, the United Kindgom and Canada. Mandó can also be found in Daman where it is sung in Portuguese.

Many mandó allude to an event which they describe and which usually focuses on passion, unfulfilled or destroyed romantic love and treason. Some mandó are political, others describe some aspects of the natural environment such as the sun, sea, or the monsoon. The mandó are especially composed for a specific wedding. In these cases, they narrate the story of the courtship of the future couple, describing the qualities of both future bride and groom, and their families. It is only within this wedding context that the mandó is always dance. Since 1975, no new mandó have been composed for weddings.

Using performance context as the main criterion, I classify the Goan mandó into three categories: 'household', 'festival' and 'touristic' mandó. The 'household' mandó is performed by Christian élite extended families, reaching to twenty individuals in the main family aggregate. Mandó is performed at times in which the family socializes, considered indispensable for the maintenance of family cohesion. Other occasions for its performance include weddings, the departure of a family member, graduation, the ordination and first mass celebration of a priest family member. It is within the context of traditional families that the mandó is still being transmitted orally, usually by the oldest and most knowledgeable women in the family. In fact, the leadership of mandó performances is within the hands of women. On the other hand, mandó is primarily composed by the men who also join in the singing and perform the instrumental accompaniment. The performance of mandó in Konaki by Christian élite families who otherwise use Portuguese to communicate among themselves and reserve Konaki to communicate with servants, raises several questions which I am still investigating.

Household mandó have been documented since the late nineteenth century through written sources describing performance practice as well as musical transcriptions of extant and newly composed mandó. Up until the first quarter of this century, mandó represented the high point of marriage ceremonies. However, since the 1930s the number of newly composed mandó gradually decreased. At present, all mandó performed are older compositions. Only a few families from Salcete and Bardez maintain earlier practises.

In December 1961, Portuguese dominion of Goa ended and it was integrated within the Indian Union. Significant cultural and social transformations within Goa subsequently took place. In addition, substantial numbers of Goans, especially Christians, emigrated to Portugal and some of the former African colonies (especially to Mozambique), the United Kindgom and Canada. A cultural revival movement emerged within which mandó served the important function of reinforcing Goan cultural identity. For many Goans, the Western derived mandó sung in Konkani, clearly demarcated Goan from other Indian music. The 'festival' and 'touristic' mandó emerged as part of this process.

The First Festival of Mandó took place in 1965: "[...] with the aim of making a significant contribution to the cultural renaissance of Goa [...]", an event which since them has been repeated annually.9 The first mandó Festivals transferred the 'household' mandó to a stage setting, including a fixed program and a paying audience. The performers were mostly the same families that usually performed the mandó at home, and festival organizers designated it 'traditional' mandó. This was probably the first instance in which the term 'traditional' mandó was used. 10

The annual editions of the Festival gradually acquired more competitive characteristics. In addition, new mandó groups, organized according to the performers' age, were funded. There are children's', teenagers', and adult festival mandó groups. These were no longer single family members, but were mandó tradition carriers who were pulled together especially for performing in the festival. Furthermore, new mandó categories emerged such as the 'polyphonic', 'operetta', and 'original' mandó. The families that initially participated in mandó Festivals did not agree with these categories, considering the 'inauthentic', and gradually withdrew from Festival performances.

The 'polyphonic' mandó is performed by a mixed choral group with no instrumental accompaniment. It is contrapointal and is usually set in four parts. The mandó 'operetta' is acted out by two soloists who represent two lovers. The 'original' mandó are newly composed for the Festival. They preserve the basic music structure and performance practice of the household mandó. It is interesting to note that the best prize of the Festival goes to the 'original' mandó.

Young lady with traditional mandó attire.

Photograph taken in Goa, in 1988.

The mandó Festivals, which lasts for two or three days, are one of the most important cultural events in Goa. Each Festival day takes place in one of the district capitals of the 'old' conquests and is broadcast throughout Goa and "All India Radio". In addition, throughout the month following the Festival, winning mandó are broadcast several times daily. Despite that, the new 'original' mandó have not been adopted within the household repertoire.

Since the 1960s, the India Union encouraged tourism to Goa, a factor which has influenced Goan cultural and social life including music. New performance groups were formed in order to perform in tourist establishments such as hotels, boats, and other public settings. The mandó is also performed within these tourist contexts where it was modified in order to correspond to what mandó performers perceive as the tourists' expectations. Dance became an indispensable part of mandó performances which were generally shared, In addition, electronic equipment and instruments are used, including sound amplification, the electric guitar and organ. Often, for economic reasons, the 'tourist' mandó is dance to prerecorded mandó.

In conclusion, Goan society is undergoing substantial social and cultural changes, partially caused by its integration into the Indian political system as well as its openness to tourism and migration. Within this context, the mandó has become the most widely known genre of Goan music and has been used as an emblem of Goan identity. It is no longer exclusive to Goan Brahman Christians but is also performed by members of other social groups. As a result of these transformations, the mandó has gone through various changes within its new performance contexts. However, it is the non-traditional 'tourist' and 'festival' mandó which are mostly heard. At the same time, the 'household' mandó has maintained its traditional characteristics and continues to be sung by Brahman Christian families.

The situation I described raises several questions which I hope to address in future research. Most importantly, why has the 'household' mandó resisted change and continued to be viewed by all Goans as the Goan mandó despite the fact that it is exclusive to a restricted élite of Christian families? □

BIM, BIM PAUS POTA

    "Kosle zall-volvolle, Saiba
    Bogtai gagur mujea kallzak. 
    Bim, Bim paus poddta, 
    Ekloch jiv muzo millmilleta. 

    Bapreponnu kosolem Saiba, 
    Nixtur dis fapxitai. 

    Kedinch visronaka maka
    Gopantulea mujea mann'ka
    Hea tujea mogan re, anjea
    Kalliz mujea fotkoteta..."

(PORT.: CHOVE MIUDINHO

    "Tormentos indizíveis, Deus meu,
    Afligem o meu coração.
    Está a cair chuva miudinha.
    Oprime-me a solidão! 

    Que terrível orfandade, meu Deus,
    Tristeza mortal me despedaça a alma. 

    Nunca me esqueças,
    Tesouro da minha alma.
    Pelo teu amor, anjo meu,
    Suspira o meu coração."

Musical score of one of the most popular invocatory's mandó sung during the dolent monsoon season.

Registered in 1987 at the family of the Veiga Coutinho family, in Margão.

Translated by Fr. Lúcio da Veiga Coutinho.

or:

"DRIZZLING

    An unspeakable torment, my God,
    Afflicts my heart.
    It is drizzling.
    Loneliness oppresses me!

    What a terrible abandonment, my God,
    A mortal sorrow tears my soul apart.

    Don't ever forget me,
    Treasure of my soul.
    For your love, my angel,
    My heart sighs.")

[UNTITLED]

"1. Bailianu konn ailla polle (TWICE)

Matiar mallun mogrianche kolle (TWICE)

Sogli rati baimkolle (TWICE)

Kini, Kini, zata kanakolle (TWICE)

2. Farar far zatai ranantum (TWICE)

3. Kon re, mandian, uzo gatila dareko (TWICE)

Bai go, puta, bonvnaka ede ratiantum (TWICE)

4. Lo, lo, lo, lo,

Re babu fellum gela (TWICE)

Sonrachi bail derant ubi, kallo tutio, marlo fatir

Lo, lo, lo, lo,

Re babu fellum gela (TWICE)

5. Ia, ia, maya ia. (EIGHT TIMES)"

PORT.: [UNTITLED]

"1. Vê quem é que vem lá fora (TWICE)

Com a cabeça engrinaldada de flores, (TWICE)

Toda a noite, à beira do poço, (TWICE)

Soam aos ouvidos estranhos guizos. (TWICE)

2. Na selva se ouvem tiros. (TWICE)

3. Alguém deitou fogo à pólvora. (TWICE)

Ó filha, não andes fora de noite. (TWICE)

4. Olha,

O menino foi brincar. (TWICE)

A mulher do ferreiro, à porta, deu com o martelo nas costas,

Olha,

O menino foi brincar. (TWICE)"

5. Ia, Ia, maya, ia. (EIGHT TIMES)"

Musical score combining five dulpodam (musical phrases sometimes only constituted by oral utterances).

Several dulpodam are arbitrarily combined (and sometimes just associated upon improvisation) according to basic principles such as compatibility of tonality, metrics and rhythmic sequence. Dulpodam are usually associated in two musical phrases together with two or four short verses in the structure of a dulpod. The dulpod is a coreographed variant of a 'wedding' mandó, usually danced after a mandó. Registered in 1987 at the family of the Veiga Coutinho family, in Margão.

Translated by Fr. Lúcio da Veiga Coutinho.

or:

[UNTITLED]

"1. Look outside and see who is coming (TWICE)

Their head garlanded with flowers, (TWICE)

All night, at the edge of the well, (TWICE)

Strange rattling noises are heard. (TWICE)

2. Shots are heard in the woods. (TWICE)

3. Someone set fire to the gunpowder. (TWICE)

Girl, don't go out at night. (TWICE)

4. Look,

The little boy has gone to play. (TWICE)

The blacksmith's wife, at the door, hit herself on the back with a hammer.

Look, The little boy has gone to play." (TWICE)

5. Ia, Ia, maya, ia. (EIGHT TIMES)")

NOTES

1 THOMAZ, Luís Filipe, Goa: Une Société Luso-Indienne, in "Bulletin des Études Portuguaises et Brésiliennes", Paris, (42-43) 1983, pp. 15-44; LOBATO, Alexandre, Fundamentos da Presença de Portugal na Índia, in Offprint of "Esmeraldo", Lisboa, [p. n. n.], 1954; KLOGUEN, Diniz Cottineau de, ABREU, Miguel Vicente, trans. and annot., Bosquejo Histórico de Goa, Nova Goa, [p. n. n.], 1858.

2 GENTILE = This term was used to designate all individuals who did not practise Catholicism ad who, for that reason, were considered pagans.

3 The foundation of parish schools is credited to the first Bishop of Goa, Fr. Dom João de Albuquerque, and was confirmed by king of Portugal, Dom João III, in 1545. In these schools, reading, writing, counting and music were taught.

4 RÊGO, António da Silva, Documentação para a história do Padroado Português no Oriente, 12 vols., Lisboa, Agência Geral do Ultramar, 1947-1958, vol. 9 - (1562-1565), 1953, p.364, Doc. 49-Extract of a letter of Br. Estevâo Martins, dated the 7th of December 1564, from Goa, and one of the many examples of the use of mandó in baptisms: "[...] because we have solemn baptisms, with many musical instruments and a great deal of festivities, which cause more spiritual happiness than can be thought of logically [...]."

5 Despite some changes in their formal and religious aspects, the varna and caste systems are still maintained by the Goan Christian community. Thus, Goan Christians substituted the four classical Hindu varnas (Brahmans, Ksatriyas, Vaisyas and Sudras) with only three (Brahmans, Chardós and Sudras to which they added a social group designated 'low' caste corresponding to the untouchables common in the Hindu hierarchy). The division between Christian castes is not rigid in terms of professional attributes, and the jati system is only found among the 'low' castes. At present, one can observe a degree of mobility between castes, a development which is regarded as unacceptable by the 'upper' castes.

See: THOMAZ, Luís Filipe, op. cit., pp. 34-36.

6 RIVARA, J. H. Cunha, Arquivo Oriental Português, 6 fasciculi in 10 parts, Goa, Imprensa Nacional, 1857-1976, fasciculus 6, p.95-Extract of a letter of the Viceroy of the Portuguese State of India to the Portuguese king Dom João V, dated the 17th of January 1718, from Goa, illustrates this situation: "[...] obeying Your Majesty's orders, it seemed to me that I should assign the island of Corujem for the gentiles' weddings, since this island is far from Goa, is not inhabited by Christians and has no church, thus avoiding a scandal similar to the one that took place in many places [...].".

7 THOMAZ, Luís Filipe, op. cit.; DEVI, Vimala-SEABRA, Manuel de, A Literatura Indo-Portuguesa, 2 vols., Lisboa, Junta de Investigação do Ultramar, 1971; SIMÕES, Rui, Os Quotidianos na Literatura Indo-Portuguesa, in "GOA-Órgãoo de Divulgação da casa de Goa", Lisboa, (4) 1990, pp. 2-4.

8 See: For example, the case of the present [1991] Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Indian Union, Eduardo Faleiro, born in Margão, the capital of the province of Salcete.

9 THE SECOND MANDÓ FESTIVAL, Panjim, 16th September of 1966, [ Souvenir of... ], p·3-"With the objective of making a significant contribution to the cultural renaissance that we are witnessing since the liberation of Goa. The Clube Nacional held the First Festival of Mandó in August last year [...].".

10 Idem.-"In this Second Mandó Festival, which is being held today, we are having as many as fifteen groups, almost double of last year's number, grouped in four different categories, namely (1) teenagers and (2) adults presenting traditional mandós in chamber style music, (3) 'original' mandós and (4) 'polyphonic' choirs [...].".

* Assistant lecturer at the Universidade Nova de Lisboa (New University of Lisboa), Lisbon.

start p. 48
end p.