History

MACAO AND SIAM [THAILAND] RELATIONS IN THE SEVENTEENTH AND EIGHTEENTH CENTURIES

Leonor Seabra*

I - HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

§1. SIAM

1.1. GENERAL FEATURES

Southeast Asia is the term generally used to designate the Regions and Coun- tries that stand between India, to the West, and China, to the East.

Its main rivers are:

-- Irawady (the "heart" of Burma);

-- Me Nan Chao Phraya (central Siam);

-- Mekong -- the central valleys (Cambodia and Laos);

-- Mekong -- the delta (South Vietnam);

-- Red River (Tonkin and North Vietnam).

The areas between the major valleys formed by the basins of these rivers are normally mountainous and covered with forests. It is therefore easier for the local inhabitants to commute along the valleys than to move from one valley to another. Besides, the Southern valleys being more fertile than the mountain Regions, people have always tended to move towards the rivers' Southern estuaries, which often led to a shortage of labour in other Regions. One of the major problems of Southeast Asia, until the last century, was the dearth of people, ie: its low demographic occupation. In the fifteenth century the whole of Southeast Asia accounted for only fifteen million inhabitants.

In order to make up for the shortage of local workmanship, neighbouring Kingdoms frequently waged wars against one another, taking captives for slave-labour. A recurring lack of human resources became, indeed, the chief ground for constant wars between the States of the Indochinese Peninsula (eg : Siam-Khmers).

These Kingdoms' agrarian Cities were constantly in need of a great deal of labourers and a strong central Power. Socially and spatially, these Cities were based on Buddhist cosmology; their urban planning being geometrically designed microcosms with the Royal palace in the centre from where the Sovereign, symbolizing the crux of the World, had the task to ensure the harmony of the Absolute with Mankind. The Sovereign was traditionally assisted by a Body of Officials, whose main tasks consisted of organizing agricultural developments and collecting taxes, as well as Buddhist and Hindu Priests, who legitimized the Spiritual Power of the Ruler and equally contributed towards the general agrarian Policy implemented by the King. 1

The Political Power in the Siamese Kingdom, as in the other neighbouring Kingdoms, was shared by different Royal families, each one controlling the strategic centres of their Region, where the strongest attempted to bring to weakest under his sway, oftentimes in alliances, through rituals, marriages and other personal ties. 2

1.2. POPULATION: ITS ORIGINS

The anthropological 'descendents' of the Austronesian, tended to migrate to the South after Pre-historic times, probably between 2500 B. C. and 15OO B. C. Nowadays they form the gross of the population of Malaysia and Southeast Asia, basically belonging to the same race as the rest of the population of the Indochinese Peninsula and Southern China.

Originally, there were two migratory movements from Southwest China to Southeast Asia: first the Proto-Malays and afterwards the Deutero-Malays; who introduced the techniques of metallurgy in the Region.

Afterwards, from Western China came the future Vietnamese, who settled along the Red River, and the Khmer, who settled in the Mekong valley and delta. The Mon (related to the Khmer) became sedentary along the Nam Chao Phraya, and in the Irawady valley a community, known as Phya, flourished.

Later on, the Burmese came from the North to the Irawady valley, and at an even later date, the Thai, from whom the inhabitants of Thailand, Laos and the area of the Shan (in Burma) descend, emigrated from Yunnan. 3

1.3. PRE-HISTORY: BACKGROUND

Various archaeological discoveries in the Province of Kanchanaburi, West of Bangkok and in Chiang Mai, in the North, revealed vestiges of the Paleolithic settlements from about five-hundredthousand years ago. Based on these findings it is estimated that during the Mesolithic and Neolithic Periods the Human race must have spread throughout Siam.

However, the most important Pre-historic discovery made in Siam occurred in the Khorat plateau, Northeast of today's Thailand, about five-hundred kilometres from Bangkok, known as the Ban Chiang Region. Primitive communities of farmers seem to have begun to settle in this area around four-thousand B. C. The traditional Culture of Ban Chiang was developed by an agrarian Society so advanced for its times that they could produce bronze artefacts several hundred years before any such production was known to the World. They also fused bronze with iron casting utensils and decorative pieces.

The origins of the people of the Ban Chiang Region have given rise to numerous speculations. Some believe that this people originally came from the North of Vietnam; others, basing their evidence from digs carried out in that Region (where it was discovered a Neolithic Civilization who produced bronze artifacts as early as 2000 B. C.) believe them to be, in all likelihood, Proto-Malay tribes. 4

1.4. HISTORY: PRINCIPAL STAGES

As was already pointed out, the Thai seem to have come from Southwest China, where they were particularly found in large numbers, predominantly from the Region of the present-day Province of Yunnan, where, in the seventh century AD they established the Nanchao Kingdom. Others continued to move Southwards, settling in small groups in Laos, the Northern part of Siam and in the Shan plateau, in Burma, and gradually intermarrying with the locals.

In 1253, the Mongols conquered the Kingdom of Nanchao, which later self-regenerated in the Southernmost Chinese Province of present-day Yunnan. Always seeking to escape Chinese control, the Thais gradually distanced themselves from Southern China moving further South, into Indochina. 5

According to most scholars, the History of Siam can be divided into four Periods:

a) The Dvaravati Period (between the seventh and eleventh centuries);

b) The Sukhothai Period (in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries);

c) The Ayutthaya Period (from the fourteenth to eighteenth centuries); and

d) The Bangkok Period (from the eighteenth century down to the present).

1.4.1. THE DVARAVATI PERIOD It seems to have had its Capital in Nakhon Pathon lasting up until the late eleventh or early twelveth century. A centre of magnificent artistry famed by its monumental brickwork architecture and stucco carvings in temples and caves, it produced Buddhist votive stelœ, a great number of images of Buddha of markedly Indian influence, multiple statuary representing various divinities as well as dwarves, demons, animals and other pantheistic motifs, and religious terracotta heads. Ancient Hindu imagery was equally unearthed, such as stone sculptures of the post-Gupta Indian style generally represent Vishnu, dated around the seventh century. 6 The origin of the Dvaravati people is a moot point. It is argued that they are the ancestors of the Mon or Mon-Khmer people; while there is also the opinion that the Mon themselves descend from a group of Indian emigrants from Kalinga, an area on the outskirts of the Cities of Orissa and Andhra Pradesh on the coast of Western India. However, it is generally accepted that the Dvaravati Mon were an ethnic mixture of foreign people with indigenous people of the Region, who, to present-day patterns, are to be regarded as the original Thai people. The Dvaravati Culture saw a rapid decline in the eleventh century under the Political rule of the Khmer invaders, who settled in Lopburi. The Khmer conquest brought in its wake a strong Cultural influence in the traditional Arts, Language and Religion. During the eleventh and twelveth centuries some of the terms of Sanskrit origin in the MonThai vocabulary managed to survive, either independently or aglutinated to the common language of the Khmer. 7 1.4.2. THE SUKHOTHAI PERIOD In 1238, the first 'real' Thai Kingdom of Sukhothai emmerged, lasting up to 1376, when it was annexed by the Ayutthaya rulers. King Rama Khameng (r. 1283-†1317) extended the borders of his Kingdom as far as the basin of the river Chao Phraya (Me Nam), conquering to the Khmer the Territory they occupied. He extended his suzerainty to Nakon Si Thamarat, in the South to Vientiane and Luang Prabang, in Laos, to Pegu, in the South of Burma. Some Territories of the Malay Peninsula also paid him a tribute. As a result of these conquests the Thai assimilated strong Cultural influences of the Khmer and Mon. Following the Indian model of the Indian Emperor Asoka (r. 267-†227 B. C.) who sent Buddhist missionaries to this Region, the Kings of Sukhothai embraced the Buddhist ideal of Royalty as a paternal and accessible embodiement of Power. This ruling concept was to influence all Monarchs of Southeast Asia. All the Kings of the Sukhothai Period took the Title of Thammaracha, divinely linked to the Buddhist concept of "the Enlightened Monarch who Rules in keeping with the precepts of Justice, Honesty, Mercifull Charity and the Common-sense of his subjects."8 1.4.3. THE AYUTTHAYA PERIOD The City of Ayutthaya was founded by King Uthong (Rama Thibodi I), in 1351, famous for having conquered the neighbouring Kingdoms which enabled him to rule the Me Nan basin of the river Chao Phraya. This Foreign Policy, both aggressive and expansionist, led to the extinction of the Sukhothai Kingdom as an independent Power and its subordination to the rule of Ayutthaya. Siam continuous war with Cambodia during the fifteenth century which culminated, in 1431, with the destruction of latter's Capital, Angkor, may be considered as the most flagrant example of the common rivalries between the neighbouring Kingdoms in Southeast Asia, which rivalled for vital resources or for Regional supremacy. 9 During the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, at the height of its expansion, Ayutthaya dominated the Me Nan basin of the River Chao Phraya(Me Nam), including the Kingdoms established in the North (ie: Sukhothai and Chiang Mai), the Khmer Kingdom (Angkor included), and many Princedoms to the South and West. During the Reign of King Trailok (r.1448-†1491), Ayutthaya was firmly established as the centre of the Thai 'World'. From then owards, its Monarchs increasingly reinforced their absolute Power, embracing the Brahmanic concept of God-King (Human-Divinity) During the Period from 1351 to 1767, the Kings were emulated the concept of Royal Divinity, their coronation taking place according to the Brahmanic rites, and assuming Hindu titularities. This comes in line with the founder of Ayutthaya, Rama Thibodi I, having derived his name from Rama -- a symbolic reincarnation of the god Vishnu and hero of the Indian epic poem Ramayana.10 After the defeat of Cambodia, the Siamese influence extended throughout the Malay Peninsula. The Tenasserim and Ligor Kingdoms became vassals of the Siamese Rulers: Pahang, Padang, Trengganu, Kelantan, Keddah and Selangor were his tributaries, just like Malacca. At the turn of the fifteenth century the most prosperous Siamese port was Mergui, near Tenasserim, in the Bay of Bengal, where local produce such as: wood, tin, ivory, elephants and buffaloes, as well as silks and porcelain and other merchandise from China, was shiped to the Indian ports and then, on to Europe. On the return trip, cotton and various other products from India, were exchanged, in Tenasserim, from here being trans-shiped upriver to Ayutthaya. The prosperity of the City of Ayutthaya as a trading post had its origin in a long economic development of the 'triangle' of the lower Me Nan basin. While the older major Cities declined since the times of the Dvaravati Period, new Cities began to boom and replacing them as economic centres of novel activities. 11

In 1688, with the fall of King Phra Narai and his Prime Minister, an usurper rose to the throne, King Petracha, beginning the new Dynasty of Ban Plu Luang.

In 1709, he was succeeded by his oldest son, King Thai Sa, whose Reign is marked by an increase in trade with China, chiefly the export of rice. Most of the Siamese trade with China and Japan, which had been conducted by the Dutch, now virtually became the monopoly of private Chinese merchants.

In 1733, the death of this King once again reignited the disputes for the throne's succession. With King Borommakot, a benevolent and peacemaker Sovereign, Ayutthaya entered a prosperous "Golden Age", but his demise provoked fighting between his two sons, ending with Prince Ekat'at coming to Power under the name of King Borommaracha (°1758-†1767). In 1765, taking advantage of the Kingdom's instability, Burma once again invaded Ayutthaya, sacking and destroying the City after two years of siege. 13

1.4.4. THE BANGKOK PERIOD

In 1767, the Thai General Phya Taksin, a Siamese of Chinese origin, founded a new Capital in Thonburi, on the West bank of the river Chao Phraya, opposite Bangkok. King Phya Taksin spent the next fifteen years pacifying the Region, but in 1782, another General, Chao Phraya Chakri, took over with the title of Rama Thibodi I (r. 1782-†1803) and inaugurated the Chakri Dynasty which is still in Power. On grounds of defence strategy he also moved the Capital to Bangkok, on the other bank of the Chao Phraya river.

The relations between Siam and the Western Countries resumed during the Reign of King Rama Thibodi II, who ascended to the throne in 1809. At that time, trade between Siam and China was almost exclusively conducted by Chinese junks. When the Europeans were again allowed to trade with Siam, their ships were so technically superior to the Chinese junks that the Siamese wanted to adopt them. So, it is said that the Portuguese and the English taught them the expertise of ship-building.

1.5. RELIGION: CHIEF CHARACTERISTICS

The Indian travellers introduced to Siam the doctrine and rituals of Hinduism and Buddhism, as well as other Cultural aspects and Political models such as the idea of Monarchy, the Laws of Administration and its methodology.

Ruins of the "Portuguese Precint" (terminus a quo 1512), in Ayutthaia, Siam (Thailand).

In the Dvaravati or pre-Dvaravati Period (ca600 to 1000 AD), the Regional forms of Buddhism, called Mahayana Buddhism or Buddhism of the "Great Vehicle", were not the same as those which prevailed in the Siamese Territories from the thirteenth century onwards. Since the Sukhothai Period (thirteenth to fourteenth centuries), Siam remained Buddhist according to the most traditional canon in its most primitive forms, the Theravada Buddhism, also called Hinayana or Buddhism of the "Little Vehicle".

Islamism, on the other hand, must have been introduced through the Malay Peninsula by Arab traders and adventurers during the thirteenth century. The Thai Muslims are mostly descendents of Malays, reflecting the Cultural heritage common to the Provinces more to the South, bordering on Malaysia. 14

Christianity was introduced in Siam in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries by the Portuguese and Spanish Dominican, Franciscan and Jesuit missionaries, who greatly contributed in the fields of health and education. 15

Later came the Protestants. They mainly converted people from the ethnic minorities, such as Chinese immigrants.

1.6. CONCLUSION

Siam, located at the centre of Southeast Asia, with Malaysia to the South, Burma to the West, Laos in the North and Cambodia in the East, since very early times attracted the surrounding ethnic groups to its strategic location between India and China and its abundant riches, such as: fluorite, wolfram and tungsten, in the North; fluorite and precious stones in the West; splendid sapphires, in the Southeast mountains; tin, in the South; and potassium, in the Northeast.

It is noteworthy that Siam was the only Country in Southeast Asia which was never Colonized by any Western Power. It was invaded several times by the Khmer and the Burmese and was even occupied by the Japanese in World War II, but the Kingdom was never controlled for any such Period of time as could possibly affect Thai's National integrity. It has had six millenia of a continuously steady Cultural, Social and Economic evolution, with Diplomatic contacts in 'Mediaeval' times with lands as distant as China and Arabia, and subsequent trade in the 'Modern' era with European Nations. Throughout its History predominantly remained a Buddhist Kingdom ruled by a Monarchy which always maintained a high level of development.

Siam has its own Culture (Architecture, Ceramics, Drama, Jewellery Literature, Music, Painting, Sculpture, etc.), its own beliefs and attitudes, and although it has been open to Foreign influences, it has never lost its own and well established identity.

§2. MACAO

2.1. EARLIEST CONTACTS BETWEEN THE PORTUGUESE AND CHINESE

Before the arrival of the Portuguese navigators in the East, some Western travellers had already established contacts with China, in the middle of the thirteenth century. Giovanni de Piano del Carpine (1245-1247), the Franciscan Giovanni da Montecorvino (1291-1292) and Marco Polo (1293) were followed, in the fourteenth century, by Beato Oderico de Pordenone and Giovanni de Marignoli. From then on and until the arrival of the Portuguese, contacts between Europe and Asia became inccreasingly scarce due to a conflicting series of major events; in the Middle East: the fall of the last Frank redoubts in the Holy Land (1291) and the Islamization of Iran (1295) and Turkestan (1342); in the Far East: the advent of the Ming Dynasty in China (1367); and, in the West: the outbreak of the Black Death (1348) and the beginning of the Great Schism (1377).

In 1508, King Dom Manuel I of Portugal, sent Diogo Lopes de Sequeira to Malacca in order to gather information about the Chinese and their trade. In 1509, he arrived in Malacca where he established contacts with some Chinese junks mooring in the port, but the hostility of the Malays forced him to return to Lisbon without accomplishing his Mission and leaving behind him some Portuguese prisoners in that City.

In 1511, Afonso de Albuquerque, then Viceroy of the Portuguese State of India, after aborted attempts to have the Portuguese held in Malacca handed over to him, conquered the City, which then remained in the hands of the Portuguese until 1641, when it fell to the Dutch.

From 1511 onwards, the Portuguese ventured further East into the seas of China. In 1513, Jorge Álvares, Captain of Afonso de Albuquerque, got onto a Chinese junk and touched port of Damen (in Port. Tamão), in the so-called island of Veniaga, (which in Portuguese means comércio or 'trade'), 16 where he raised a padrão (stone monument) with the coat of arms of Portugal.

Other Portuguese were to implement these contacts with China for purely mercantile purposes.

2.2. HOW THE PORTUGUESE CAME TO SETTLE IN THE REGION

In the beginning Macao was a small port, a haven for pirates and a shelter for fishermen. The dates of the early contacts of the Portuguese with the Region of Macao and the foundation of the City are a matter of controversy, in Chinese as well as Portuguese Historical Sources.

According to some Chinese Sources, in 1553 the Portuguese obtained permission to dry wet articles on the beaches of Macao during a storm. Now, since the Portuguese were looking for a more sheltered port than the ones they had previously used on the China coast and a site which would equally serve as an entrepôt for their trade with Japan, Macao (or Amagao), in the extreme Southwest of the island of Heung Shan, "where there were only beaches and sterile rocks" seemed an ideal location. In fact, Macao had an extremely sheltered port, excellent for repairing ships and providing calm harbouring during the monsoon. This port, in those days called in Chinese, Hao King, was later to be named by the Portuguese, Porto Interior (Inner Port).

In the meantime, due to the unfortunate acts of Simão de Andrade, in 1518, the Chinese Authorities had declared a commercial embargo to Foreign trade, resulting for the Portuguese in "little trade and profit."

Leonel de Sousa, resident in the Portuguese State of India since 1548, had been directly appointed from Lisbon, by King Dom João III, to Captain two "voyages" to China. The first "voyage" took place from 1552 to 1554. At first and as expected, Leonel de Sousa encountered some reservation on the part of the Chinese, but after persistent efforts he succeeded in reaching an accord with Wangbo [Wan-Pe or Van-Po], Haidao of Guangzhou -- 2nd Inspector of the Coasts, under whose immediate Jurisdiction were the Chinese coastal ports -- from where trading was possible without Official permission, in exchange for a charge of 10% levied on the goods.

1554 is the date of Leonel de Sousa's assentamento (settlement) with the Chinese Authorities, which for some historians represents the date of the foundation of the City of Macao, that is, when this port became a permanent Portuguese trading post. 17

What seems certain is that this may have been the time when the Portuguese began to settle in Macao in a 'semi-Official' manner; first, by erecting thatched huts in order to protect their goods and shelter those who kept guard and, gradually, with the complacency of the Chinese, by building houses of wood, brick and stone -- although their resident's situation was still very precarious.

For other historians, the year 1557 signals the 'Official' beginning of the settlement, when "the Mandarins of Guangzhou at the request of the merchants on land gave us this port of Macao."18

In 1555, the port of Guangzhou became again open to the Portuguese traders, but only once a year, during a short season known as Feira anual (Annual Fair).

The trading post of Macao thus came into being at a strategical location to the access to Guangzhou.

2.3. INFLUENCE OF THE CHURCH: SPIRITUAL AND TEMPORAL POWER

The commercial structure determined the first organizational form of a civilian type, but the Cathoic Church was quick to establish itself as a system of Religious Power and a unifying factor in Society, contributing at the international level, to the identification and Legalization of the Territory. In fact, since the earliest times of the formation of Macao as a trading post. the Catholic missionaries accompanied the Portuguese and settled in the same place.

The Episcopal Power and the Authority of the Religious Orders not only gradually covered the spiritual domain, but also the temporal. Indeed the Church fast became, above all and in particular, a leader of the people.

The Church also held a vast number of properties and wealth. The Ilha Verde (Green Island) was under the control of the Society of Jesus and the Ilha da Lapa (or, Island of the Priests) was shared by the Jesuits and Augustines. The sharing of Power amongst the Religious Orders was not always peaceful, nor was the definition of the field of action between the Bishopric and the Civil structures. The Power of the Church very often went beyond the Religious, interfering in the Territory's Administration, although this interference in Civil matters was perfectly Legal, considering that the Bishop was appointed by the statutes of the City as an eventual President of the Senate. Jointly, the Senate and the Church intervened in local Government and, very often, the former depended economically on the Diocese or on Religious Orders from which it had to borrow money.

Tratado de amizade, commmercio e navegação / entre, os Reinos de Portugal e Siam (Treaty of Frienship, Commerce and Navigation / between, the Kingdoms of Portugal and Siam). Portuguese version. Manuscript. Folio one -- recto.

Throughout the seventeenth century, in Macao, within the Portuguese context, there was a Period of "crisis of Authority", and if the Church remained as the most stable 'controlling' structure, the Senate stood for all practical purposes as the accepted ruling Body by the Chinese Authorities.

2.4. ADMINISTRATION AND GOVERNMENT OF THE CITY: THEIR EVOLUTION

The Senate was ultimately the responsible to the Portuguese hierarchy, right from the Commander-in-Chief of the "voyage" of Japan to the Viceroy of the Portuguese State of India, in Goa, and to the Central Government of the Crown, in Lisbon.

In the first half of the seventeenth century, was created a ruling structure which acted as representive of the Central Government, in Lisbon, with the Captain-General at its Head. However, although established as definitive, this structure soon became a Body of extremely fragile Power due to the successive tensions between the [pro-Lisbon] Captain-General and the [local] Senate and, above all, because of the countless title-holders who occupied the post of Captain-General for very short Periods. 19

In fact, not always, the orders and decisions of Lisbon and Goa -- or rather, the Central Government and the Portuguese Sate of India20 -- were well received and executed by the Macanese Senate which, realistically, adapted them to the practical reality of the Territory, occupied simultaneously by the Portuguese and Chinese.

In the course of time, the incompatibilities between the Captain-Generals and the Senate took on very serious dimensions, with the situation of open disagreements between the various Religious Orders worsening, due to the famous Question of Rites. 21

Meanwhile, the small Chinese community which, little by little, had grown to a considerable proportion of the Territory's population, made way for a Chinese Authority (the TsaTang or Mandarin) to be placed in Macao, in order to Administer them Justice. The effective presence of this Chinese Authority in the Territory, since 1736, constitutes the beginning of a long series of Mandarins in the City, clearly attesting the existence of a mixed jurisdiction in Macao.

Throughout History, the Senate undoubtedly remained the fundamental acting Body in the complexity and confluence of Local Power structures, adapting the Portuguese Legislation to the dynamics of the Portuguese relations with the Chinese Authorites representative of the interests of the Chinese community and the Empire of the Middle, in a constant struggle at conciliating all the Ruling Parties, in Macao.

Tratado de amizade, commmercio e navegação / entre, os Reinos de Portugal e Siam (Treaty of Frienship, Commerce and Navigation // between, the Kingdoms of Portugal and Siam). Portuguese Version. Manuscript. Folio one -- verso.

2.5. TRADE, DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS AND DEPENDENCY

Portuguese trade in the Far East was mainly based on the exchange of silk from China for silver ingots from Japan. Besides these two main products, various other products were traded: damask, plums, musk, gold,porcelains, etc. acquired in China; and copper, weapons (swords and spears), lacquered objects, etc. acquired in Japan.

Relations between China and Japan were completely cut-off, but trade between the two Countries continued indirectly through the Portuguese. On the one hand, Macao played the role of providing support and supplies to the Portuguese route for the Japan "voyage"; on the other, it played an important role in the local context, particularly in connection with trade links between Japan and China.

Guangzhou at the time was the only port through which external trade could be done from Southern China and also between foreigners, as only the Portuguese were allowed access. More than an exit port, Macao was also the centre of supply for China in a context in which illegal or semi-Official trade became a profitable venture. Besides, links were not only established with the ports of the China Sea and with Asia and Europe, but also with other areas in the Pacific, where there had been regular trade with the Philippines since the sixteenth century. Manila, in its turn, in connection with the Spanish Empire, was linked to the West Indies through a long route -- the Acapulco "voyage" -- where silver and gold from Mexico and Peru was carried. From Manila the boats carried to Macao, rice, slaves from Indonesia and silver from Mexico, while on the way back they carried artillery of iron and bronze, silks, tea, pearls, spices, sandalwood, etc. These products were obtained at various supply markets to which the routes led from Macao: sandalwood was acquired in Solor and Timor, pearls in Sumatra and Ceylon, spices in Malacca and tea in China.

Other "voyages" were established, such as those of Indochina. Timor, Malacca, Goa and at times even direct lines with Lisbon and Brazil.

The Spanish Dominion over Portugal (1580-1640) had negative results for Macao, leading to a change in the traditional Diplomatic and trade relations and even leading to new rival Empires: for instance, the successive attacks from the Dutch boats, between 1601 and 1622, when they were definitively defeated by the Portuguese, and the emergence of the first fleet of the Dutch East India Company, in 1637.

The end of the lucrative trade with Japan, in 1639, represented a great loss for the economy of Macao. Its inhabitants sought new markets and promoted trade relations with other places, especially with Indonesia, Timor and Makassar.

The conquest of Malacca by the Dutch, in 1641, was also a heavy blow for Macao, for besides the loss of the main supply centre in Southeast Asia, this also meant the disappearance of the centre of support to Portuguese navigation between the Indian and Pacific Oceans. Macao then saw itself compelled to find a relationship in that area and so enlisted the support of Siam.

Tratado de amizade, commmercio e navegação / entre, os Reinos de Portugal e Siam (Treaty of Frienship, Commerce and Navigation / /between, the Kingdoms of Portugal and Siam). Bi-lingual English and Thai version. Manuscripts. Folio n. n. with Official Royal seals of Thailand -- verso.

Macao's trade with Tonkin, Cochin-China,Siam, Cambodia, Makassar, Indonesia, Timor and Solor continued without interruption, unscathed in trade with Japan, in 1639, and later with Manila, in 1643.

Considering that only the Portuguese were allowed access to Guangzhou, foreigners came to Macao for supplies. During Periods of instability, especially from 1604 to 1644 trade with Guangzhou was interrupted and the City of Macao underwent a critical phase. But, in return for the help given against the Chinese pirates on the Southern coasts, the traditional circuit of supply in the area of the estuary of the Pearl river was restored, where the only foreigners allowed were the Portuguese from Macao, and this so until 1685. The Chinese Authorities earned income from this trade through Customs control, which was becoming more and more expensive and, after successive measures taken in 1597, they ended by setting up a Customs House -- the Haiguan [Hopu] -- in the area of Praia Pequena, in 1688.

During the seventeenth century, the population and the pressure of the Chinese Authorities in Macao steadily began to grow (the latter mainly from 1644).

With China's constant imposition of requirements (normative and financial), new taxes were levied on the population of Macao and conflicts of various kinds developed (Political, Religious, Economic, etc.). So as to ride out these difficult situations, Portugal sent three Embassies to Beijing: one in 1667, whose Ambassador was Manuel de Saldanha, another in 1726, led by Alexandre Mettelo de Sousa e Menezes and the third in 1752, led by Fr. Assis Pacheco de Sampaio, but all proved to be futile.

This situation continued until the affirmation of an effective established Colonial Domination, which took place only with Governor Ferreira do Amaral (1846-1849), who had the benefit of a favourable International situation and which was dependent on an external factor--mainly with regard to the United Kingdom -- brought about by the Military defeat of China, in the Opium War. 22

From the end of the eighteenth century, the City began to grow, not only through the constant silting up, which naturally or artificially gave more land, but also through the uncontrollable influx of people -- from China in the main -- making the City more and more crowded and totally and utterly changed.

Tratado de amizade, commmercio e navegação / entre, os Reinos de Portugal e Siam (Treaty of Frienship, Commerce and Navigation / /between, the Kingdoms of Portugal and Siam). Bi-lingual English and Thai version. Manuscript sheet with Royal seal of the King of Thailand Folio n. n. -- recto.

2.6. CONCLUSION

Macao was the first permanent trading-post between the East and West. In the beginning it was almost only commercial in nature but, in the course of the years, Cultural and Religious as well.

Macao continued to be the only port along the Chinese coast open to International navigation up until the end of the Opium War (1839-1842), when the "five-ports" of the Treaty23: Guangzhou, Amoy, Fu-chou, Ningpo and Shanghai, -- were opened to foreign Powers, and that of Hong Kong granted to the British, on the 29th of August, 1842. By the Treaties of Tianjin24 -- confirmed only in 1860, by the Beijing Convention25 -- it may be said that China was obliged to enter the European concert of Nations, ie: to have an 'equal footing' in the community of Nations.

Macao could finally make itself heard directly in Beijing without the misleading mediation of the Authorities of Guangzhou. The Portuguese Crown then tried to define a Politico-Legal status for the Territory of Macao by signing a Treaty with China. This is how, in 1862, a Treaty of Friendship and Trade was signed between Portugal and China, but was not ratified. So, the need to define a definitive status for Macao continued to be felt and finally, in 1887, a Second Treaty was signed with China, this one being ratified in 1888: in this Treaty, Dominion in Macao was recognized by China, ie: Portugal was guaranteed the definitive Possession of the Territory of Macao.

Donation, payment of Territorial dues or Territorial usurpation -- one thing is certain: the situation of Macao perpetuated for over four centuries and the Portuguese who settled in Macao since the sixteenth century developed forms of Administration and Sovereignty that are very much Portuguese in style, and range from the organization of the Municipal Power -- the Senado da Câmara (Senate of the Town Hall), subsequently called the Leal Senado (Senate) -- to the Judiciary (1587) and central Power -- initially with the Captain-General and later, the Governor.

Now, it was reportedly the existence of parallel Juridico-Institutional legitimacies in Macao that made it possible to maintain this situation, as well as the centuries-old coexistence between the Portuguese and Chinese, as a result of the understanding, sometimes tacit sometimes explicit, between the two peoples.

For a very long time Macao has been the meeting point between two distinct Civilizations, or rather, between two Worlds apart.

II - ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FIRST RELATIONS BETWEEN THE TWO PEOPLES

§1. SIAM AND MACAU

1.1. FIRST CONTACTS BETWEEN THE PORTUGUESE AND SIAMESE

According to Gaspar Correia26 the first contacts between the Portuguese and Siamese seem to date back to the beginning of the sixteenth century with the dispatch of Duarte Fernandes, by Afonso de Albuquerque, to the King of Siam, in order to establish ties of friendship. Also Fernão Lopes de Castanheda mentions this event, as well as the fact that the King of Siam sent an Ambassador to Afonso de Albuquerque. 27

This is how trade relations are supposed to have begun between Portugal and Siam.

According to João de Barros, Afonso de Albuquerque presumably sent another Mission to Siam, whose Ambassador reportedly was António de Miranda d'Azevedo. 28 In a Letter from Rui de Brito Patalim to Afonso de Albuquerque, it is stated that:

"The Ambassadors of the King of Siam arrived with António de Miranda [...]", thus bearing out the dispatch of that Ambassador. It is quite odd that after mentioning the good reception extended to him in this Mission that the said Captain of Malacca should refer to a Letter written by Afonso de Albuquerque to the King of Siam, in which the former promised him the "Government of Malacca." To that he is supposed to have replied that "[...] it would have been so, if his help had come before the taking over of Malacca."29

It seems possible to conclude that Afonso de Albuquerque may have sought to enlist the support of the King of Siam, who claimed suzerainty over Malacca.

The occupation of Malacca went presumably unchallenged by the King of Siam, in all likelihood because this King was perpetually at war with Chiang Mai, defending the Northern frontier, and so not very interested in the prospect of a war with the Portuguese. 30 Also Gaspar Correia talks about the dispatch of Messengers by the King of Siam (in 1514), who came to Goa by land, "[...] requesting the Governor for confirmation of friendship and safety for their boats to do trade with Malacca and in other parts." These Ambassadors brought along with them a Letter from a certain Manuel Fragoso who, at that time, happened to be in Siam "dealing with things of the factor [Captain] of Malacca". The former was called upon to stay in Siam in order to prepare a Report on its trade, its customs and habits and the conditions of its ports. 31 For his part, Albuquerque mentions the dispatch of this Manuel Fragoso along with António de Miranda to the King of Siam in order to prepare for him a book of all "[...] [and] the things, goods [...] of the land." According to some authors, the book was brought and handed over to Afonso de Albuquerque, in the City of Goa, in January 1514, where he also met with the Ambassadors of the Kings of Pegu and Siam. Manuel Fragoso also brought along a Letter from Rui de Brito Patalim, Captain of Malacca, "[...] in which he gave an account of the situation."32

In another Letter to King Dom Manuel I of Portugal, dated August 1518, the Captain of Malacca, Afonso Lopes da Costa, indicated that Duarte Coelho would be sent to Siam "[...] from whose voyage much gain is expected, and all in good understanding, as he was dissatisfied with this City." According to the same Letter, this dissatisfaction was caused by the fact that Rui de Brito Patalim -- former Captain of Malacca -- had ordered that Kedah, which belonged to that King, be burnt. 33 It goes on then to say that the King of Siam was Lord of Malacca and "[...] the greatest there is in these parts, possessing a great deal of wealth and a great abundance of supplies, which now is the principal merchandise for this City."34

This is where it is seen how beneficial it was for the Portuguese to invest in good relations with this Kingdom.

This Embassy seems to have been successful, for João de Barros specifically mentions that, in 1518, Dom Aleixo de Meneses sent Duarte Coelho, to Siam -- where he had already been with António de Miranda -- where once again the Portuguese were welcome. 35 Now, some scholars conclude that this may be the time when the first Luso-Siamese Treaty was signed, perhaps based on a warm reception and in the spirit of religious tolerance demonstrated by the Siamese King Rama Thibodi II. 36

The Consul of Portugal in Siam, António Feliciano Marques Pereira, in his "Report of 1881" explicitly states that with the Embassy of Duarte Coelho, in 1518, the first Treaty of Friendship and Trade between Portugal and Siam37 was signed. For his part, E. W. Hutchinson also says that, in 1516, the first Treaty was signed between "[...] Siam and a Western state, [...] where Portugal obtained permission[...] to trade in Ayutthaya and other ports of Siam."38

A. R. Wood mentions that through this Treaty the Portuguese were allowed not only to reside but also to trade in Ayutthaya, Tennessarim, Mergui, Pattani, and Nakhon Si Thammarat (Ligor). 39

So it can be seen that the Policy launched by Afonso de Albuquerque seeking to establish good relations with the neighbouring Kingdoms of Malacca were aimed at enabling the Portuguese to trade in peace in that Region.

Siam, an agricultural Country, needed trade; on the one hand, it had a lot of wealth which attracted other people. This is mentioned in the Chronicles and Documents of the time.

Duarte Barbosa, in his description of the Kingdom of Siam, says that "[...] it is a very big Kingdom called 'Anseão' and whose King is the greatest Lord." He indicates the main riches of the Kingdom and refers to the good sea ports it has, which go "from this coast as far as the other, which from Malacca goes towards China." He particularly draws attention to the Cities of Tenasserim and Kedah, whose chillies they took to Malacca and China. 40

Tomé Pires begins by stating that Siam had many good ports and many foreign merchants. He enumerated its wealth, especially its supplies which formerly were carried to Malacca in "[...] more than thirty junks per year." However, the Siamese did not directly trade with Malacca for more than twenty-two years because of the revolt of their King against their subjection (as vassal of the King of Siam). 41

In a Letter written by Rui de Brito Patalim, he mentions the good reception extended to the Ambassadors the King of Siam sent to Malacca and draws attention to the wealth of this Kingdom, also mentioning the fact that for very many years the Siamese did not sail to Malacca. 42

João de Barros considered the King of Siam to be the second most important in those parts of Asia, next to the "King of China."43

Fernão Lopes de Castenheda, after mentioning the size of this Kingdom and its good ports, enumerates its wealth, such as: gold, silver, benzoin, sealing wax, tin, musk and many supplies. 44

Fernão Mendes Pinto describes the "[...] greatness, abundance, wealth and fertility [...] of the Kingdom of Siam and the Sornau Empire."45 He also talks about Siam as a place where Portuguese traders sought refuge and spend the Winter because of the Northeast monsoon, which makes sailing difficult and dangerous in the China Sea. 46

It may be noted that the policy of good neighbourliness which the Portuguese developed with Siam was for numerous reasons: the dependence of Malacca on the rice and food supplies which came from Siam, the general lack of knowledge of the Military and Naval Power of the Siamese, and also the desire not to make another Military adversary in the Region.

1.2. SETTLING OF THE PORTUGUESE IN SIAM

Of all the European Nations, the Portuguese were the first to arrive in Siam. They brought basically three things to Siam: technological advances and Military technique, the technique of modem Warfare and the expertise construction of defensive fortifications. 47

From the very earliest contacts between the Portuguese and Siamese, the prospect of Military help may have played a very important role in the relations between Siam and the Portuguese Authorities in the East, who in exchange for this help, sought to guarantee the favourable disposition of the important Kingdom of Southeast Asia with regard to their stay in the Region. The Portuguese undertook to supply weapons and ammunitions: the King of Siam, for his part, was supposed to make it easy for the Portuguese to settle and trade in the Country and grant them religious freedom. 48

At that time, King Rama Thibodi II, was at war with Chiang Mai. The pact with the Portuguese was advantageous. The King, with a huge number of fire-arms and an auxiliary Portuguese contingent, launched an offensive against Chiang Mai and totally defeated its force in Lampang, with this Kingdom then remaining quiet for some years. 49

In addition, the Portuguese very often provided the Siamese with Military help against the Burmese, for which they were granted a piece of land in which to settle. 50

Thus came about the "Campo Português" ("Portuguese Precint"), in Ayutthaya.

1.2.1. MERCENARIES AND ADVENTURERS

Between 1516 and 1538 many Portuguese settled in Siam. In 1516, for instance, Manuel Falcão established a trading post in Patani, in a Malay Kingdom on the East coast of the Malay peninsula which was under Siamese rule. 51

Borommaracha IV, (r.1529-†1533), was deposed by his uncle King Phrachai (r.1534-†1546) who thus ascended the throne. After 1534, the number of Portuguese in Siam rose considerably and, in 1538, one-hundred-and-twenty of them formed the personal guard of the King and instructed the Siamese in the use of European firearms. These Artillery men were incorporated in the Military hierarchy as "specialists in Artillery" with appropriate Official Titles. 52 King Phrachai is supposed to have been converted to Christianity, in 1544, by a Portuguese merchant, António de Paiva, who christened him (with the name of Dom João) and his family. 53

Main façade of the building of the Portuguese Legation, in Bangkok, 1918.

Black-and-white Photograph. 25.0 cm x 18.0 cm.

In: Processo da Administração Civil, caixa [box] 132, (P-6408).

Arquivo Histórico de Macau (Historical Archive of Macao), Macao.

Fernão Mendes Pinto also mentions an Embassy sent by the Captain of Malacca, Pero de Faria in 1540, whose purpose was to free a certain Domingos de Seixas who had been held prisoner in Siam for twenty-three years, and who had been sent by Ambassador Francisco de Castro, who was very well received by the King of Siam, who satisfied the request of the King Dom João III of Portugal, by handing over Domingos de Seixas and some sixteen other Portuguese who were also held prisoners 54

In 1523, this Domingos de Seixas was in Tenasserim, in order to buy food supplies for the Portuguese fortress of Pacem, where he was imprisoned with some sixteen Portuguese who happened to be there too. According to Barros, they were taken to the King of Siam who is said to have put them in the Siamese Armada because of their knowledge of Artillery and for having taken part in the wars waged by this King against his neighbours. Domingos de Seixas was reportedly appointed Captain of the Royal troops, thus becoming by force of circumstances a true "soldier of fortune."55

In 1545 and 1546, King Phrachai was once again involved in serious hostilities with Chiang Mai, and used the services of Portuguese mercenaries in the campaign against Chiang Mai. These Portuguese fought against Burma with such good results that the King granted them special trade and housing privileges. 56

It may be noted that also on the side of the King of Burma there were Portuguese involved in the fighting. In those days the Portuguese as true "soldiers of fortune" fought for whoever they could.

After the assassination of the usurper King Phrachai, Siam faced a Period of great internal instability and, in 1548, the King's step-brother ascended to the throne with the name of Chakkraphat. In 1549, the King of Burma invaded Siam and laid siege to Ayutthaya. The Capital was defended by the Portuguese who were some fifty in number and whose Captain was Diogo Pereira, a merchant who, at that time, was in Ayutthaya with "a boat of his" so he could do trade there. 57

The Portuguese merchants, very often were forced to take up arms, not only to please the Kings, but also to defend their possessions and life.

In 1569, the King of Burma once again attacked and conquered Siam and Chiang Mai, putting Maha Tammaracha on the throne as King of Ayutthaya, which became a vassal State of the former. The Cambodians seized this opportunity and invaded Siam several times over. These spoliations, which the Siamese suffered at the hands of the Khmer, led the Burmese to allow the reinforcement of their Armada and fortifications. In 1580, the walls of Ayutthaya-- which in 1550 had been replaced with bricks with the help of the Portuguese -- were pulled down and rebuilt so as to be stronger than ever before. 58

In 1584, Prince Naresuan (the "Black Prince") shook off the yoke of Burma and pushed back the invaders, withstanding attacks made by the Burmese, on Ayutthaya, in 1586-1587, which ended in the Battle of Nong Sarai, in 1593, which consolidated the independence of Siam from Burma. 59

King Thammarach (r. 1569-†1590) continued to buy cannons from foreigners. So, when King Naresuan (r. 1590-†1605) began his campaigns for the Political consolidation of the Kingdom of his father, after the successful restoration of independence from Burmese Domination, the Siamese Royal Armada was already very well trained in the use of firearms in their Military operations. 60

In 1594, King Naresuan invaded Cambodia taking many Spanish and Portuguese prisoners in Lowek, among whom was Diogo Veloso. In Siam, where the prisoners were held, this Diogo Veloso succeeded in gaining the confidence of King Naresuan and, towards the end of 1594, he left for Manila with a Siamese Ambassador on the pretext of acquiring arms there, but he managed to get rid of this Ambassador in Malacca and resumed his position at the service of the King of Cambodia. 61

It must be noted that many Rulers placed great confidence in these mercenaries, which made it possible for them, in some cases, to rapidly rise in the Military and Political hierarchy of these States. In others, it was the acquisition of trade benefits for those merchants who eventually were compelled to take up arms for the Siamese Kings (and others).

The Letter of Martim Afonso de Melo de Castro to the King [of Portugal], from Goa, dated the 12th of December 1565, say:

"Do you know, your Majesty that in China, Pegu, Bengal, Orissa and Siam, that in all these places more than two-thousand lost men out of your Majesty's service, with no solution to their life in India, are wandering about, and there are several others who mix with the Moors and have become Moors."62

It is common knowledge that at that time many Portuguese who had been to "parts of India" in search of fortune, not finding what they were looking for there, spread all over the East in search of riches they dreamed of. They were adventurers, traders, mercenaries, at the mercy of circumstances and demands made on them by the places in which they trod.

We believe this is what happened in Siam.

1.2.2. MISSIONARIES

The seventeenth century was rife with various conflicts upsetting the local environment, and among them were those of the Religious Order. Here are some of those cases.

In 1566, the Portuguese Dominicans Fr. Jerónimo da Cruz and Fr. Sebastião do Canto were the first priests to come out to Siam, at the behest of the Vicar of Malacca, Fr. Fernando de Sta. Maria. 63

The Moors of Siam killed Fr. Jerónimo and wounded his companion who was looked after by the Portuguese who resided there. When the King of Siam came to know of what happened he ordered that the guilty parties be punished, but Fr. Sebastião interceded on their behalf to the 'Barcalão' [local Honourable]. After these incidents Fr. Sebastião do Canto remained in Siam where he was particularly favoured by King Chakkraphat, and brought from Malacca two more priests of this Congregation to help him. In 1569, these three priests were also killed by the Burmese, when they laid siege to Ayutthaya. At the request of the Vicar Malacca, Fr. Fernando, the Father General of the Dominicans in Goa, Fr. Francisco de Abreu sent other priests to Siam, but between 1569 and 1573, during the war which led Siam to its independence from Burma (1569-1590), they were forced to return. 64

When King Naresuan invaded Cambodia, taking Lowek in 1594, he took prisoners to Ayutthaya, among whom were the Portuguese Dominicans, Fr. Silvestre, who was already in Cambodia, and also Fr. Jorge da Mota and Fr. Luís da Fonseca, who had arrived a little earlier for the Mission of Cambodia. Fr. Jorge da Mota was in favour with the King of Siam, who at his request, freed the Portuguese, with the priests remaining in Siam, from where they wrote, in 1599, to the Father General Fr. Jerónimo de S. Domingos, expressing the desire this King showed to have them in his company. 65 Along with these prisoners also went the first Portuguese Franciscans to Siam: Fr. Gregório, Fr. António da Madelena and Fr. Damião da Torre. At the end of 1582, Fr. Agostinho de Tordesilhas and Fr. João Pobre were sent from Macao to Siam, but they returned to Macao only a few months later because Fr. Agostinho de Tordesilhas became ill. 66

In the meantime, in 1583, the Franciscans from Manila arrived in Macao and three of them went to Siam. Fr. Jerónimo de Aguilar, Fr. Francisco de Montilha and Fr. Diogo Jimenez. They were ones to return to Manila a few months later because of the invasion of Siam by the Burmese.

In 1600, Fr. Jorge de Mota was sent to Malacca as Ambassador of the King of Siam, but as he passed away at sea. Fr. Luís da Fonseca, who was also in favour with the King, was killed by "a powerful Moor", in the church itself, on the 21st of March 1600. 67

In the meantime, King Naresuan, after the pacification of his Kingdom, seeing that the Portuguese for two or three years did not go to Siam and considering the interest this had with the Treaty of Malacca and China, sent a Letter to Malacca asking for the Franciscan priests preferably Portuguese. Fr. André do Espírito Santo was chosen and he left for Malacca with the Embassy sent by Captain Fernão de Albuquerque from the King of Portugal to the King of Siam. 68 Since he was well received by the King, he built a Church there, and lived for many years in Siam. Fr. André de Santa Maria, as Vicar, and Fr. António Madalena of the same Religious Order seem to have come to this Kingdom later. 69

In 1606, the first Jesuit, Fr. Baltazar Sequeira, arrived in Siam, at the behest of the Society of Jesus' Provincial in India, Fr. Gaspar Fernandes, and there he founded the first Residence of the Jesuits. 70

In 1625, Jesuits Pedro Morejon, António Cardim and the Japanese Fr. Romão Nixi, left Macao for Siam, where they arrived in March 1626. Fr. Giulio Cesar Margico was sent as Superior of the Mission, in 1627. But, with the incidents between the Spanish and the Siamese escalating in 1628 worsened by the internal instability in Siam, which was followed by the death of King Songtam, the missionaries saw themselves compelled to withdraw. 71

Still more priests were sent to the Mission in Siam: Fr. José de Santa Maria and Fr. Simão dos Anjos, born in India, but the former died during the voyage. They were followed by Fr. João de S. Gonçalo, as Vicar, and Fr. Francisco da Fonseca. In the years that followed, other priests came along, thus increasing the Christendom of Siam, where a lot of people communed among themselves as best they could after the loss of Malacca, so that the Vicar, Fr. Luís do Rosário, built another Church in which the Brotherhood of the Holy Rosary was established. 72

In 1655, in Macao, at the request of the Japanese Christians, the Visitor of the Society of Jesus, Fr. Sebastião da Maia, sent to Siam Fr. Tomás Valguarnera, and thus founded the second Residence of the Jesuits (1655-1709).

In 1659, Fr. João Cardoso was sent from Macao to Siam, as he had worked as a missionary in Tenessarim until the end of 1663, then left for Ayutthaya as Superior of the Mission of Siam. He was succeeded by Fr. Joseph Tissanier who arrived there with Frs. André Gomes (a Portuguese), and Pierre Albeir (a French), in 1664. 73 In 1675, he was succeeded as Superior by Fr. Valguarnera, who arrived there from Macao. Since this Fr. passed away, in 1677. He was succeeded as Superior by Fr. João Baptista Maldonado until 1691 (when he came from Macao to Siam, in 1673). In 1691, the Visitor of the Jesuits, Fr. Aleixo Coelho, arrived in Ayutthaya from Macao, appointing Fr. António Dias as the new Superior. He was followed by Fr. Gaspar da Costa who was alone from 1703 up until his death, in 1709. 74

Once the Societé des Missions Étrangères, of Paris, came into being, it began to interfere in areas where the right of the Portuguese Ecclesiastical Patronage was exerted, such as Tonkin, Siam, China and Cochin-China. The disagreement took on particularly violent tones when the Holy See decided to appoint Apostolic Vicars dependent only on the Pope and not on any patronage. 75

Portugal protested, but considering the situation of inferiority in which It was -- the Holy See did not recognize Its Independence in 1640 and only would do so in 1668 -- Its voice went unheeded and, in 1658, the first Apostolic Vicars were appointed to supervise the Missions "[...]of Tonkin and Cochin China, as well as those of the neighbouring Countries."76

After several conflicts the Portuguese Jurisdiction over Siam was abolished. Since the missionaries of the Society of Jesus were protected by King Phra Narai and by his Minister, Constantino Phaulkon, from then on Portugal saw its influence in Siam dwindle.

1.3. TRADE, DIPLOMATIC AND/OR RELIGIOUS RELATIONS

Despite everything, however, contacts between the two peoples continued.

As soon as the King Ekathotsarat (r.1606-†1620), rose to the throne of Siam, upon the death of his brother (King Naresuan), he wrote to the Viceroy of the Portuguese State of India, Dom Aleixo de Menezes, requesting that trade relations be resumed. The tradesman Tristão Golaio, then in Meliapor, went to Siam, taking along with him the Jesuit Fr. Baltasar Sequeira. 77

In 1616, an Embassy from King Songtam arrived, from Siam, in Goa. In return, Viceroy Dom Jerónimo de Azevedo sent an Ambassador, Fr. Francisco da Anunciação, a Dominican friar, who had already lived there for many years, thus resuming trade between the Portuguese and Siamese, as well as the entry of priests. 78

In order to avoid any delay in negotiations regarding trade with Malacca, Fr. André Pereira, S. J. -- who had been Dean of the College of Malacca from 1608 to 1609 -- was sent to Ayutthaya, in 1619, in order to discuss the Peace Treaty with the King of Siam, along with the Visitor of the Diocese of Meliapor, Constantino Falcão and Gaspar Pacheco de Mesquita, "[...] a married man and resident in Cochin."79

In the meantime, because of the Dutch and English, not only did trade stop but also the entry of missionaries to Siam. However, unofficial trade relations seem to have continued up until 1633.

In 1630, the old Siamese Dynasty of Maha Tammarach was replaced with the new Dynasty of Prasattong. Siam was at war with Portugal -- a leftover of King Songtam, because of the holding of a Dutch ship by the Portuguese -- where King Prasattong sent a Letter to the Governor of the Philippines (Portugal being under Spanish dominion from 1580 to 1640) expressing the wish to see ties of friendship with the Portuguese renewed. 80 With the arrival of a Portuguese Envoy to Ayutthaya, in 1633, the war between the two Countries Officially ended.

In 1636, the King of Siam sent an Embassy to the Governor of the Philippines, in return for the visit of the Portuguese Envoy. In 1639, the Governor of Macao, Dom Sebastião Lobo da Silveira, sent an Ambassador to that Kingdom, "[...] a married man and resident of Macao, Francisco de Aguiar Evangelho," who was instrumental in renewing the trade relations as well as a request of the priests on behalf of the King of Siam. The Vicar of the of Macao, Fr. António de S. Domingos, decided to go with Fr. Jacinto Ximenes and in the company of the Ambassador, to Siam, where they arrived in 1640. Once again, there was opposition from some Siamese Ministers, provoked by the Dutch, and mainly by a chincheo. 81

We can see, therefore, that other European Nations began to be interested in this Region. Indeed, foreign rivals appeared in Siam during the seventeenth century, first the Dutch, then the English and later the French.

Let us look at some of the main aspects of these rivalries. Relations between Siam and the Dutch East India Company (VOC) had begun in 1604 and, since then, the influence of the Portuguese in Siam began to wane, just as in India and Malaysia, when other Western Nations appeared on the scene. 82

In 1612, the English arrived in Pattani, where they opened a trading post, then moved on to Ayutthaya where they were received by King Song Tham. Here, also the British East India Company (EIC) set up another trading post. 83

In 1621, the Danish arrived but only traded in Mergui and did not set up any trading post in Ayutthaya.

In 1641, the fall of Malacca took place, with the commercial hegemony of the Portuguese being passed on definitively to the Dutch. In 1660, in their turn, the Portuguese were expelled from Makassar by the Dutch. As a result, at the beginning of 1661, more than two-hundred Portuguese had left not only for Macao and Timor, but also for Siam, in the ships of Francisco Vieira, a wealthy merchant who traded in the Far East. In June of the same year, another one-hundred-and-ten Portuguese left on a Dutch boat, for Siam and other places. 84

In 1662, the French missionaries arrived and they were well received by King Phra Narai (r.1656-†1688). Although the French showed interest in trade with Siam, it was only in 1685 that the first Embassy, of King Louis XIV, arrived in Ayutthaya to begin trade relations between the two Kingdoms. 85 King Narai is said to have turned to the French in order to diminish the influence of the Dutch in Siam, considering that they were enemies in Europe, where they fought each other.

In 1683, an Ambassador of the King of Portugal, Pedro Vaz de Sequeira, went from Macao to Siam, to ask King Phra Narai for protection for his missionaries, but to no avail. 86

In 1686, the boat Royal Eagle of the King of Siam left for the City of Macao with a Letter from Constantino Falcão in which he asked for exemption of Duties for the "King's Estates."87 On the 28th of August 1686, the Senate met to discuss Falcão's request. It decided to collect Duties on these Estates, as if it were collecting taxes for the boats of the local residents, for in Siam those from Macao also paid Duties. 88

On the 20th of June 1687, the Senate met once again with Captain-General António de Mesquita Pimentel in order to discuss the entry to the port of Macao of two Siamese warships, which had been to Cambodia to expel Chinese pirates and had brought along some of them as prisoners. The Senate decided not to allow them into the port so as to avoid further problems with the Mandarins. 89

In 1688, the following year, the Senate discussed the possibility of sending a "Boat to the Kingdom of Siam" because of the death of its King, since "[...] this City is in need of friendship and ties with the sovereign Kingdom[...] and the obligations which the Portuguese Nation owes it, principally to this City."90

In 1670, King Phra Narai, gave a loan to the Senate of Macao, at its' request, as its "resources were exhausted."

But the situation of Macao was such -- due to the constant increase in pressure from the Mandarins (plunders, demands for money, etc.) -- that the payment of this debt dragged on for very many years, in successive instalments, when finally, in 1722, the final instalment was paid-up. 91

In1767, after the destruction of Ayutthaya Phya Taksin conquered the little port of Thonburi on the west coast of the river Chao Phrya, where the new Capital was established. Having set up his base, he set out to conquer various other places, attempting to re-establish central Authority by having his rivals submit to him in 1768, to the Portuguese who fought by his side, he gave a piece of land in the new Capital, where they settled and built the Church of Santa Cruz de Thonburi. 92 With the rising to Power of King Rama Thibodi I -- the Capital was transferred to Bangkok, a little below Dhonburi on the East coast of the river Chao Phrya. During his Reign, he is supposed to have offered the Governor of the Portuguese State of India land "to establish a trading post" as is told by the Consul of Portugal in Siam, António Feliciano Marques Pereira, in his Report, of March the 1st 1881. 93

This does not seem to have happened, however, because of the opposition of the Society of Jesus being well established in Siam at the time.

According to other accounts, in 1786, the Portuguese and their descendents settled in Bangkok on a piece of land donated by the Siamese King which was called Campo do Rosário (Rosary Field), where they built the Church of Our Lady of the Rosary. 94

After the destruction of Ayutthaya, Siam entered a Period of revolutions and wars which went on for over forty years. As a result of the French Revolution and the Napoleonic Wars in Europe -- which also had their impact on Macao, especially with the English threat -- relations between Siam and the European Nations were interrupted. 95

It was only later in the nineteenth century relations between Macao, and consequently Portugal, and Siam, would be resumed.

1.4. CONCLUSION

The Portuguese were not the first Europeans to arrive in Siam, since others had been there, such as: Marco Polo who, in 1292, visited the Southern part of Siam and the Venitian Nicolo di Conti also who there, around 1430. However, the Portuguese were the first to settle in Ayutthaya and establish Official relations with the Kingdom of Siam.

Relations between the Portuguese and Siamese Authorities were not always smooth. There were cases in which disagreements and conflicts developed, especially for commercial reasons. On the whole, however, the Portuguese did not interfere in the complex and feigned politics in the Court of Ayutthaya, and devoted themselves to their mercantile activities, acting as mercenaries, or preaching the Gospel, until the destruction of the Court of Ayutthaya, in 1767.

They gave their contribution as "soldiers of fortune" with the help which, very often, they lent the various Siamese Kings in their frequent wars with the Burmese. Later, in return, they were given a piece of land, first in Thonburi and, after in Bangkok, thus continuing the long tradition of Portuguese presence in Siam, which had begun around three centuries before in Ayutthaya.

Translated from the Portuguese by: Zoe Copeland

Revised by: Maria José d'Abreu

CHINESE GLOSSARY

Dunmen 吨门

Haidao 海道

Haiguan [Hopu] 海关

Haojing 豪镜

Wangbo 汪柏

Xiangshan 香山

NOTES

1 LOMBARD, Denys, Pour une histoire des Villes du Sud-Est Asiatique, in "Annales" ESC, July/Aug. 1970, pp.850-854.

2 VALLIBHOTAMA, Srisakara, Ayutthaya as a Capital, in "Ayutthaya Historical Centre", Bangkok, Allied Printers, 1990, p.22.

3 HARRISON, Brian, South East Asia. A Short History, London, MacMillan Press, 1968, pp.36-40.

4 BHAMORABUTR, Abha, Ban Chiang, the Unexpected Prehistoric Civilization in Thailand, Bangkok, 1988, pp.1-3, 14-16.

5 CADY, John F., Southeast Asia: its Historical Development. New Delhi, T. M. H. Editions, 1976, pp.143-145.

6 DISKUL, M. C. Subhadradis, Art in Thailand: A Brief History, Bangkok, Amarin Printing Group, 1991, pp.4-9.

7 HALL, D. G., A History of Southeast Asia, London, MacMillan Press, 1981, pp.182-184.

8 Ibidem., pp.185-188.

9 POMBEJRA, Dhiravat na, Ayutthaya and its External Relations, in "Ayutthaya Historical Centre", Bangkok, Allied Printers, 1990, pp.59-65.

10 Thailand in the 80s (Revised Edition of Thailand into the 80s), Bangkok, Editorial Board, 1984, pp.44, 91 -- Thai Culture is broadly subdivided into two major forms of expression: the Classical Culture of the Court and the Popular Culture of the people, which are distinct yet complementary, the latter reflecting the formal and complex structure and etiquette of the Court with a strong Indian influence.

11 KONGCHANA, Plubplung, Ayutthaya as a Port City, in "Ayutthaya Historical Centre", Bangkok, Allied Printers, 1990, p.38.

12 SARAYA, Dhida, Ayutthaya as a Centralized State, in "Ayutthaya Historical Centre", Bangkok, Allied Printers, 1990, pp.59-61.

13 POMBEJRA, Dhiravat na, Ayutthaya and its External Relations, in "Ayutthaya Historical Centre", Bangkok, Allied Printers, 1990, pp. 109-114.

14 Thailand in the 80s (Revised Edition of Thailand into the 80s), Bangkok, Editorial Board, 1984, pp.43-46.

15 Ibidem., pp.53-54.

16 BRAGA, José Maria, Tamão dos Pioneiros Portugueses, Macau, Tipografia do Orfanato Salesiano, 1939.

17 BRAGA, José Maria, The Western Pioneers and their Discovery of Macao, Macau, Imprensa Nacional, 1949.

18 COATES, Austin, Macau. Calçadas da História, Macau, Instituto Cultural de Macau, 1991.

19 From 1628 to 1633, for example, there were three Captain-Generals, in Macao.

20 Estado da Índia (Portuguese State of India) -- Designation given to the Portuguese Dominions which ranged from the Cape of Good Hope up to the Far East, whose Powers (Political, Economic, Judicial, etc.) were delegated by the King of Portugal to the Viceroys and Governors of the Portuguese State of India, from 1505.

21 Question of the Rites -- Dissensions between the Clergy, the Governor and Bishop against the Senate and Jesuits (1709). Situation resolved only in 1720, with Cardinal Mezzabarba (Delegate of Pope Clement XI).

22 Opium War -- Conflict between China and the United Kingdom, between 1839 and 1842, following the prohibition of the sale of opium in China, whose trade was carried out by the English. According to the Treaty of Nanjing of the 29th of August 1842, the so-called "five ports" of the Treaty were opened to Western Powers and Hong Kong was granted to the United Kingdom. Militarily defeated, the formerly powerful Chinese Empire entered a new phase of great external dependence -- especially on the English -- which was to end only in this century.

23 See: Note.7 supra.

24 Treaties of Tianjin -- Negotiated separately with England, France, the United States and Russia, in 1858, in the wake of Second Anglo-Chinese War, also known as the 2nd Opium War. These Treaties may be regarded as one single Treaty due to the accord of 'most favoured Nation' for all of them.

25 Beijing Convention -- Signed after the entry into Beijing of the English and French troops, in 1860, which put an end to the Second Anglo-Chinese War. Along with the Treaties of Tianjin, they are known as the Second Treaty of the Establishment. By virtue of these Treaties, China was compelled to grant more concessions to the Western Powers, in Beijing -- which is what happened for the first time in the History of China! -- who thus came to have direct contacts with the Imperial Court. More ports were opened to foreign trade, the opium trade was legalized and so was the trade of coolies, etc.

26 CORREIA, Gaspar, Lendas da Índia, Porto, Lello & Irmãos, 1975, bk.2, vol.2, chap.30, pp.262-263.

27 CASTANHEDA, Fernão Lopes de, História do Descobrimento e Conquista da Índia pelos Portugueses, Porto, Lello & Irmãos, 1979, bk.3, chap.62, pp.649-650.

28 BARROS, João de, Da Ásia. Década III, Lisboa, Livraria Sam Carlos, 1973, bk.2, chap.4, p.149.

29 Carta de Rui de Brito Patalim a D. Afonso de Albuquerque (Malacca, January 6th 1514), in SÁ, Arthur Basílio de, coll. and anot., "Documentos para a História das Missões do Padroado Português do Oriente - Insulíndia", 5 vols., Lisboa, Agência Geral do Ultramar, 1954-1957; 1954, vol.1 [1506-1549], p.43.

30 SMITH, Ronald Bishop, Siam or the History of the Thais from the Earliest Times to 1596 AD, Bethesda/Maryland, Decatur Press, 1966, p.72.

31 CORREIA, Gaspar, Lendas da Índia, Porto, Lello & Irmãos, 1975, bk.2, vol.2, chap.30, p.381.

32 The Commentaries of the Great Afonso D'Albuquerque (translated from the Portuguese edition of 1774), New York, Burt Franklin, 1970, pp.89-90.

33 Carta a El-Rei D. Manuel (Malacca, August 20th 1518), in SÁ, Arthur Basílio de, coll. and anot., "Documentos para a História das Missões do Padroado Português do Oriente - Insulíndia", 5 vols., Lisboa, Agência Geral do Ultramar, 1954-1957; 1954, vol.1 [1506-1549], pp.98-99.

34 Ibidem., p.99.

35 BARROS, João de, Da Ásia. Década III, Lisboa, Livraria Sam Carlos, 1973, bk.2, chap.4, pp.150-151: "[...] quando veo jurar as cousas de paz e amizade [...] em modo de sacramento da nossa religião, arvorou huma grande cruz de pão com as armas deste reino ao pé, no mais notável lugar da Cidade, como memorial e testemunho de paz". ("[...] when he came with promises of peace and friendship [...] as a sacrament of our religion, he bore a large wooden cross with the Coat of Arms of our region at the foot, in the most remarkable place of the City, like a memorial and testimony to peace").

36 Ibidem., p. 150.

37 AHM: Administração Civil, Caixa 6, no296 - Relatório do Cônsul de Portugal em Sião (Bangkok, March 1st 1881).

38 HUTCHINSON, E. W., Adventures in Siam in the Seventeenth Century, Bangkok, D. D. Brooks, 1985, pp.21-22.

39 WOOD, W. A. R., A History of Siam, Bangkok, The Siam Barnavich Press, 1933, p.98 --This date (of 1516) does not agree with that which appears in the Documents quoted, since Duarte Coelho did go to Siam, in 1516, because he encountered bad weather on the Cochin-China coast, along with the Embassy of Tomé Pires to China, which he accompanied.

Also see: BARROS, João de, Da Ásia. Década III, Lisboa, Livraria Sam Carlos, 1973, bk.2, chap.4, p.149.

40 BARBOSA, Duarte, MACHADO, Augusto Reis, intro. and notes, Livro em que se dá relação do que viu e ouviu no Oriente, Lisboa, Agência Geral das Colónias, 1946, pp.199-200.

41 PIRES, Tomé, CORTESÃO, Armando, ed. and notes, A Suma Oriental de Tomé Pires e o Livro de Francisco Rodrigues, Coimbra, Imprensa da Universidade, 1978, pp.242-243.

42 Carta de Rui de Brito Patalim ao Rei (Malacca, January 6th 1514), in SÁ, Arthur Basílio de, coll. and annot., "Documentos para a História das Missões do Padroado Português do Oriente - Insulíndia", 5 vols., Lisboa, Agência Geral do Ultramar, 1954-1957; 1954, vol.1 [ 1506-1549], p.67.

43 BARROS, João de, Da Ásia. Década III, Lisboa, Livraria

Sam Carlos, 1973, bk.2, chap.4, pp.153.

44 CASTANHEDA, Fernão Lopes de, História do Descobrimento e Conquista da Índia pelos Portugueses, Porto, Lello & Irmãos, 1979, bk.3, chap.62, p.648.

45 PINTO, Fernão Mendes, Peregrinação, Porto, Lello & Irmãos, 1984, chap. 189, p.545.

46 CLIFFORD, Hugh, Further India, Bangkok, White Lotus Co., 1900, p.87.

47 RAJANUBHAD, Prince Damrong, The Introduction of Western Culture in Siam, Bangkok, 1925, p. 107.

48 WOOD, W. A. R., A History of Siam, Bangkok, The Siam Barnavich Press, 1933, pp.98-99.

49 Ibidem., p. 100.

50 POMBEJRA, Dhiravat na, Ayutthaya and its External Relations, in "Ayutthaya Historical Centre", Bangkok, Allied Printers, 1990, p. 109.

51 CLIFFORD, Hugh, Further India, Bangkok, White Lotus Co., 1900, p.87.

52 WYATT, David K., Thailand: A Short History, New Haven/Yale, Yale University Press, p.89.

53 SOUSA, Manuel de Faria e, Ásia Portuguesa, 3 vols., Porto, Livraria Civilização, 1945, vol.3, p.127 -- It should be pointed out that these facts are in no way confirmed.

54 PINTO, Fernão Mendes, Peregrinação, Porto, Lello & Irmãos, 1984, chap. 183, pp.525-526.

55 BARROS, João de, Da Ásia. Década III, Lisboa, Livraria Sam Carlos, 1973, bk.8, chap.2, pp.248-259.

56 WOOD, W. A. R., A History of Siam, Bangkok, The Siam Barnavich Press, 1933, pp.102-103.

57 COUTO, Diogo de, Da Ásia. Década VI, Lisboa, Livraria Sam Carlos, 1974, bk.7, chap.9, pp.128-129.

58 WYATT, David K., Thailand: A Short History, New Haven/Yale, Yale University Press, p.100.

59 Ibidem., p.103.

60 WOOD, W. A. R., A History of Siam, Bangkok, The Siam Barnavich Press, 1933, pp.128.

61GROSLIER, Bérnard P., Angkor et le Cambodge au XVIè Siècle d'après les Sources Portugaises et Espagnoles, Paris, Presses Universitaires de France, 1958, pp.38-39.

62 RÊGO, António da Silva, Documentação para a História das Missões do Padroado Português no Oriente, 12 vols., Lisboa, Agência Geral do Ultramar, 1947-1958: 1953, vol.10, p.539.

63 Ibidem., vol.7, p.458.

64 TEIXEIRA, Manuel, Portugal na Tailândia, Macau, Imprensa Nacional, 1983, p.281.

65 RÊGO, António da Silva, Documentação para a História das Missões do Padroado Português no Oriente, 12 vols., Lisboa, Agência Geral do Ultramar, 1947-1958; 1952, vol.7, p.416.

66 TRINDADE, Fr. Paulo da, LOPES, Felix, O. F. M., intro. and notes, Conquista Espiritual do Oriente, 3 vols., Lisboa, Centro de Estudos Históricos Ultramarinos, 1962-1967; Part 3, p.439.

67. RÊGO, António da Silva, Documentação para a História das Missões do Padroado Português no Oriente, 12 vols., Lisboa, Agência Geral do Ultramar, 1947-1958; 1952, vol.7, p.461.

68 TRINDADE, Fr. Paulo da, LOPES, Felix, O. F. M., intro. and notes, Conquista Espiritual do Oriente, 3 vols., Lisboa, Centro de Estudos Históricos Ultramarinos, 1962-1967, Part 3, p.440.

69 Ibidem., p.464.

70 RÊGO, António da Silva, Curso de Missionologia, Lisboa, Agência Geral do Ultramar, 1956, p.584.

71 CERUTTI, P., The Jesuits in Thailand, [t. n. n.], [p. n. n.],, [ n. d.], pp.3-4.

72 RÊGO, António da Silva, Documentação para a História das Missões do Padroado Português no Oriente, 12 vols., Lisboa, Agência Geral do Ultramar, 1947-1958; 1952, vol.7, pp.465-466.

73 TEIXEIRA, Manuel, A Missão Portuguesa no Sião, in "Boletim Eclesiático da Diocese de Macau", Macau, (60) 696, April 1962, pp.338-339.

74 RÊGO, António da Silva, Curso de Missionologia, Lisboa, Agência Geral do Ultramar, 1956, p.584.

75 RÊGO, António da Silva, Lições de Missionologia, in "Estudos de Ciências Políticas e Sociais", Lisboa, (56) 1961, pp.174-175.

76 Ibidem., p.175.

77 WOOD, W. A. R., A History of Siam, Bangkok, The Siam Barnavich Press, 1933, p.159.

78 RÊGO, António da Silva, Documentação para a História das Missões do Padroado Português no Oriente, 12 vols., Lisboa, Agência Geral do Ultramar, 1947-1958; 1952, vol.7, pp.462-463.

79 TEIXEIRA, Manuel, A Missão Portuguesa no Sião, in "Boletim Eclesiático da Diocese de Macau", Macau (60) 696 April 1962, p.330.

80 SYAMANANDA, Rong, History of Thailand, Bangkok, Taiwatana Panich, 1990, p.70.

81 RÊGO, António da Silva, Documentação para a História das Missões do Padroado Português no Oriente, 12 vols., Lisboa, Agência Geral do Ultramar, 1947-1958; 1952, vol.7, pp.463-464 -- This chincheu was a powerful Moor, who made Barlacão see the great damage, in his view, the priests could inflict on the Kingdom by converting the Siamese, as he ordered spies to be put in the Church.

82 SMITH, Ronald Bishop, Siam or the History of the Thais from the Earliest Times to 1596 A. D., Bethesda/Maryland, Decatur Press, 1966, pp.31-32.

83 Ibidem., pp.37-38.

84 BOXER, Charles Ralph, Francisco Vieira de Figueiredo e os Portugueses em Macassar e Timor na Época da Restauração: 1640-1668, Macau, Escola Tipográfica do Orfanato Salesiano, 1940, p.16.

85 SYAMANANDA, Rong, History of Thailand, Bangkok, Taiwatana Panich, 1990, p.77.

86 MARIA, Fr. José de Jesus Maria, anot. BOXER, Charles Ralph, Ásia Sínica e Japónica, 2 vols., Macau, Instituto Cultural de Macau - Centro de Estudos Marítimos de Macau, 1988; vol.2, p.103 -- It was Fr. Vaz de Sequeira himself who, according to Bryan Souza, was chosen by the Crown and the Senate of Macao to act as Emissary of Macao for Siam, the chief goal of his Mission being trade (however, he failed to enlist Siamese support).

Also see: SOUZA, George Bryan, A Sobrevivência do Império: Os Portugueses na China: 1630-1754, Lisboa, Publicações D. Quixote, 1991, p.63.

87 Termo, e assento feito em Junta de homens bons sobre a Nao e fazenda de El-Rei de Siam, que nesta Monção veio a esta Cidade, in "Arquivos de Macau", Macau, 2nd series, (2) I Feb. -March 1941, pp.73-74.

88 Ibidem., p.73.

89 Termo, e assento feito em Junta de homens bons e do Cap. G. desta Cidade, sobre duas Naos, que aportarão a estas ilhas, que disserão serem de El-Rei de Siam, que de Guerra forão ao Porto de Camboja, in "Arquivos de Macau", Macau, 2nd Series, (3) I April-May 1941, pp.153-154.

90 Termo, e assentofeito em Junta de homens bons, sobre se convém mandar Barco ao Reino de Siam, em razão das Revoluçoens do dito Reino, e novo Rei, in "Arquivos de Macau", Macau, 2nd series, (5) I Sept-Oct. 1941, p.275.

91 Carta que a Cidade escreveo p. Siam no anno de 1720, in "Arquivos de Macau", Macau, I (3) Aug. 1929, p. 151.

92 CAMPOS, Joaquim de, A Feitoria de Sião, in "Boletim Ecclesiástico de Macau", Macau, (410) 35 May 1938, p.872.

93 AHM: Administração Civil, Caixa 6, no296 - Relatório do Cônsul de Portugal em Sião (Bangkok, March 1st 1881).

94 TEIXEIRA, Manuel, A Missão Portuguesa no Sião, in "Boletim Eclesiático da Diocese de Macau", Macau, (60) 703, November 1962, p.931.

95 LEITÃO, António Nascimento, OITAVO CONGRESSO DE MEDICINA DO EXTREMO ORIENTE (EIGHTH CONGRESS OF THE FAR EASTERN ASSOCIATION OF TROPICAL MEDECINE), Bangkok, Dec. 1930 -- [Relatório do...], in "Arquivos de Macau", Macau, 2 vols., 4th Series, (7), t.1 and t.2, Jan/Dec. 1987, p. LXIV.

* BA in History. MA candidate on Luso-Asiatic Studies, University of Macao. Bursar of the Fundação Oriente (Orient Foundation). Currently researching on the "Relations between Macao and Siam".

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