The Mother-House

PORTUGUESE MUSICAL IMPRINT ON THE MALAY-INDONESIAN-WORLD

Margaret J. Kartomi*

[INTRODUCTION]

In Indonesia and Malaysia today, some fascinating cultural remnants of the trading colonies established there by the Portuguese between the late fifteenth and the early seventeenth centuries still persist. For example, the lingua franca of the region -- Bahasa Indonesia and Bahasa Malaysia (both of which are based on Malay) -- still contain a number of words of Portuguese origin, such as 'jendela' (Port.: janela; or, window) and 'bendera' (Port.: bandeira; or, flag). Ruins of Portuguese forts and other buildings are still to be seen, scattered over the archipelago from west to east. This article deals with the musical influences of the Portuguese on coastal Malay (i. e., Indonesian and Malaysian) culture, influences that are still recognised as such to this day.

In the Malay-speaking coastal world of Indonesia and Malaysia, three main levels of ritual music co-exist. They are the pre-Muslim music, consisting mainly of gong and drum ensembles which developed in the first millenium AD; the Middle-Eastern influenced music dating from the advent of Islam, especially from the fifteenth century; and the lightly harmonised Portuguese-influenced Malay music which developed in various styles since the period of Portuguese contact with the Malay world from the late fifteenth century.

Music believed to be Portuguese-influenced is usually performed by ensembles accompanying a crooning singer of love songs set in Malay quartrains called 'pantun' and 'syair'. Bands containing a 'biola' (Port.: viola; or, violin), guitars, banjos, ukeleles, a flute, drums, other percussion, and sometimes a gong or two play lightly harmonised accompaniments to the melodically ornamented vocal part. Today electronic instruments often replace some or all of these instruments. The main distinguishing quality of these songs is strictly metric string accompaniment or bower and/or plucked strings which is punctuated cyclically by a lowpitched string, drum or gong sound.

How did these syncretic Portuguese/Malay forms develop? As we have no recordings of other ways of knowing exactly what these Portuguese-Malay musical forms were like in the centuries before our own, the mystery of their course of creative development and transformation will never be explained fully. We are therefore forced to create hypotheses based on our knowledge of the present-day styles and upon the available historical evidence relevant to this music. We need to go back to Indonesia's early colonial period from the beginning of the sixteenth century.

Seeking a monopoly of the lucrative spice trade, the Portuguese began to establish a military presence in the Spice Islands of the Maluku (the Mollucas) in the fifteenth century. The Spanish, English, Dutch and Portuguese were vying with each other for supremacy in the trade for nutmeg, cloves and other spices in Maluku. However, it was the Portuguese who first suceeded in setting up a network of forts and trading posts in the region, initially in the Spice Islands of Ternate and Tidore in northern Maluku, but also in Ambon and Ceram in central Maluku, in Flores and Timor to the southeast, and at Muar (on the Malay peninsula), Tugu (in present-day Jakarta), Makassar (now Ujung Padang), south of Sulawesi and East Timor. Their slogan was "Feitoria, Fortaleza e Igreja" ("Gold, Glory and Gospel"; lit.: "Factory, Fortress/Fortitude and Church"), where "Gold" meant 'green gold' (including nutmeg, cloves and cinnamon), "Glory" implied success in battle, and "Gospel" meant converting the local population to Roman Catholicism. They tried to convert local populations to Christianity, as opposed to Islam which was the religion of the rival Malay trading kings. By 1521 they had conquered the major Malay Sultan's town of Malacca on the Malay peninsula. In 1522 they built a fortress at Ternate. They sustained their power for about a century, during which time they set up trading posts and forts in many coastal areas of the archipelago, as they did along their other trade routes, which included southeast Africa, east and west India and Macao.

Portugal maintained her "shoestring empire "1 not only through profits from the spice trade but also partly from the slave trade. Capturing Bantu and "unbelievers" (called 'kaffirs')2 from Africa as well as India, Ceylon, Malaysia and Indonesia, they sold them as slaves into Portuguese households in Africa, South Asia, Southeast Asia, and as far afield as Macao. Some of them spoke a language based on Portuguese and learned to play Portuguese-derived music for their masters. After converting to Christianity they were allowed to apply for Portuguese citizenship and thereby become free.

The Portuguese must have brought quantities of musical instruments such as guitars, frame drums and bowed strings -- possibly 'biolas' (Port.: viola; or, alto violins)3 -- with them to Malacca and other colonies from the early days of the empire. Biola are still played in many coastal areas of the archipelago. The four-string violin, which by about 1550 had developed in Italy and had become a familiar part of the musical scene, was probably first used in the Iberian peninsula in the early seventeenth century, and it presumably replaced the alto violin in Southeast Asia from the seventeenth century. Thus, Marsden referred to the violin on the west coast of North Sumatra in his book written in 1783, 4 Anderson5 mentioned the violin and viola on the east coast of Sumatra in 1823. The biola, specimens of which are usually home-made and have a low viola-like tuning, has long been regarded as an 'authentic' ('asli') Malay instrument.

European instruments were played in European fashion in the great houses of the Portuguese and later Dutch colonies by slaves of varied origin. In the Portuguese colony of Macao, for example, a lavish dinner provided by slave labour in 1637 was accompanied by “[...] indifferent good music on the voice, harp and guitar [...]. ”6 In 1689, a bride in Batavia (now Jakarta) who had fifty-nine slaves referred in a letter to "[...] a slave orchestra which played the harp, viol and bassoon at meal times [...]. 7 "Dutch slave households [... Boxer comments...] were unnecessarily large, and were maintained for ostentation and status-seeking [...]." Likewise in South Africa, "One feature of Cape life which impressed many visitors was the musical talent of the 'Malay' slaves and the skill with which they played entirely by ear [...]"8 on instruments such as the flute, violin and violoncello. Descendants of Portuguese nationals in Malacca's fishing village Kampung Serani still have Portuguese names and perform songs and dances with Portuguese titles and Portuguese-influenced styles, and they still speak a Portuguese-Malay patois there, as they do in Tugu, Jakarta. These Portuguese nationals were largely 'black', not 'white' Portuguese. As Abdurachman explains, 9 the so-called 'black' Portuguese were mostly full-blood African and Asia slaves, who joined a great household and became Christians, thereby becoming entitled to adopt Portuguese citizenship. They often took Portuguese names and practised Portuguese customs. "By the end of eighty years of Portuguese contact with Southeast Asia [... Abdurachman writes...] a very hybrid population had come into being [... whose culture combined...] local ethnic forms and strains from African, Indian, Malayan and Portuguese origin, as is still apparent in the folk-lore, song, music and dance." Only the Portuguese among the European colonial powers encouraged their men to marry local women and settle down in their countries, for by “[...] taking root in their new homelands they would at the same time plant roots for Portuguese interests. ”10

§1. KRONCONG MUSIC

The resulting syntheses of Portuguese and local music and dance styles manifested themselves in the now widespread Southeast Asian kroncong ensemble, consisting mainly of plucked and bowed strings. Kroncong is both a repertoire and a musical style, distinguished primarily by its crooning singing style and its unique instrumental accompaniment, which uses European harmonics. Some instruments keep to the pulse by metric strumming, producing a steady stream of regular note values. Others move with a degree of linear independence and freedom of metre, as does the solo vocalist or vocalists.

In a traditional kroncong performance, as in Tugu (a Portuguese-influenced village near Tanjung Priok harbour in the present-day city of Jakarta), the beat and counterbeat (i. e., the lower-pitched sound called by the onomatopaeic name of 'cuk' and the higher-pitched sound called 'cak', were played with kroncong guitars. These almost obsolete instruments have wooden or coconut skhell bodies and occur in three sizes: the macina (the lowest and largest), the bordang (medium pitched and size) and the prounga (the highest and smallest). Together they produce rhythmic patterns based on the lower-pitched 'cuk' sound (occuring on the beat) and the higher-pitched 'cak' sound (played on the counterbeat).

Kroncong guitars however, are nowadays usually replaced with ukeleles, or even electric mandolins and vibraphones. In most kroncong music, the rhythm section consists of ukeleles playing the 'cuk' (on the beat) and 'cak' (on the counterbeat) parts plus a banjo or mandolin, guitar, cello, rebana and a possible triangle. The guitars play a melodic accompaniment role, producing an unbroken stream of quaver notes (See: TRANSCRIPTION 1 -- "Lagu Jauh Dimata", bar 2ff.), while the 'cuk' instruments produce chords on each beat or alternate beat, thus adopting an harmonic function. The other basic instruments are the violin and flute, each playing a melodic line, which resembles that of the violin. The violinist and flute players often embellish their relatively free-rhythmic lines with turns, slides, tremoli, appogiature and other ornaments, or they play elaborated or thinned out versions of the vocal melody.

A strongly Portuguese-influence kroncong song called "Lagu Cafrinyo" about a Goan-Eurasian girl is still performed in Tugu and elsewhere. The song title may have been derived from "[...] a 'kaffir' (Port.: cafre; meaning, 'negro') dance, with a lot of jumping and intricate dance figures [...]",11 or from the European capriol dance and music which was popular in Europe during the period of the Portuguese colonisation of Malacca. 12 A variant of the same song title -- "Kaparinyo" -- is also the name of a popular song on Sumatra's west coast. In recent decades, this song has become widely known as an Indonesian folk song.

Biola (violin) player, in a bangsawan theatre ensemble, in Kayuagung, South Sumatra. Photograph taken in 1988 by Hidris Kartomi.

Instrumentation of kroncong songs has changed with the times. For example, the old kroncong song "Jauh Dimata" which belongs to the repertoire of stambul theatre, was played by the following ensemble in 1974: a flute instead of a violin playing the main counter-melody to the vocal part, and electric mandolin and vibraphone playing the 'cak' part, a ukelele and a banjo playing the 'cuk' part, an electric guitar and a cello producing the stream of quaver movement, and a double bass providing the bass line (See: TRANSCRIPTION 1 -- "Lagu Jauh Dimata").

There are several theories of the origin of the kroncong. According to Haan, the word means "[...] metal rings, those which make a jingling sound [...]." De Haan suggested that a tambourine with metal disks was the original kroncong instrument, and that it was played with the guitar to accompany dances of probable Portuguese origin. 13 But the musicians who are believed to have initially developed the kroncong were probably natives of Portugal; they included the 'mestizo' Portuguese-Indonesian Christians, converted local, and mardijkers (freed African, Indian or Malay Christian slaves of the Portuguese), who were also known as 'black' Portuguese. In general, people and cultural objects were called 'Portugis' if their origins were associated with Portugasl and they had been modified by Malay, Indonesian (and probably Indian and African) cultural influences.

Traditional ensemble, consisting of a biola (violin), gambus (plucked string instrument), drums and gongs, used in mamanda (theatre) performances in Banjarmasin, south Kalimantan. Photograph taken in 1991, by Hidris Kartomi.

The Portuguese empire did not last. The Dutch had taken colonial control of the area by 1602 and the 'Portugis' inhabitants began to assimilate into the Indo-Dutch population. In 1661, however‚ The Dutch East India Company granted twenty-three 'Portugis' mardijkers of Bengali and Coromandel origin some land northeast of Batavia. Their settlement was called by the above mentioned name of Tugu, which is known to this day for its Portuguese church, the Portuguese names of its inhabitants, and its kroncong music. In 1884, two centuries after Tugu was founded, songs in the 'Portugis' patois of Tugu were being sung, including "Nina Bobo" and "Cafrinyo"－this according to a letter quoted in Schuchardt.14 Tugu holds an important place in the history of kroncong, for it is living proof of the 'Portugis '-Indonesian heritage of this music. Kroncong "[...] has been played in this kampung for the past 315 years and in the major cities of the island for at least a century [...]."15

“LAGU JAUH DIMATA”

[TRANSCRIPTION 1].

ENSEMBLE: ANEKA RIA SRIMULAT. VOCALIST: RUMIYATI.

RECORDED IN JAKARTA, IN 1975,

TRANSCRIBED BY BRONIA KORNHAUSER

In its textual and musical form and its mostly urban social context, kroncong resembles the Portuguese fado; indeed, it may share common roots. 16 The fado, a song type which probably developed from Moorish, Spanish and African models, has a similar social history to kroncong. Fado emerged in the poorer areas of Lisbon, especially among people of mixed African-Portuguese descent, while kroncong developed in the poorer areas of Batavia, especially among Eurasians. Guitars are essential to both the fado and kroncong bands, both of which feature alternating sections in the tonic and dominant key chords, with subdominant chords occuring at some points. In both, the singer's part is relatively free in its use of metre, syncopation and ornament, while the accompaniment in the rhythm section is strict common time and regular metre. The texts of both are often improvised and grouped in quatrain verses. The vocal part in a fado is less free, however, than in the kroncong, and the West African influence of the fado gives it a different sound. 17 ('kaffir', meaning, 'negro' or 'black' man). 18 The word 'cafre' belonged to the now extinct Provençale language called 'Sabir' [a mixture of Arabic, French, Italian and Spanish, also called 'Levantino'] which was spoken by seafarers around the Mediterranean and gained impetus at the time of the Crusades. 19 Other genres are lagu stambul (stambul theatre songs), lagu bangsawan (bangsawan theatre songs), lagu mendu (mendu theatre songs of Riau and Pontianak), lagu Dul Muluk (Dul Muluk theatre music of Jambi and Palambang) and lagu mamanda (mamanda theatre songs from south Kalimantan). In addition there is lagu orkes gamat (music played on a Malay string and percussion ensemble for couples dancing in west Sumatra and Bengkulu) and lagu asli paisisir Melayu ("[...] authentic coastal Malay music [...]", which is found in many coastal areas of Sumatra, Malaysia and elsewhere). Not only in western Indonesia but in the east too, as in Ambon and Irian Jaya (especially the Biak and Serui areas), folk songs with harmonic accompaniment of reputedly Portuguese origin are sung with a band consisting of plucked strings, including ukeleles, guitars and large plucked bass, together with a local tifa (drum).

These syncretic musical forms accompany a large range of dances, mostly performed by groups of couples, who sing improvised pantun verses in response to each other. In Sumatra and Malasia these dances include the tari saputangan (lit.: handerchief dance), tari payung (lit.: umbrella dance), tari lilin (lit.: candle dance), tari joget or tari ronggeng (social couples dancing with lincah (hopping and other foor movements)), and tari dondang sayang (lit.: love-song dance), lagu dua (lit.: two song; danced in fast triple metre or alternating metres) and sad sinandung dances.

We shall now look more closely at one of the above-mentioned genres: lagu-kapri, performed on the west coast of North Sumatra. This Portuguese influenced Malay music accompanies the rituals performed in the life crisis ceremonies.

Biola (violin) and gandang (frame drum) players,

part of a kapri-style ensemble, in Bottot, near Barus, in north Sumatra.

Photograph taken in 1981, by Hidris Kartomi.

§2. KAPRI -STYLE MUSIC

Kapri -style music is performed by an ensemble comprising a vocalist, a 'biola' (violin) player and two or more 'gandang' (frame drum) players. It usually accompanies such dances as tari saputangan. Its song texts, musical style and context of performance are similar in some respects to dondang sayang and other harmonised Malay songs found throughout the Malay-speaking world. Yet it has its own unique pasisir (coastal) Malay identity, based on the fact that it incorporates elements of the local pre-Muslim musical styles of legend, lullaby or sikambang (charm song) singing its style.

"LAGU SERUNAI ACEH"

[TRANSCRIPTION 2].

RECORDED IN PADANG, IN 1974, BY

MARGARET KARTOMI.

TRANSCRIBED BY GREGORY HURWORTH

AND MARGARET KARTOMI.

Note: The accompaniment is transcribed in full with the exception of the 'cello part, which is inaudible in the recording.

"LAGU KAPRI BANGSAWAN"

[TRANSCRIPTION 3].

RECORDED IN KAMPUNG PASAR SORKAM, IN 1973, BY

MARGARET KARTOMI.

TRANSCRIBED BY GREGORY HURWORTH

AND MARGARET KARTOMI.

• Voice

•• Biola

••• Guitar

•••• Drums

••••• Gandang

The coastal Malays, who are predominantly Muslim, have been noted for their interest in the sea and their overseas trading activities for at least the past millenium. In this respect they contrast with their Batak neighbours, who have an agricultural lifestyle, are culturally inward-looking, are mostly Christian, speak different languages or dialects, and have different musical traditions, including the ceremonial gondang ensembles, consisting of drums, gongs and reed pipes. For centuries, coastal Malays －in both west and east Sumatra－have regarded the upstream people as being less civilized than themselves. Indeed, their lagu pasisir (coastal music) has little in common with the lagu dalem (inland music). Unlike the Bataks, the coastal Malays have no agricultural rituals, but they have two major life-crisis ceremonies, namely: baby thanksgivings and weddings.

Surprisingly enough, it is not the ancient non-Muslim Malay music and dance that are dominant in these two major ceremonies on the coast; and Muslim music plays no part in them at all. Rather it is Portuguese-influence kapri -style music and dance that is appropriate at the baby thanksgivings and weddings, despite the fact that the west coast dwellers have had only peripheral contact with the Portuguese and that was a few centuries ago.

How is it that a Portuguese-influenced style should have supplanted the indigenous pre-Muslim styles of music and dance performed at the major ceremonies in an area which had no history of prolonged contact with the Portuguese, and that these ceremonies allow virtually no space for the Muslim performing arts, despite its being largely a Muslim area? The mystery can only be solved by looking beyond the pasisir to the centres of Malay power over the past five centuries or so, and viewing the pasisir in its position on the periphery of the Malay world, with its history of interaction between the royal centres in and around the Malacca Strait.

The two musical transcriptions of lightly harmonised songs, which I recorded in Sorkam and Padang (on the west coast of Sumatra) respectively, exemplify the kapri -style typical of the area. Performed by an ensemble comprising a vocalist, a violinist, an optional guitar and gandang (frame drums), kapri -style musical works and dances are a synthesis of Malay and Portuguese elements. They are performed at the life-crisis ceremonies such as baby thanksgivings and weddings. 20Remarkably, they have largely replaced the ancient Malay music and dances in these cerimonies.

Part of a folk ensemble from Biak and Serui areas, in Irian Jaya,

consisting of a tifa (drum), guitars ukeleles and a plucked brass.

Photograph taken in 1991 by Hidris Kartomi.

The most active role ia a kapri -style piece is that of the violin player, who plays a continuous melody, the only periods of relative rest being the long-held tones (See: TRANSCRIPTION 2－"Lagu Serunai Aceh", bars 10-15), when the vocalist makes his entry at the beginning of a strophe. The violin plays an important overall unifying role, providing the introduction, counter-melody to the vocal-line, melodic interludes between strophes and vocal phrases, and a postlude, which includes one of several accepted melodic signals to members of the ensemble to end the piece, for example:

The European characteristics of kapri -style music are mainly Portuguese-derived, though Dutch and/or English musical influence may later have reinforced or modified them. In terms of musical style, kapri music does indeed resemble Portuguese folk music in that both are characterised by their use of mainly major and minor keys, strict alternation between mainly tonic and dominant harmonies, lyrics set to quatrain verses which may often be subdivided into couplets, nostalgic textual content, melodic expressiveness, metric regularity in the accompaniments, oral transmission, a degree of Moorish influence, and the use of the violin, guitar and frame drums. Portugal is well-known for its variety of frame-drums. The pasisir is also noted for its frame drums which are preferred to other drums.

The drum cycles in kapri -style music are called 'tumba', a term combining two onomatopoetic drum sounds called 'tum' and 'ba'. In "Lagu Serunai Aceh", the gandang (frame drum) play the cyclic rhythm:

'Tum' is a low-pitched sound which results from beating in the middle of the skin with the right hand, while 'tang' is a high-pitched sound beaten by the right hand on the edge of the skin, and 'k_' is a high-pitched sound beaten with the left hand. The deep 'tum' tone plays a punctuating role. The 'tumba' establishes a strict metre which offsets the greater rhythmic freedom of the voice and violin. It also determines the tempo of the other members of the ensemble and, with the violin, provides cues for the vocalist's entry which occurs after the third 'tum' beat (see: TRANSCRIPTION 2 "Lagu Serunai Aceh"－bar 11).

The 'tumba', then, is a temporal unit of structural importance; and the most important structural point within the 'tumba' is the 'tum' stroke. The overall formal structure of the song is determined by the cyclic nature of the drum pattern, which means the length of a performance can vary according to the demands of a ritual occasion, the amount of textual repetition indulged by the singer, or the whim of the lead musician.

Lagu orkes gamat (music played on a Malay string and percussion ensemble for dancing couples), in Bengkulu, west Sumatra.

Photograph taken in 1983 by Hidris Kartomi.

Melodic sequences, slurs, turns, accaciatura -like ornaments, and double-stopping, specially at the fourth, fifth and octave, are features of the 'biola' part in a performance of the song "Acehnese Shawm" (See: TRANSCRIPTION 2－"Lagu Serunai Aceh"). The guitar, strumming in C major followed by G major with intervening melodic passages, modulates in bar 5 via pivot note Bb to āminor, which is well established by prolonged double stopping before the vocalist enters, also in ª minor, performing and ornamented melodic part set to a quatrain verse. The frame drum plays a slightly variable eight-beat rhythmic cycle. The vocal and the 'biola' parts in "Royal Kapri Song" (See: TRANSCRIPTION 3－"Lagu Kapri Bangsawan") combine to produce harmonic colour an the tonic, dominant and subdominant, and the drum plays 'tumba' isorhythm.

Finally, the Portuguese presence in Indonesia is partly responsible for the creation of the 'tanjidor' (Port.: tanger, or: to play/pluck a musical instrument) brass band music which is still played in Jakarta and nearby districts, including Bogor, Krawang and Bekasi21 and in Kayuagung area of Sumatra, south of Palembang. 'Tangedores' were originally 'string players', but the word became associated with "[...] open air music to a procession and also a military display [...]."22 In the Kayuagung area, 'tanjidor' bands comprising trumpets, tubas, trombones and drums are played at many weddings and other functions, while in Jakarta they are played "[...] in particular around the new year [...]."23

CONCLUSION

Syncretic Portuguese-Malay musical styles developed as a result of 'white' and 'black' Portuguese contact with Malay coastal areas of Indonesia and the Malay peninsula, especially during the period of Portuguese control of Malacca, between 1511 and 1602. Coastal peoples promoted this music, and in some cases elevated it to the position of the main form of ceremonial music at their major life-crisis ceremonies, such as the Barus area of north-west coastal Sumatra. The musical cultures of most coastal peoples throughout the archipelago are marked by their outward-looking attitudes, their interest in foreign trade and the sea, and their readiness to accept foreign influences. In all these respects, the coastal peoples stand in contrast to their inland neighbours, who by and large continue to practise their traditional ensembles, such as the various gamelan ensembles in Java and Bali, and the gondang and gordang drum and gong ensembles of the Batak region area of north Sumatra.

These styles are creative syntheses of Malay, Portuguese and other elements. Among the Malay elements are the vocal and other melodic ornamentation, the cyclic drum and/or gong periods and rhythms, and the pantun and syair poetic texts, while the Portuguese elements include among other things the harmonic relationships between the violin and the vocal parts, a factor which strongly influences melodic invention.

Portuguese stylistic elements and instruments initially entered the coastal regions of the archipelago via areas which had experienced intense, prolonged contact with the Portuguese. In most coastal areas, however, the musical influences spread by contact between traders and families of Malays living in different areas. Trading contacts and marriages between the Malay royal and commoner families over the centuries resulted in the spread of harmonic Malay music in many coastal areas. Thus the synthesis of Portuguese and Malay elements called kroncong, kapri, dondang, sayang, etc., are each at once stylistically unique and part and parcel of the varied post-Portuguese musical culture of the far-flung coastal Malay world. □

NOTES

1 BOXER, Charles Ralph, The Dutch Seaborne Empire: 1600-1800, London, Hutchinson, 1969, p.11.

2 Idem, p.40.

3 GOLDSWORTHY, David J., Melayu Music of North Sumatra － Ph. D Thesis dissertation 1979, Monash University, Clayton/Melbourne [unpublished].

4 MARDSDEN, William, The History of Sumatra, Kuala Lumpur, Oxford University Press, 1966, pp. 195-196.

5 ANDERSON, John, Mission to the East Coast of Sumatra in 1823, Kuala Lumpur, Oxford University Press, 1971, p.292.

6 BOXER, Charles Ralph, op. cit., p.307－Quoting Peter Mundy.

Also See: MUNDY, Peter, Descrição de Macau, em 1637, in BOXER, Charles Ralph, "Macau na Época da Restauração - Macau three hundred years ago", Macau, Imprensa Nacional, 1942, pp. 53-75.

7 BOXER, Charles Ralph, The Portuguese Seaborne Empire: 1451-1825, London, Hutchinson, 1965, p.240.

8 Idem, pp. 260-261.

9 ABDURACHMAN, Paramita R., Portuguese Presence and Christian Communities in Solor and Flores: 1556-1630, in [CONFERENCE OF THE ASIAN STUDIES ASSOCIATION OF AUSTRALIA], Monash University, 1982－[Proceedings of...], p.4－[Unpublished].

10 Idem, p.28.

11 Idem, p.1.

12 ABDURACHMAN, Paramita J., Portuguese Presence in Jakarta, in [SIXTH INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE OF ASIAN HISTORY, INTERNATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF HISTORIANS OF ASIA], 1974 _ [Proceedings of...], p. 10 _ [Unpublished].

13 KORNHAUSER, Bronia, Kroncong Music in Urban Java－ MA Thesis dissertation, 1976, Monash University, Clayton/Melbourne, pp. 108ff.

14 SCHUCHARDT, Hugo, Ueber das Malaioportugiesische von Batavia un Tugu, in "Kreolishe Studien", Wien, (9) 1891, pp. 1-256.

15 KORNHAUSER, Bronia, op. cit., p. 176.

16 HEINS, Ernst, Kroncong and Tanjidor: Two Cases of Urban Folk Music in Jakarta, in "Asian Music", New York, 7 (1) 1975, pp. 20-32, p.24,

17 KORNHAUSER, Bronia, In Defence of Kroncong, in KARTOMI, Margaret, ed., "Studies in Indonesian Music", Clayton/Melbourne, Centre of Southeast Asian Studies, pp. 104-183, p.7.

18 SANTA MARIA, L., Prestiti Portoghesi nel Maleise Indonesiano, Napoli, 1967, p.43.

19 KARTOMI, Margaret J., Kapri: A Synthesis of Malay and Portuguese Music on the West Coast of North Sumatra, in CARLE, Reiner, "Cultures & Societies of North Sumatra", Berlin - Hamburg, Dietrich (Reimer Verlag), 1987, p.371.

20 Ibidem.

21 HEINS, Ernst, op. cit., p.27.

22 See: Note 12.

23 Ibidem.

*Head of the Department of Music in Monash University, Clayton, Australia. Researcher on the music of Indonesia, Aboriginal Australian music and musicological theory. Author of numerous articles and publications on related topics, including On Concepts and Classifications of Musical Instruments (1990). Awarded membership of the order of Australia for services to Southeast Asian music.

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